The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India

 By

 R. V. Russell Of the Indian Civil Service Superintendent of Ethnography, Central Provinces Assisted by Rai Bahadur Hira Lal Extra Assistant Commissioner

 Published Under the Orders of the Central Provinces Administration

 In Four Volumes Vol. I. 

 Macmillan and Co. , Limited St. Martin's Street, London. 

 1916

PREFACE

This book is the result of the arrangement made by the Governmentof India, on the suggestion of the late Sir Herbert Risley, for thepreparation of an ethnological account dealing with the inhabitantsof each of the principal Provinces of India. The work for the CentralProvinces was entrusted to the author, and its preparation, undertakenin addition to ordinary official duties, has been spread over a numberof years. The prescribed plan was that a separate account shouldbe written of each of the principal tribes and castes, accordingto the method adopted in Sir Herbert Risley's _Tribes and Castes ofBengal_. This was considered to be desirable as the book is intendedprimarily as a work of reference for the officers of Government, whomay desire to know something of the customs of the people among whomtheir work lies. It has the disadvantage of involving a large amountof repetition of the same or very similar statements about differentcastes, and the result is likely therefore to be somewhat distastefulto the ordinary reader. On the other hand, there is no doubt that thismethod of treatment, if conscientiously followed out, will producemore exhaustive results than a general account. Similar works for someother Provinces have already appeared, as Mr. W. Crooke's _Castes andTribes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh_, Mr. Edgar Thurston's_Castes and Tribes of Southern India_, and Mr. Ananta Krishna Iyer'svolumes on Cochin, while a Glossary for the Punjab by Mr. H. A. Rosehas been partly published. The articles on Religions and Sects werenot in the original scheme of the work, but have been subsequentlyadded as being necessary to render it a complete ethnological accountof the population. In several instances the adherents of the religionor sect are found only in very small numbers in the Province, andthe articles have been compiled from standard works. 

In the preparation of the book much use has necessarily been made ofthe standard ethnological accounts of other parts of India, especiallyColonel Tod's _Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan_, Mr. J. D. Forbes'_Rasmala or Annals of Gujarat_, Colonel Dalton's _Ethnology of Bengal_, Dr. Buchanan's _Eastern India_, Sir Denzil Ibbetson's _Punjab CensusReport_ for 1881, Sir John Malcolm's _Memoir of Central India_, SirEdward Gait's _Bengal and India Census Reports_ and article on Castein Dr. Hastings' _Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics_, Colonel(Sir William) Sleeman's _Report on the Badhaks_ and _Ramaseeana orVocabulary of the Thugs, _ Mr. Kennedy's _Criminal Classes of the BombayPresidency_, Major Gunthorpe's _Criminal Tribes of Bombay, Berar andthe Central Provinces_, the books of Mr. Crooke and Sir H. Risleyalready mentioned, and the mass of valuable ethnological materialcontained in the _Bombay Gazetteer _ (Sir J. Campbell), especially theadmirable volumes on _Hindus of Gujarat_ by Mr. Bhimbhai Kirparam, and _Parsis and Muhammadans of Gujarat_ by Khan Bahadur FazlullahLutfullah Faridi, and Mr. Kharsedji Nasarvanji Seervai, J. P. , andKhan Bahadur Bamanji Behramji Patel. Other Indian ethnological worksfrom which I have made quotations are Dr. Wilson's _Indian Caste_(_Times_ Press and Messrs. Blackwood). Bishop Westcott's _Kabir and theKabirpanth_ (Baptist Mission Press, Cawnpore), Mr. Rajendra Lal Mitra's_Indo-Aryans_ (Newman & Co. , Calcutta), _The Jainas_ by Dr. J. G. Bühlerand Mr. J. Burgess, Dr. J. N. Bhattacharya's _Hindu Castes and Sects_(Thacker, Spink & Co. , Calcutta), Professor Oman's _Mystics, Asceticsand Saints of India, Cults, Customs and Superstitions of India_, and _Brahmans, Theists and Muslims of India_ (T. Fisher Unwin), Mr. V. A. Smith's _Early History of India_ (Clarendon Press), theRev. T. P. Hughes' _Dictionary of Islam_ (W. H. Allen & Co. , and Heffer &Sons, Cambridge), Mr. L. D. Barnett's _Antiquities of India_, M. AndréChevrillon's _Romantic India_, Mr. V. Ball's _Jungle Life in India_, Mr. W. Crooke's _Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India_, and _Things Indian_, Captain Forsyth's _Highlands of Central India_(Messrs. Chapman & Hall), Messrs. Yule and Burnell's _Hobson-Jobson_(Mr. Crooke's edition), Professor Hopkins' _Religions of India_, theRev. E. M. Gordon's _Indian Folk-Tales_ (Elliot & Stock), Messrs. Sewelland Dikshit's _Indian Calendar_, Mr. Brennand's _Hindu Astronomy_, and the late Rev. Father P. Dehon's monograph on the Oraons in the_Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_. 

Ethnological works on the people of the Central Provinces are notnumerous; among those from which assistance has been obtained are SirC. Grant's _Central Provinces Gazetteer_ of 1871, Rev. Stephen Hislop's_Notes on the Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces_, ColonelBloomfield's _Notes on the Baigas_, Sir Charles Elliott's _HoshangabadSettlement Report_, Sir Reginald Craddock's _Nagpur Settlement Report_, Colonel Ward's _Mandla Settlement Report_, Colonel Lucie Smith's_Chanda Settlement Report_, Mr. G. W. Gayer's _Lectures on CriminalTribes_, Mr. C. W. Montgomerie's _Chhindwara Settlement Report_, Mr. C. E. Low's _Balaghat District Gazetteer_, Mr. E. J. Kitts' _BerarCensus Report_ of 1881, and the _Central Provinces Census Reports_of Mr. T. Drysdale, Sir Benjamin Robertson and Mr. J. T. Marten. 

The author is indebted to Sir J. G. Frazer for his kind permission tomake quotations from _The Golden Bough_ and _Totemism and Exogamy_(Macmillan), in which the best examples of almost all branches ofprimitive custom are to be found; to Dr. Edward Westermarck forsimilar permission in respect of _The History of Human Marriage_, and _The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas_ (Macmillan);to Messrs. A. & C. Black in respect of the late Professor RobertsonSmith's _Religion of the Semites_; to Messrs. Heinemann for thosefrom M. Salomon Reinach's _Orpheus_; and to Messrs. Hachette etCie and Messrs. Parker of Oxford for those from _La Cité Antique_of M. Fustel de Coulanges. Much assistance has also been obtainedfrom Sir E. B. Tylor's _Early History of Mankind_ and _PrimitiveCulture_, Lord Avebury's _The Origin of Civilisation_, Mr. E. SidneyHartland's _Primitive Paternity_, and M. Salomon Reinach's _Cultes, Mythes et Religions_. The labours of these eminent authors have madeit possible for the student to obtain a practical knowledge of theethnology of the world by the perusal of a small number of books; andif any of the ideas put forward in these volumes should ultimately beso fortunate as to obtain acceptance, it is to the above books that Iam principally indebted for having been able to formulate them. Otherworks from which help has been obtained are M. Emile Senart's _LesCastes dans I'Inde_, Professor W. E. Hearn's _The Aryan Household_, and Dr. A. H. Keane's _The World's Peoples_. Sir George Grierson's greatwork, _The Linguistic Survey of India_, has now given an accurateclassification of the non-Aryan tribes according to their languagesand has further thrown a considerable degree of light on the vexedquestion of their origin. I have received from Mr. W. Crooke of theIndian Civil Service (retired) much kind help and advice during thefinal stages of the preparation of this work. As will be seen from thearticles, resort has constantly been made to his _Tribes and Castes_for filling up gaps in the local information. 

Rai Bahadur Hira Lal was my assistant for several years in thetaking of the census of 1901 and the preparation of the CentralProvinces District Gazetteers; he has always given the most loyal andunselfish aid, has personally collected a large part of the originalinformation contained in the book, and spent much time in collatingthe results. The association of his name in the authorship is nomore than his due, though except where this has been specificallymentioned, he is not responsible for the theories and deductionsfrom the facts obtained. Mr. Pyare Lal Misra, barrister, Chhindwara, was my ethnographic clerk for some years, and he and Munshi KanhyaLal, late of the Educational Department, and Mr. Aduram Chandhri, Tahsildar, gave much assistance in the inquiries on differentcastes. Among others who have helped in the work, Rai BahadurPanda Baijnath, Diwan of the Patna and Bastar States, should bementioned first, and Babu Kali Prasanna Mukerji, pleader, Saugor, Mr. Gopal Datta Joshi, District Judge, Saugor, Mr. Jeorakhan Lal, Deputy-Inspector of Schools, and Mr. Gokul Prasad, Tahsildar, may beselected from the large number whose names are given in the footnotesto the articles. Among European officers whose assistance should beacknowledged are Messrs. C. E. Low, C. W. Montgomerie, A. B. Napier, A. E. Nelson, A. K. Smith, R. H. Crosthwaite and H. F. Hallifax, ofthe Civil Service; Lt. -Col. W. D. Sutherland, I. M. S. , Surgeon-MajorMitchell of Bastar, and Mr. D. Chisholm. 

Some photographs have been kindly contributed by Mrs. Ashbrooke Crump, Mrs. Mangabai Kelkar, Mr. G. L. Corbett, C. S. , Mr. R. L. Johnston, A. D. S. P. , Mr. J. H. Searle, C. S. , Mr. Strachey, Mr. H. E. Bartlett, Professor L. Scherman of Munich, and the Diwan of Raigarh State. BishopWestcott kindly gave the photograph of Kabir, which appears in hisown book. 

Finally I have to express my gratitude to the Chief Commissioner, Sir Benjamin Robertson, for the liberal allotment made by theAdministration for the publication of the work; and to the publishers, Messrs. Macmillan & Co. , and the printers, Messrs. R. & R. Clark, fortheir courtesy and assistance during its progress through the press. 

September 1915. 

CONTENTS

Part I--Volume I

Introductory Essay on CasteArticles on the Religions and Sects of the People of the Central ProvincesGlossary of Minor Castes and Other Articles, Synonyms, Subcastes, Titles and Names of Exogamous Septs or ClansSubject Index

Part II--Volumes II, III and IV

Descriptive Articles on the PrincipalCastes and Tribes of the Central Provinces

DETAILED LIST OF CONTENTS

Part I

Articles on Religions and Sects

The articles which are considered to be of most general interestare shown in capitals

 ARYA SAMAJ RELIGION 201 BRAHMO SAMAJ RELIGION 208 Dadupanthi Sect 215 Dhami Sect 216 JAIN RELIGION 219 KABIRPANTHI SECT 232 Lingayat Sect 244 MUHAMMADAN RELIGION 247 Nanakpanthi Sect 277 Parmarthi Sect 281 PARSI OR ZOROASTRIAN RELIGION 284 Saiva Sect 302 Sakta Sect 304 SATNAMI SECT 307 Sikh Religion 317 Smarta Sect 325 Swami-Narayan Sect 326 VAISHNAVA SECT 330 Vam-Margi Sect 333 Wahhabi Sect 335

Articles on Minor Castes and Miscellaneous Notices Included in theGlossary

 Agamudayan. Alia. Arab. Are. Arora. Bahelia. Bahrupia. Banka. Bargah. Bayar. Belwar. Besta. Bhand. Bhatia. Bhima. Bhona. Bind. Birhor. Bopchi. Chenchuwar. Chero. Dangur. Daraihan. Dhalgar. Dhera. Dohor. Gandli. Girgira. Goyanda. Hatwa. Jasondhi. Jokhara. Kamad. Kamathi. Kamma. Kammala. Kandra. Kast. Khadal. Khadra. Kotwar. Kumrawat. Kundera. Londhari. Madgi. Malyar. Mangan. Marori. Medara. Mirdha. Mukeri. Mutrasi. Nagarchi. Otari. Pabia. Pahalwan. Panchal. Pandra. Parka. Periki. Redka. Rohilla. Sais. Santal. Satani. Segidi. Siddi. Sidhira. Sikligar. Solaha. Sonkar. Tanti. Tirmale. Tiyar. Vellala. Wakkaliga. 

Part II--Vol. II

Articles on Castes and Tribes of the Central Provinces in AlphabeticalOrder

Agaria (_Iron-worker_) 3Agharia (_Cultivator_) 8Aghori (_Religious mendicant_) 13Ahir (_Herdsman and milkman_) 18Andh (_Tribe, now cultivators_) 38Arakh (_Hunter_) 40Atari (_Scent-seller_) 42Audhelia (_Labourer_) 45Badhak (_Robber_) 49Bahna (_Cotton-cleaner_) 69Baiga (_Forest tribe_) 77Bairagi (_Religious mendicants_) 93Balahi (_Labourer and village watchman_) 105Balija (_Cultivator_) 108Bania (_Merchant and moneylender_) 111

Subcastes of Bania

 Agarwala. Agrahari. Ajudhiabasi. Asathi. Charnagri. Dhusar. Dosar. Gahoi. Golapurab. Kasarwani. Kasaundhan. Khandelwal. Lad. Lingayat. Maheshri. Nema. Oswal. Parwar. Srimali. Umre. 

Banjara (_Pack-carrier_) 162Barai (_Betel-vine grower and seller_) 192Barhai (_Carpenter_) 199Bari (_Maker of leaf-plates_) 202Basdewa (_Cattle-dealer and religious mendicant_) 204Basor (_Bamboo-worker_) 208Bedar (_Soldier and public service_) 212Beldar (_Digger and navvy_) 215Beria (_Vagabond gipsy_) 220Bhaina (_Forest tribe_) 225Bhamta (_Criminal tribe and labourers_) 234Bharbhunja (_Grain-parcher_) 238Bharia (_Forest tribe_) 242Bhat (_Bard and genealogist_) 251Bhatra (_Forest tribe_) 271Bhil (_Forest tribe_) 278Bhilala (_Landowner and cultivator_) 293Bhishti (_Water-man_) 298Bhoyar (_Cultivator_) 301Bhuiya (_Forest tribe_) 305Bhulia (_Weaver_) 319Bhunjia (_Forest tribe_) 322Binjhwar (_Cultivator_) 329Bishnoi (_Cultivator_) 337Bohra (_Trader_) 345Brahman (_Priest_) 351

Subcastes of Brahman

 Ahivasi. Jijhotia. Kanaujia, Kanyakubja. Khedawal. Maharashtra. Maithil. Malwi. Nagar. Naramdeo. Sanadhya. Sarwaria. Utkal. 

Chadar (_Village watchman and labourer_) 400Chamar (_Tanner and labourer_) 403Chasa (_Cultivator_) 424Chauhan (_Village watchman and labourer_) 427Chhipa (_Dyer and calico-printer_) 429Chitari (_Painter_) 432Chitrakathi (_Picture showman_) 438Cutchi (_Trader and shopkeeper_) 440Dahait (_Village watchman and labourer_) 444Daharia (_Cultivator_) 453Dangi (_Landowner and cultivator_) 457Dangri (_Vegetable-grower_) 463Darzi (_Tailor_) 466Dewar (_Beggar and musician_) 472Dhakar (_Illegitimate, cultivator_) 477Dhangar (_Shepherd_) 480Dhanuk (_Bowman, labourer_) 484Dhanwar (_Forest tribe_) 488Dhimar (_Fisherman, water-carrier, and household servant_) 502Dhoba (_Forest tribe, cultivator_) 515Dhobi (_Washerman_) 519Dhuri (_Grain-parcher_) 527Dumal (_Cultivator_) 530Fakir (_Religious mendicant_) 537

Part II--Vol. III

Gadaria (_Shepherd_) 3Gadba (_Forest tribe_) 9Ganda (_Weaver and labourer_) 14Gandhmali (_Uriya village priests and temple servants_) 17Garpagari (_Averter of hailstorms_) 19Gauria (_Snake-charmer and juggler_) 24Ghasia (_Grass-cutter_) 27Ghosi (_Buffalo-herdsman_) 32Golar (_Herdsman_) 35Gond (_Forest tribe and cultivator_) 39Gond-Gowari (_Herdsman_) 143Gondhali (_Religious mendicant_) 144Gopal (_Vagrant criminal caste_) 147Gosain (_Religious mendicant_) 150Gowari (_Herdsman_) 160Gujar (_Cultivator_) 166Gurao (_Village Priest_) 175Halba (_Forest tribe, labourer_) 182Halwai (_Confectioner_) 201Hatkar (_Soldier, shepherd_) 204Hijra (_Eunuch, mendicant_) 206Holia (_Labourer, curing hides_) 212Injhwar (_Boatman and fisherman_) 213Jadam (_Cultivator_) 217Jadua (_Criminal caste_) 219Jangam (_Priest of the Lingayat sect_) 222Jat (_Landowner and cultivator_) 225Jhadi Telenga (_Illegitimate, labourer_) 238Jogi (_Religious mendicant and pedlar_) 243Joshi (_Astrologer and village priest_) 255Julaha (_Weaver_) 279Kachera (_Maker of glass bangles_) 281Kachhi (_Vegetable-grower_) 285Kadera (_Firework-maker_) 288Kahar (_Palanquin-bearer and household servant_) 291Kaikari (_Basket-maker and vagrant_) 296Kalanga (_Soldier, cultivator_) 302Kalar (_Liquor vendor_) 306Kamar (_Forest tribe_) 323Kanjar (_Gipsies and prostitutes_) 331Kapewar (_Cultivator_) 342Karan (_Writer and clerk_) 343Kasai (_Butcher_) 346Kasar (_Worker in brass_) 369Kasbi (_Prostitute_) 373Katia (_Cotton-spinner_) 384Kawar (_Forest tribe and cultivator_) 389Kayasth (_Village accountant, writer and clerk_) 404Kewat (_Boatman and fisherman_) 422Khairwar (_Forest tribe; boilers of catechu_) 427Khandait (_Soldier, cultivator_) 436Khangar (_Village watchman and labourer_) 439Kharia (_Forest tribe, labourer_) 445Khatik (_Mutton-butcher_) 453Khatri (_Merchant_) 456Khojah (_Trader and shopkeeper_) 461Khond (_Forest tribe, cultivator_) 464Kir (_Cultivator_) 481Kirar (_Cultivator_) 485Kohli (_Cultivator_) 493Kol (_Forest tribe, labourer_) 500Kolam (_Forest tribe, cultivator_) 520Kolhati (_Acrobat_) 527Koli (_Forest tribe, cultivator_) 532Kolta (_Landowner and cultivator_) 537Komti (_Merchant and shopkeeper_) 542Kori (_Weaver and labourer_) 545Korku (_Forest tribe, labourer_) 550Korwa (_Forest tribe, cultivator_) 571Koshti (_Weaver_) 581

Part II--Vol. IV

Kumhar (_Potter_) 3Kunbi (_Cultivator_) 16Kunjra (_Greengrocer_) 50Kuramwar (_Shepherd_) 52Kurmi (_Cultivator_) 55Lakhera (_Worker in lac_) 104Lodhi (_Landowner and cultivator_) 112Lohar (_Blacksmith_) 120Lorha (_Growers of_ san-_hemp_) 126Mahar (_Weaver and labourer_) 129Mahli (_Forest tribe_) 146Majhwar (_Forest tribe_) 149Mal (_Forest tribe_) 153Mala (_Cotton-weaver and labourer_) 156Mali (_Gardener and vegetable-grower_) 159Mallah (_Boatman and fisherman_) 171Mana (_Forest tribe, cultivator_) 172Manbhao (_Religious mendicant_) 176Mang (_Labourer and village musician_) 184Mang-Garori (_Criminal caste_) 189Manihar (_Pedlar_) 193Mannewar (_Forest tribe_) 195Maratha (_Soldier, cultivator and service_) 198Mehtar (_Sweeper and scavenger_) 215Meo (_Tribe_) 233Mina or Deswali (_Non-Aryan tribe, cultivator_) 235Mirasi (_Bard and genealogist_) 242Mochi (_Shoemaker_) 244Mowar (_Cultivator_) 250Murha (_Digger and navvy_) 252Nagasia (_Forest tribe_) 257Nahal (_Forest tribe_) 259Nai (Barber) 262Naoda (_Boatman and fisherman_) 283Nat (_Acrobat_) 286Nunia (_Salt-refiner, digger and navvy_) 294Ojha (_Augur and soothsayer_) 296Oraon (_Forest tribe_) 299Paik (_Soldier, cultivator_) 321Panka (_Labourer and village watchman_) 324Panwar Rajput (_Landowner and cultivator_) 330Pardhan (_Minstrel and priest_) 352Pardhi (_Hunter and fowler_) 359Parja (_Forest tribe_) 371Pasi (_Toddy-drawer and labourer_) 380Patwa (_Maker of silk braid and thread_) 385Pindari (_Freebooter_) 388Prabhu (_Writer and clerk_) 399Raghuvansi (_Cultivator_) 403Rajjhar (_Agricultural labourer_) 405Rajput (_Soldier and landowner_) 410

Rajput Clans

 Baghel. Bagri. Bais. Baksaria. Banaphar. Bhadauria. Bisen. Bundela. Chandel. Chauban. Dhakar. Gaharwar. Gaur. Haihaya. Huna. Kachhwaha. Nagvansi. Nikumbh. Paik. Parihar. Rathor. Sesodia. Solankhi. Somvansi. Surajvansi. Tomara. Yadu. 

Rajwar (_Forest tribe_) 470Ramosi (_Village watchmen and labourers, formerly thieves_) 472Rangrez (_Dyer_) 477Rautia (_Forest tribe and cultivators, formerly soldiers_) 479Sanaurhia (_Criminal thieving caste_) 483Sansia (_Vagrant criminal tribe_) 488Sansia (Uria) (_Mason and digger_) 496Savar (_Forest tribe_) 500Sonjhara (_Gold-washer_) 509Sudh (_Cultivator_) 514Sunar (_Goldsmith and silversmith_) 517Sundi (_Liquor distiller_) 534Tamera (_Coppersmith_) 536Taonla (_Soldier and labourer_) 539Teli (_Oilman_) 542Thug (_Criminal community of murderers by strangulation_) 558Turi (_Bamboo-worker_) 588Velama (_Cultivator_) 593Vidur (_Village accountant, clerk and writer_) 596Waghya (_Religious mendicant_) 603Yerukala (_Criminal thieving caste_) 606

Note. --The Gonds are the most important of the non-Aryan or primitivetribes, and their social customs are described in detail. TheBaiga, Bhil, Kawar, Khond, Kol, Korku and Korwa are other importanttribes. The two representative cultivating castes are the Kurmis andKunbis, and the articles on them include detailed descriptions of Hindusocial customs, and some information on villages, houses, dress, foodand manner of life. Articles in which subjects of general interest aretreated are Darzi (clothes), Sunar (ornaments), Kachera and Lakhera(bangles), Nai (hair), Kalar (veneration of alcoholic liquor), Bania (moneylending and interest), Kasai (worship and sacrifice ofdomestic animals), Joshi (the Hindu calendar and personal names), Bhat (suicide), Dahait (significance of the umbrella), and Kanjar(connection of Indian and European gipsies). The articles on Badhak, Sansia and Thug are compiled from Sir William Sleeman's reports onthese communities of dacoits and murderers, whose suppression heachieved. For further information the Subject Index may be consulted. 

MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS

Maps

 Map of India _Frontispiece_ Map of the Central Provinces Map of the Central Provinces, showing principal linguistic or racial divisions 6

Illustrations

Volume I

 1. Hindu temple of the god Siva 16 2. Hindu sculptures 26 3. Peasant's hut 40 4. Group of religious mendicants 56 5. Drawing water from the village well 72 6. Gayatri or sacred verse personified as a goddess 108 7. Image of the god Jagannath, a form of Vishnu 118 8. The god Rama, an incarnation of Vishnu, with attendant deities 144 9. Hindu bathing party 158 10. Pilgrims carrying Ganges water 184 11. A meeting of the Arya Samaj for investing boys with the sacred thread 202 12. Jain temples at Muktagiri, Betul 220 13. Jain ascetics with cloth before mouth and sweeping-brush 224 14. Jain gods in attitude of contemplation 228 15. Jain temple in Seoni 230 16. Kabir 232 17. Beggar on artificial horse at the Muharram festival 248 18. Carrying the horse-shoe at the Muharram festival 252 19. Tazia or tombs of Hussain at the Muharram festival 256 20. Famous Tazia at Khandwa 260 21. Representing a tiger at the Muharram festival 272 22. Temple of Siva at Bandakpur, near Damoh 302 23. Images of Siva and his consort Devi, or Parvati, with the bull and tiger 304 24. Devotees, possessed, embracing each other, while supported on tridents, at Siva's fair at Pachmarhi 306 25. Image of the prophet Swami Narayan in the Teli temple at Burhanpur 326 26. Images of Rama, Lachman and Sita, with attendants 330 27. Image of Lakshmi, the Goddess of Wealth, the consort of Vishnu, with attendant 332 28. Image of the boar incarnation of Vishnu 334 29. Bahrupia impersonating the goddess Kali 344 30. Dasari religious mendicant with discus and conch-shell of Vishnu 406

Volume II

 31. Aghori mendicant 14 32. Ahirs decorated with cowries for the Stick Dance at Diwali 18 33. Image of Krishna as Murlidhar or the flute-player, with attendant deities 28 34. Ahir dancers in Diwali costume 32 35. Pinjara cleaning cotton 72 36. Baiga village, Balaghat District 88 37. Hindu mendicants with sect-marks 94 38. Anchorite sitting on iron nails 98 39. Pilgrims carrying water of the river Nerbudda 100 40. _Coloured Plate_: Examples of Tilaks or sect-marks worn on the forehead 102 41. Group of Marwari Bania women 112 42. Image of the god Ganpati carried in procession 116 43. The elephant-headed god Ganpati. His conveyance is a rat, which can be seen as a little blob between his feet 120 44. Mud images made and worshipped at the Holi festival 126 45. Bania's shop 128 46. Banjara women with the _singh_ or horn 184 47. Group of Banjara women 188 48. Basors making baskets of bamboo 210 49. Bhat with his _putla_ or doll 256 50. Group of Bhils 278 51. Tantia Bhil, a famous dacoit 282 52. Group of Bohras at Burhanpur (Nimar) 346 53. Brahman worshipping his household gods 380 54. Brahman bathing party 384 55. Brahman Pujaris or priests 390 56. Group of Maratha Brahman men 392 57. Group of Naramdeo Brahman women 396 58. Group of Naramdeo Brahman men 398 59. Chamars tanning and working in leather 416 60. Chamars cutting leather and making shoes 418 61. Chhipa or calico-printer at work 430 62. Dhimar or fisherman's hut 502 63. Fishermen in dug-outs or hollowed tree trunks 506 64. Group of Gurujwale Fakirs 538

Volume III

 65. Gond women grinding corn 42 66. Palace of the Gond kings of Garha-Mandla at Ramnagar 46 67. Gonds on a journey 62 68. Killing of Rawan, the demon king of Ceylon, from whom the Gonds are supposed to be descended 114 69. Woman about to be swung round the post called Meghnath 116 70. Climbing the pole for a bag of sugar 118 71. Gonds with their bamboo carts at market 122 72. Gond women, showing tattooing on backs of legs 126 73. Maria Gonds in dancing costume 136 74. Gondhali musicians and dancers 144 75. Gosain mendicant 150 76. Alakhwale Gosains with faces covered with ashes 152 77. Gosain mendicants with long hair 154 78. Famous Gosain Mahant. Photograph taken after death 156 79. Gujar village proprietress and her land agent 168 80. Guraos with figures made at the Holi festival called Gangour 176 81. Group of Gurao musicians with their instruments 180 82. Ploughing with cows and buffaloes in Chhattisgarh 182 83. Halwai or confectioner's shop 202 84. Jogi mendicants of the Kanphata sect 244 85. Jogi musicians with _sarangi_ or fiddle 250 86. Kaikaris making baskets 298 87. Kanjars making ropes 332 88. A group of Kasars or brass-workers 370 89. Dancing girls and musicians 374 90. Girl in full dress and ornaments 378 91. Old type of sugarcane mill 494 92. Group of Kol women 512 93. Group of Kolams 520 94. Korkus of the Melghat hills 550 95. Korku women in full dress 556 96. Koshti men dancing a figure, holding strings and beating sticks 582

Volume IV

 97. Potter at his wheel 4 98. Group of Kunbis 16 99. Figures of animals made for Pola festival 40 100. Hindu boys on stilts 42 101. Throwing stilts into the water at the Pola festival 46 102. Carrying out the dead 48 103. Pounding rice 60 104. Sowing 84 105. Threshing 86 106. Winnowing 88 107. Women grinding wheat and husking rice 90 108. Group of women in Hindustani dress 92 109. _Coloured Plate_: Examples of spangles worn by women on the forehead 106 110. Weaving: sizing the warp 142 111. Winding thread 144 112. Bride and bridegroom with marriage crowns 166 113. Bullocks drawing water with _mot_ 170 114. Mang musicians with drums 186 115. Statue of Maratha leader, Bimbaji Bhonsla, in armour 200 116. Image of the god Vishnu as Vithoba 248 117. Coolie women with babies slung at the side 256 118. Hindu men showing the _choti_ or scalp-lock 272 119. Snake-charmer with cobras 292 120. Transplanting rice 340 121. Group of Pardhans 350 122. Little girls playing 400 123. Gujarati girls doing figures with strings and sticks 402 124. Ornaments 524 125. Teli's oil-press 544 126. The Goddess Kali 574 127. Waghya mendicants 604

PRONUNCIATION

 _a_ has the sound of _u_ in _but_ or _murmur_. _a_ has the sound of _a_ in _bath_ or _tar_. _e_ has the sound of _é_ in _écarté_ or _ai_ in _maid_. _i_ has the sound of _i_ in _bit_, or (as a final letter) of _y_ in _sulky_ _i_ has the sound of _ee_ in _beet_. _o_ has the sound of _o_ in _bore_ or _bowl_. _u_ has the sound of _u_ in _put_ or _bull_. _u_ has the sound of _oo_ in _poor_ or _boot_. 

The plural of caste names and a few common Hindustani words is formedby adding _s_ in the English manner according to ordinary usage, though this is not, of course, the Hindustani plural. 

Note. --The rupee contains 16 annas, and an anna is of the same valueas a penny. A pice is a quarter of an anna, or a farthing. Rs. 1-8signifies one rupee and eight annas. A lakh is a hundred thousand, and a krore ten million. 

PART I. 

INTRODUCTORY ESSAY ON CASTE

List of Paragraphs

 1. _The Central Provinces. _ 2. _Constitution of the population. _ 3. _The word 'Caste. '_ 4. _The meaning of the term 'Caste. '_ 5. _The subcaste. _ 6. _Confusion of nomenclature. _ 7. _Tests of what a caste is. _ 8. _The four traditional castes. _ 9. _Occupational theory of caste. _ 10. _Racial theory. _ 11. _Entry of the Aryans into India. The Aryas and Dasyus. _ 12. _The Sudra. _ 13. _The Vaishya. _ 14. _Mistaken modern idea of the Vaishyas. _ 15. _Mixed unions of the four classes. _ 16. _Hypergamy. _ 17. _The mixed castes. The village menials. _ 18. _Social gradation of castes. _ 19. _Castes ranking above the cultivators. _ 20. _Castes from whom a Brahman can take water. Higher agriculturists. _ 21. _Status of the cultivator. _ 22. _The clan and the village. _ 23. _The ownership of land. _ 24. _The cultivating status that of the Vaishya. _ 25. _Higher professional and artisan castes. _ 26. _Castes from whom a Brahman cannot take water; the village menials. _ 27. _The village watchmen. _ 28. _The village priests. The gardening castes. _ 29. _Other village traders and menials. _ 30. _Household servants. _ 31. _Status of the village menials. _ 32. _Origin of their status. _ 33. _Other castes who rank with the village menials. _ 34. _The non-Aryan tribes. _ 35. _The Kolarians and Dravidians. _ 36. _Kolarian tribes. _ 37. _Dravidian tribes. _ 38. _Origin of the Kolarian tribes. _ 39. _Of the Dravidian tribes. _ 40. _Origin of the impure castes. _ 41. _Derivation of the impure castes from the indigenous tribes. _ 42. _Occupation the basis of the caste-system. _ 43. _Other agents in the formation of castes. _ 44. _Caste occupations divinely ordained. _ 45. _Subcastes, local type. _ 46. _Occupational subcastes. _ 47. _Subcastes formed from social or religious differences, or from mixed descent. _ 48. _Exogamous groups. _ 49. _Totemistic clans. _ 50. _Terms of relationship. _ 51. _Clan kinship and totemism. _ 52. _Animate Creation. _ 53. _The distribution of life over the body. _ 54. _Qualities associated with animals. _ 55. _Primitive language. _ 56. _Concrete nature of primitive ideas. _ 57. _Words and names concrete. _ 58. _The soul or spirit. _ 59. _The transmission of qualities. _ 60. _The faculty of counting. Confusion of the individual and the species. _ 61. _Similarity and identity. _ 62. _The recurrence of events. _ 63. _Controlling the future. _ 64. _The common life. _ 65. _The common life of the clan. _ 66. _Living and eating together. _ 67. _The origin of exogamy. _ 68. _Promiscuity and female descent. _ 69. _Exogamy with female descent. _ 70. _Marriage. _ 71. _Marriage by capture. _ 72. _Transfer of the bride to her husband's clan. _ 73. _The exogamous clan with male descent and the village. _ 74. _The large exogamous clans of the Brahmans and Rajputs. The Sapindas, the_ gens _and the_ g'enoc. 75. _Comparison of Hindu society with that of Greece and Rome. The_ gens. 76. _The clients. _ 77. _The plebeians. _ 78. _The binding social tie in the city-states. _ 79. _The Suovetaurilia. _ 80. _The sacrifice of the domestic animal. _ 81. _Sacrifices of the_ gens _and phratry. _ 82. _The Hindu caste-feasts. _ 83. _Taking food at initiation. _ 84. _Penalty feasts. _ 85. _Sanctity of grain-food. _ 86. _The corn-spirit. _ 87. _The king. _ 88. _Other instances of the common meal as a sacrificial rite. _ 89. _Funeral feasts. _ 90. _The Hindu deities and the sacrificial meal. _ 91. _Development of the occupational caste from the tribe. _ 92. _Veneration of the caste implements. _ 93. _The caste_ panchayat _and its code of offences. _ 94. _The status of impurity. _ 95. _Caste and Hinduism. _ 96. _The Hindu reformers. _ 97. _Decline of the caste system. _

1. The Central Provinces. 

The territory controlled by the Chief Commissioner of the CentralProvinces and Berar has an area of 131, 000 square miles and apopulation of 16, 000, 000 persons. Situated in the centre of the IndianPeninsula, between latitudes 17°47' and 24°27' north, and longitudes76° and 84° east, it occupies about 7. 3 per cent of the total areaof British India. It adjoins the Central India States and the UnitedProvinces to the north, Bombay to the west, Hyderabad State and theMadras Presidency to the south, and the Province of Bihar and Orissato the east. The Province was constituted as a separate administrativeunit in 1861 from territories taken from the Peshwa in 1818 and theMaratha State of Nagpur, which had lapsed from failure of heirs in1853. Berar, which for a considerable previous period had been held ona lease or assignment from the Nizam of Hyderabad, was incorporatedfor administrative purposes with the Central Provinces in 1903. In1905 the bulk of the District of Sambalpur, with five Feudatory Statesinhabited by an Uriya-speaking population, were transferred to Bengaland afterwards to the new Province of Bihar and Orissa, while fiveFeudatory States of Chota Nagpur were received from Bengal. Theformer territory had been for some years included in the scope ofthe Ethnographic Survey, and is shown coloured in the annexed map oflinguistic and racial divisions. 

The main portion of the Province may be divided, from north-westto south-east, into three tracts of upland, alternating with two ofplain country. In the north-west the Districts of Sangor and Damoh lieon the Vindhyan or Malwa plateau, the southern face of which risesalmost sheer from the valley of the Nerbudda. The general elevationof this plateau varies from 1500 to 2000 feet. The highest part isthat immediately overhanging the Nerbudda, and the general slope is tothe north, the rivers of this area being tributaries of the Jumna andGanges. The surface of the country is undulating and broken by frequentlow hills covered with a growth of poor and stunted forest. The seconddivision consists of the long and narrow valley of the Nerbudda, walled in by the Vindhyan and Satpura hills to the north and south, and extending for a length of about 200 miles from Jubbulpore toHandia, with an average width of twenty miles. The valley is situatedto the south of the river, and is formed of deep alluvial deposits ofextreme richness, excellently suited to the growth of wheat. Southof the valley the Satpura range or third division stretches acrossthe Province, from Amarkantak in the east (the sacred source of theNerbudda) to Asirgarh in the Nimar District in the west, where itstwo parallel ridges bound the narrow valley of the Tapti river. Thegreater part consists of an elevated plateau, in some parts merely arugged mass of hills hurled together by volcanic action, in othersa succession of bare stony ridges and narrow fertile valleys, inwhich the soil has been deposited by drainage. The general elevationof the plateau is 2000 feet, but several of the peaks rise to 3500, and a few to more than 4000 feet. The Satpuras form the most importantwatershed of the Province, and in addition to the Nerbudda and Tapti, the Wardha and Wainganga rivers rise in these hills. To the east abelt of hill country continues from the Satpuras to the wild and ruggedhighlands of the Chota Nagpur plateau, on which are situated the fiveStates recently annexed to the Province. Extending along the southernand eastern faces of the Satpura range lies the fourth geographicaldivision, to the west the plain of Berar and Nagpur, watered by thePurna, Wardha and Wainganga rivers, and further east the Chhattisgarhplain, which forms the upper basin of the Mahanadi. The Berar andNagpur plain contains towards the west the shallow black soil in whichautumn crops, like cotton and the large millet juari, which do notrequire excessive moisture, can be successfully cultivated. This areais the great cotton-growing tract of the Province, and at present themost wealthy. The valleys of the Wainganga and Mahanadi further eastreceive a heavier rainfall and are mainly cropped with rice. Many smallirrigation tanks for rice have been built by the people themselves, and large tank and canal works are now being undertaken by Governmentto protect the tract from the uncertainty of the rainfall. South ofthe plain lies another expanse of hill and plateau comprised in thezarmindari estates of Chanda and the Chhattisgarh Division and theBastar and Kanker Feudatory States. This vast area, covering about24, 000 square miles, the greater part of which consists of denseforests traversed by precipitous mountains and ravines, which formerlyrendered it impervious to Hindu invasion or immigration, producingonly on isolated stretches of culturable land the poorer raincrops, and sparsely peopled by primitive Gonds and other forest tribes, was probably, until a comparatively short time ago, the wildestand least-known part of the whole Indian peninsula. It is now beingrapidly opened up by railways and good roads. 

2. Constitution of the population. 

Up to a few centuries ago the Central Provinces remained outside thesphere of Hindu and Muhammadan conquest. To the people of northernIndia it was known as Gondwana, an unexplored country of inaccessiblemountains and impenetrable forests, inhabited by the savage tribesof Gonds from whom it took its name. Hindu kingdoms were, it is true, established over a large part of its territory in the first centuriesof our era, but these were not accompanied by the settlement andopening out of the country, and were subsequently subverted by theDravidian Gonds, who perhaps invaded the country in large numbers fromthe south between the ninth and twelfth centuries. Hindu immigrationand colonisation from the surrounding provinces occurred at a laterperiod, largely under the encouragement and auspices of Gond kings. Theconsequence is that the existing population is very diverse, and ismade up of elements belonging to many parts of India. The people ofthe northern Districts came from Bundelkhand and the Gangetic plain, and here are found the principal castes of the United Provinces and thePunjab. The western end of the Nerbudda valley and Betul were colonisedfrom Malwa and Central India. Berar and the Nagpur plain fell to theMarathas, and one of the most important Maratha States, the Bhonslakingdom, had its capital at Nagpur. Cultivators from western Indiacame and settled on the land, and the existing population are ofthe same castes as the Maratha country or Bombay. But prior to theMaratha conquest Berar and the Nimar District of the Central Provinceshad been included in the Mughal empire, and traces of Mughal ruleremain in a substantial Muhammadan element in the population. Tothe south the Chanda District runs down to the Godavari river, andthe southern tracts of Chanda and Bastar State are largely occupiedby Telugu immigrants from Madras. To the east of the Nagpur plainthe large landlocked area of Chhattisgarh in the upper basin of theMahanadi was colonised at an early period by Hindus from the east ofthe United Provinces and Oudh, probably coming through Jubbulpore. Adynasty of the Haihaivansi Rajput clan established itself at Ratanpur, and owing to the inaccessible nature of the country, protected asit is on all sides by a natural rampart of hill and forest, was ableto pursue a tranquil existence untroubled by the wars and politicalvicissitudes of northern India. The population of Chhattisgarh thusconstitutes to some extent a distinct social organism, which retaineduntil quite recently many remnants of primitive custom. The middlebasin of the Mahanadi to the east of Chhattisgarh, comprising theSambalpur District and adjoining States, was peopled by Uriyas fromOrissa, and though this area has now been restored to its parentprovince, notices of its principal castes have been included inthese volumes. Finally, the population contains a large element ofthe primitive or non-Aryan tribes, rich in variety, who have retiredbefore the pressure of Hindu cultivators to its extensive hills andforests. The people of the Central Provinces may therefore not unjustlybe considered as a microcosm of a great part of India, and conclusionsdrawn from a consideration of their caste rules and status may claimwith considerable probability of success to be applicable to those ofthe Hindus generally. For the same reason the standard ethnologicalworks of other Provinces necessarily rank as the best authorities onthe castes of the Central Provinces, and this fact may explain andexcuse the copious resort which has been made to them in these volumes. 

3. The word 'Caste. '

The word 'Caste, ' Dr. Wilson states, [1] is not of Indian origin, but is derived from the Portuguese _casta_, signifying race, mouldor quality. The Indian word for caste is _jat_ or _jati_, which hasthe original meaning of birth or production of a child, and hencedenotes good birth or lineage, respectability and rank. _Jatha_means well-born. Thus _jat_ now signifies a caste, as every Hinduis born into a caste, and his caste determines his social positionthrough life. 

4. The meaning of the term 'Caste. '

The two main ideas denoted by a caste are a community or personsfollowing a common occupation, and a community whose members marryonly among themselves. A third distinctive feature is that themembers of a caste do not as a rule eat with outsiders with theexception of other Hindu castes of a much higher social positionthan their own. None of these will, however, serve as a definitionof a caste. In a number of castes the majority of members haveabandoned their traditional occupation and taken to others. Lessthan a fifth of the Brahmans of the Central Provinces are performingany priestly or religious functions, and the remaining four-fifthsare landholders or engaged in Government service as magistrates, clerks of public offices, constables and orderlies, or in railwayservice in different grades, or in the professions as barristers andpleaders, doctors, engineers and so on. The Rajputs and Marathaswere originally soldiers, but only an infinitely small proportionbelong to the Indian Army, and the remainder are ruling chiefs, landholders, cultivators, labourers or in the various grades ofGovernment service and the police. Of the Telis or oil-pressersonly 9 per cent are engaged in their traditional occupation, andthe remainder are landholders, cultivators and shopkeepers. Ofthe Ahirs or graziers only 20 per cent tend and breed cattle. Only12 per cent of the Chamars are supported by the tanning industry, and so on. The Bahnas or cotton-cleaners have entirely lost theiroccupation, as cotton is now cleaned in factories; they are cartmenor cultivators, but retain their caste name and organisation. Sincethe introduction of machine-made cloth has reduced the profits ofhand-loom weaving, large numbers of the weaving castes have beenreduced to manual labour as a means of subsistence. The abandonmentof the traditional occupation has become a most marked feature ofHindu society as a result of the equal opportunity and freedom in thechoice of occupations afforded by the British Government, coupled withthe rapid progress of industry and the spread of education. So far ithas had no very markedly disintegrating effect on the caste system, and the status of a caste is still mainly fixed by its traditionaloccupation; but signs are not wanting of a coming change. Again, several castes have the same traditional occupation; about forty ofthe castes of the Central Provinces are classified as agriculturists, eleven as weavers, seven as fishermen, and so on. Distinctions ofoccupation therefore are not a sufficient basis for a classificationof castes. Nor can a caste be simply defined as a body of persons whomarry only among themselves, or, as it is termed, an endogamous group;for almost every important caste is divided into a number of subcasteswhich do not marry and frequently do not eat with each other. But itis a distinctive and peculiar feature of caste as a social institutionthat it splits up the people into a multitude of these divisions andbars their intermarriage; and the real unit of the system and the basisof the fabric of Indian society is this endogamous group or subcaste. 

5. The subcaste. 

The subcastes, however, connote no real difference of status oroccupation. They are little known except within the caste itself, andthey consist of groups within the caste which marry among themselves, and attend the communal feasts held on the occasions of marriages, funerals and meetings of the caste _panchayat_ or committee for thejudgment of offences against the caste rules and their expiation bya penalty feast; to these feasts all male adults of the community, within a certain area, are invited. In the Central Provinces the 250groups which have been classified as castes contain perhaps 2000subcastes. Except in some cases other Hindus do not know a man'ssubcaste, though they always know his caste; among the ignorant lowercastes men may often be found who do not know whether their castecontains any subcastes or whether they themselves belong to one. Thatis, they will eat and marry with all the members of their caste withina circle of villages, but know nothing about the caste outside thosevillages, or even whether it exists elsewhere. One subdivision ofa caste may look down upon another on the ground of some differenceof occupation, of origin, or of abstaining from or partaking of somearticle of food, but these distinctions are usually confined to theirinternal relations and seldom recognised by outsiders. For socialpurposes the caste consisting of a number of these endogamous groupsgenerally occupies the same position, determined roughly accordingto the respectability of its traditional occupation or extraction. 

6. Confusion of nomenclature. 

No adequate definition of caste can thus be obtained from communityof occupation or intermarriage; nor would it be accurate to saythat every one must know his own caste and that all the differentnames returned at the census may be taken as distinct. In the CentralProvinces about 900 caste-names were returned at the census of 1901, and these were reduced in classification to about 250 proper castes. 

In some cases synonyms are commonly used. The caste of _pan_ orbetel-vine growers and sellers is known indifferently as Barai, Pansari or Tamboli. The great caste of Ahirs or herdsmen has severalsynonyms--as Gaoli in the Northern Districts, Rawat or Gahra inChhattisgarh, Gaur among the Uriyas, and Golkar among Telugus. Loharsare also called Khati and Kammari; Masons are called Larhia, Rajand Beldar. The more distinctly occupational castes usually havedifferent names in different parts of the country, as Dhobi, Warthi, Baretha, Chakla and Parit for washermen; Basor, Burud, Kandra andDhulia for bamboo-workers, and so on. Such names may show that thesubdivisions to which they are applied have immigrated from differentparts of India, but the distinction is generally not now maintained, and many persons will return one or other of them indifferently. Noobject is gained, therefore, by distinguishing them in classification, as they correspond to no differences of status or occupation, and atmost denote groups which do not intermarry, and which may thereforemore properly be considered as subcastes. 

Titles or names of offices are also not infrequently given as castenames. Members of the lowest or impure castes employed in the officeof Kotwar or village watchmen prefer to call themselves by this name, as they thus obtain a certain rise in status, or at least they thinkso. In some localities the Kotwars or village watchmen have begunto marry among themselves and try to form a separate caste. Chamars(tanners) or Mahars (weavers) employed as grooms will call themselvesSais and consider themselves superior to the rest of their caste. TheThethwar Rawats or Ahirs will not clean household cooking-vessels, and therefore look down on the rest of the caste and prefer to callthemselves by this designation, as 'Theth' means 'exact' or 'pure, 'and Thethwar is one who has not degenerated from the ancestralcalling. Salewars are a subcaste of Koshtis (weavers), who workonly in silk and hence consider themselves as superior to the otherKoshtis and a separate caste. The Rathor subcaste of Telis in Mandlahave abandoned the hereditary occupation of oil-pressing and becomelanded proprietors. They now wish to drop their own caste and to beknown only as Rathor, the name of one of the leading Rajput clans, inthe hope that in time it will be forgotten that they ever were Telis, and they will be admitted into the community of Rajputs. It occurredto them that the census would be a good opportunity of advancing astep towards the desired end, and accordingly they telegraphed to theCommissioner of Jubbulpore before the enumeration, and petitioned theChief Commissioner after it had been taken, to the effect that theymight be recorded and classified only as Rathor and not as Teli; thismethod of obtaining recognition of their claims being, as remarkedby Sir Bampfylde Fuller, a great deal cheaper than being weighedagainst gold. On the other hand, a common occupation may sometimesamalgamate castes originally distinct into one. The sweeper's callingis well-defined and under the generific term of Mehtar are includedmembers of two or three distinct castes, as Dom, Bhangi and Chuhra;the word Mehtar means a prince or headman, and it is believed thatits application to the sweeper by the other servants is ironical. Ithas now, however, been generally adopted as a caste name. Similarly, Darzi, a tailor, was held by Sir D. Ibbetson to be simply the nameof a profession and not that of a caste; but it is certainly a truecaste in the Central Provinces, though probably of comparatively lateorigin. A change of occupation may transfer a whole body of personsfrom one caste to another. A large section of the Banjara caste ofcarriers, who have taken to cultivation, have become included in theKunbi caste in Berar and are known as Wanjari Kunbi. Another subcasteof the Kunbis called Manwa is derived from the Mana tribe. Telis oroilmen, who have taken to vending liquor, now form a subcaste of theKalar caste called Teli-Kalar; those who have become shopkeepersare called Teli-Bania and may in time become an inferior sectionof the Bania caste. Other similar subcastes are the Ahir-Sunars orherdsmen-goldsmiths, the Kayasth-Darzis or tailors, the Kori-Chamarsor weaver-tanners, the Gondi Lohars and Barhais, being Gonds who havebecome carpenters and blacksmiths and been admitted to these castes;the Mahar Mhalis or barbers, and so on. 

7. Tests of what a caste is. 

It would appear, then, that no precise definition of a caste canwell be formulated to meet all difficulties. In classification, eachdoubtful case must be taken by itself, and it must be determined, onthe information available, whether any body of persons, consistingof one or more endogamous groups, and distinguished by one or moreseparate names, can be recognised as holding, either on account of itstraditional occupation or descent, such a distinctive position in thesocial system, that it should be classified as a caste. But not eventhe condition of endogamy can be accepted as of universal application;for Vidurs, who are considered to be descended from Brahman fathers andwomen of other castes, will, though marrying among themselves, stillreceive the offspring of such mixed alliances into the community; inthe case of Gosains and Bairagis, who, from being religious orders, have become castes, admission is obtained by initiation as wellas by birth, and the same is the case with several other orders;some of the lower castes will freely admit outsiders; and in partsof Chhattisgarh social ties are of the laxest description, and theintermarriage of Gonds, Chamars and other low castes are by no meansinfrequent. But notwithstanding these instances, the principle ofthe restriction of marriage to members of the caste is so nearlyuniversal as to be capable of being adopted as a definition. 

8. The four traditional castes. 

The well-known traditional theory of caste is that the Aryans weredivided from the beginning of time into four castes: Brahmans orpriests, Kshatriyas or warriors, Vaishyas or merchants and cultivators, and Sudras or menials and labourers, all of whom had a divine origin, being born from the body of Brahma--the Brahmans from his mouth, the Kshatriyas from his arms, the Vaishyas from his thighs, and theSudras from his feet. Intermarriage between the four castes was notat first entirely prohibited, and a man of any of the three higherones, provided that for his first wife he took a woman of his owncaste, could subsequently marry others of the divisions beneath hisown. In this manner the other castes originated. Thus the Kaivarttasor Kewats were the offspring of a Kshatriya father and Vaishya mother, and so on. Mixed marriages in the opposite direction, of a woman ofa higher caste with a man of a lower one, were reprobated as stronglyas possible, and the offspring of these were relegated to the lowestposition in society; thus the Chandals, or descendants of a Sudrafather and Brahman mother, were of all men the most base. It has beenrecognised that this genealogy, though in substance the formation ofa number of new castes through mixed descent may have been correct, is, as regards the details, an attempt made by a priestly law-giverto account, on the lines of orthodox tradition, for a state of societywhich had ceased to correspond to them. 

9. Occupational theory of caste. 

In the ethnographic description of the people of the Punjab, whichforms the Caste chapter of Sir Denzil Ibbetson's _Census Report_ of1881, it was pointed out that occupation was the chief basis of thedivision of castes, and there is no doubt that this is true. Everyseparate occupation has produced a distinct caste, and the status ofthe caste depends now mainly or almost entirely on its occupation. Thefact that there may be several castes practising such importantcallings as agriculture or weaving does not invalidate this in any way, and instances of the manner in which such castes have been developedwill be given subsequently. If a caste changes its occupation it may, in the course of time, alter its status in a corresponding degree. Theimportant Kayasth and Gurao castes furnish instances of this. Castes, in fact, tend to rise or fall in social position with the acquisitionof land or other forms of wealth or dignity much in the same manneras individuals do nowadays in European countries. Hitherto in Indiait has not been the individual who has undergone the process; heinherits the social position of the caste in which he is born, and, asa rule, retains it through life without the power of altering it. Itis the caste, as a whole, or at least one of its important sectionsor subcastes, which gradually rises or falls in social position, and the process may extend over generations or even centuries. 

In the _Brief Sketch of the Caste System of the North-WesternProvinces and Oudh_, Mr. J. C. Nesfield puts forward the view thatthe whole basis of the caste system is the division of occupations, and that the social gradation of castes corresponds precisely tothe different periods of civilisation during which their traditionaloccupations originated. Thus the lowest castes are those allied tothe primitive occupation of hunting, Pasi, Bhar, Bahelia, becausethe pursuit of wild animals was the earliest stage in the developmentof human industry. Next above these come the fishing castes, fishingbeing considered somewhat superior to hunting, because water is a moresacred element among Hindus than land, and there is less apparentcruelty in the capturing of fish than the slaughtering of animals;these are the Kahars, Kewats, Dhimars and others. Above these come thepastoral castes--Ghosi, Gadaria, Gujar and Ahir; and above them theagricultural castes, following the order in which these occupationswere adopted during the progress of civilisation. At the top of thesystem stands the Rajput or Chhatri, the warrior, whose duty is toprotect all the lower castes, and the Brahman, who is their priest andspiritual guide. Similarly, the artisan castes are divided into twomain groups; the lower one consists of those whose occupations precededthe age of metallurgy, as the Chamars and Mochis or tanners, Korisor weavers, the Telis or oil-pressers, Kalars or liquor-distillers, Kumhars or potters, and Lunias or salt-makers. The higher groupincludes those castes whose occupations were coeval with the ageof metallurgy, that is, those who work in stone, wood and metals, and who make clothing and ornaments, as the Barhai or worker in wood, the Lohar or worker in iron, the Kasera and Thathera, brass-workers, and the Sunar or worker in the precious metals, ranking precisely inthis order of precedence, the Sunar being the highest. The theory isstill further developed among the trading castes, who are arrangedin a similar manner, beginning from the Banjara or forest trader, the Kunjra or greengrocer, and the Bharbhunja or grain-parcher, up to the classes of Banias and Khatris or shopkeepers and bankers. 

It can hardly be supposed that the Hindus either consciously orunconsciously arranged their gradation of society in a scientificorder of precedence in the manner described. The main divisionsof social precedence are correctly stated by Mr. Nesfield, but itwill be suggested in this essay that they arose naturally from thedivisions of the principal social organism of India, the villagecommunity. Nevertheless Mr. Nesfield's book will always rank as amost interesting and original contribution to the literature of thesubject, and his work did much to stimulate inquiry into the originof the caste system. 

10. Racial Theory. 

In his Introduction to the _Tribes and Castes of Bengal_ Sir HerbertRisley laid stress on the racial basis of caste, showing thatdifference of race and difference of colour were the foundation ofthe Indian caste system or division of the people into endogamousunits. There seems reason to suppose that the contact of theAryans with the indigenous people of India was, to a large extent, responsible for the growth of the caste system, and the main racialdivisions may perhaps even now be recognised, though their racialbasis has, to a great extent, vanished. But when we come to individualcastes and subcastes, the scrutiny of their origin, which has beenmade in the individual articles, appears to indicate that castedistinctions cannot, as a rule, be based on supposed difference ofrace. Nevertheless Sir H. Risley's _Castes and Tribes of Bengal_ and_Peoples of India_ will, no doubt, always be considered as standardauthorities, while as Census Commissioner for India and Director ofEthnography he probably did more to foster this branch of researchin India generally than any other man has ever done. 

11. Entry of the Aryans into India. The Aryas and Dasyus. 

M. Emile Senart, in his work _Les Castes dans l'Inde_, gives anadmirable sketch of the features marking the entry of the Aryansinto India and their acquisition of the country, from which thefollowing account is largely taken. The institution of caste as itis understood at present did not exist among the Aryans of the Vedicperiod, on their first entry into India. The word _varna_, literally'colour, ' which is afterwards used in speaking of the four castes, distinguishes in the Vedas two classes only: there are the Arya Varnaand the Dasa Varna--the Aryan race and the race of enemies. In otherpassages the Dasyus are spoken of as black, and Indra is praisedfor protecting the Aryan colour. In later literature the black race, Krishna Varna, are opposed to the Brahmans, and the same word is usedof the distinction between Aryas and Sudras. The word _varna_ wasthus used, in the first place, not of four castes, but of two hostileraces, one white and the other black. It is said that Indra dividedthe fields among his white-coloured people after destroying the Dasyus, by whom may be understood the indigenous barbarian races. [2] The wordDasyu, which frequently recurs in the Vedas, probably refers to thepeople of foreign countries or provinces like the Goim or Gentilesof the Hebrews. The Dasyus were not altogether barbarians, for theyhad cities and other institutions showing a partial civilisation, though the Aryas, lately from more bracing climes than those whichthey inhabited, proved too strong for them. [3] To the Aryans the wordDasyu had the meaning of one who not only did not perform religiousrites, but attempted to harass their performers. Another verse says, "Distinguish, O Indra, between the Aryas and those who are Dasyus:punishing those who perform no religious rites; compel them tosubmit to the sacrifices; be thou the powerful, the encourager ofthe sacrificer. " [4]

Rakshasa was another designation given to the tribes with whomthe Aryans were in hostility. Its meaning is strong, gigantic orpowerful, and among the modern Hindus it is a word for a devilor demon. In the Satapatha Brahmana of the white Yajur-Veda theRakshasas are represented as 'prohibiters, ' that is 'prohibiters ofthe sacrifice. ' [5] Similarly, at a later period, Manu describesAryavarrta, or the abode of the Aryas, as the country between theeastern and western oceans, and between the Himalayas and the Vindhyas, that is Hindustan, the Deccan being not then recognised as an abodeof the Aryans. And he thus speaks of the country: "From a Brahman bornin Aryavarrta let all men on earth learn their several usages. " "Thatland on which the black antelope naturally grazes, is held fit forthe performance of sacrifices; but the land of Mlechchhas (foreigners)is beyond it. " "Let the three first classes (Brahmans, Kshatriyas andVaishyas) invariably dwell in the above-mentioned countries; but aSudra distressed for subsistence may sojourn wherever he chooses. " [6]

Another passage states: "If some pious king belonging to the Kshatriyaor some other caste should defeat the Mlechchhas [7] and establisha settlement of the four castes in their territories, and accept theMlechchhas thus defeated as Chandalas (the most impure caste in ancientHindu society) as is the case in Aryavarrta, then that country alsobecomes fit for sacrifice. For no land is impure of itself. A landbecomes so only by contact. " This passage is quoted by a Hindu writerwith the same reference to the Code of Manu as the preceding one, but it is not found there and appears to be a gloss by a later writer, explaining how the country south of the Vindhyas, which is excluded byManu, should be rendered fit for Aryan settlement. [8] Similarly ina reference in the Brahmanas to the migration of the Aryans eastwardfrom the Punjab it is stated that Agni the fire-god flashed forth fromthe mouth of a priest invoking him at a sacrifice and burnt across allthe five rivers, and as far as he burnt Brahmans could live. Agni, asthe god of fire by which the offerings were consumed, was addressed asfollows: "We kindle thee at the sacrifice, O wise Agni, the sacrificer, the luminous, the mighty. " [9] The sacrifices referred to were, in theearly period, of domestic animals, the horse, ox or goat, the flesh ofwhich was partaken of by the worshippers, and the sacred Soma-liquor, which was drunk by them; the prohibition or discouragement of animalsacrifices for the higher castes gradually came about at a later time, and was probably to a large extent due to the influence of Buddhism. 

The early sacrifice was in the nature of a communal sacred meal atwhich the worshippers partook of the animal or liquor offered to thegod. The Dasyus or indigenous Indian races could not worship the Aryangods nor join in the sacrifices offered to them, which constitutedthe act of worship. They were a hostile race, but the hostility wasfelt and expressed on religious rather than racial grounds, as thelatter term is understood at present. 

12. The Sudra. 

M. Senart points out that the division of the four castes appearingin post-Vedic literature, does not proceed on equal lines. There weretwo groups, one composed of the three higher castes, and the otherof the Sudras or lowest. The higher castes constituted a fraternityinto which admission was obtained only by a religious ceremony ofinitiation and investment with the sacred thread. The Sudras wereexcluded and could take no part in sacrifices. The punishment for thecommission of the gravest offences by a Brahman was that he becamea Sudra, that is to say an outcast. The killing of a Sudra was anoffence no more severe than that of killing certain animals. A Sudrawas prohibited by the severest penalties from approaching within acertain distance of a member of any of the higher castes. In the Sutras[10] it is declared [11] that the Sudra has not the right (Adhikara)of sacrifice enjoyed by the Brahman, Kshatriya and Vaishya. He wasnot to be invested with the sacred thread, nor permitted, like them, to hear, commit to memory, or recite Vedic texts. For listening tothese texts he ought to have his ears shut up with melted lead orlac by way of punishment; for pronouncing them, his tongue cut out;and for committing them to memory, his body cut in two. [12] The Vedawas never to be read in the presence of a Sudra; and no sacrificewas to be performed for him. [13] The Sudras, it is stated in theHarivansha, are sprung from vacuity, and are destitute of ceremonies, and so are not entitled to the rites of initiation. Just as upon thefriction of wood, the cloud of smoke which issues from the fire andspreads around is of no service in the sacrificial rite, so too theSudras spread over the earth are unserviceable, owing to their birth, to their want of initiatory rites, and the ceremonies ordained by theVedas. [14] Again it is ordained that silence is to be observed byparties of the three sacrificial classes when a Sudra enters to removetheir natural defilements, and thus the servile position of the Sudrais recognised. [15] Here it appears that the Sudra is identified withthe sweeper or scavenger, the most debased and impure of modern Hinducastes. [16] In the Dharmashastras or law-books it is laid down thata person taking a Sudra's food for a month becomes a Sudra and afterdeath becomes a dog. Issue begotten after eating a Sudra's food is ofthe Sudra caste. A person who dies with Sudra's food in his stomachbecomes a village pig, or is reborn in a Sudra's family. [17] AnArya who had sexual intimacy with a Sudra woman was to be banished;but a Sudra having intimacy with an Arya was to be killed. If a Sudrareproached a dutiful Arya, or put himself on equality with him on aroad, on a couch or on a seat, he was to be beaten with a stick. [18]A Brahman might without hesitation take the property of a Sudra; he, the Sudra, had indeed nothing of his own; his master might, doubtless, take his property. [19] According to the Mahabharata the Sudras areappointed servants to the Brahmans, Kshatriyas and Vaishyas. [20]A Brahman woman having connection with a Sudra was to be devoured bydogs, but one having connection with a Kshatriya or Vaishya was merelyto have her head shaved and be carried round on an ass. [21] When aBrahman received a gift from another Brahman he had to acknowledge itin a loud voice; from a Rajanya or Kshatriya, in a gentle voice; from aVaishya, in a whisper; and from a Sudra, in his own mind. To a Brahmanhe commenced his thanks with the sacred syllable Om; to a king he gavethanks without the sacred Om; to a Vaishya he whispered his thanks;to a Sudra he said nothing, but thought in his own mind, _svasti_, or 'This is good. ' [22] It would thus seem clear that the Sudraswere distinct from the Aryas and were a separate and inferior race, consisting of the indigenous people of India. In the Atharva-Vedathe Sudra is recognised as distinct from the Arya, and also theDasa from the Arya, as in the Rig-Veda. [23] Dr. Wilson remarks, "The aboriginal inhabitants, again, who conformed to the Brahmaniclaw, received certain privileges, and were constituted as a fourthcaste under the name of Sudras, whereas all the rest who kept aloofwere called Dasyus, whatever their language might be. " [24] TheSudras, though treated by Manu and Hindu legislation in general as acomponent, if enslaved, part of the Indian community, not entitled tothe second or sacramental birth, are not even once mentioned in theolder parts of the Vedas. They are first locally brought to notice inthe Mahabharata, along with the Abhiras, dwelling on the banks of theIndus. There are distinct classical notices of the Sudras in this verylocality and its neighbourhood. "In historical times, " says Lassen, "their name reappears in that of the town Sudros on the lower Indus, and, what is especially worthy of notice, in that of the people Sudroi, among the Northern Arachosians. " [25]

"Thus their existence as a distinct nation is established in theneighbourhood of the Indus, that is to say in the region in which, inthe oldest time, the Aryan Indians dwelt. The Aryans probably conqueredthese indigenous inhabitants first; and when the others in the interiorof the country were subsequently subdued and enslaved, the name Sudrawas extended to the whole servile caste. There seems to have been somehesitation in the Aryan community about the actual religious positionto be given to the Sudras. In the time of the liturgical Brahmanasof the Vedas, they were sometimes admitted to take part in the Aryansacrifices. Not long afterwards, when the conquests of the Aryans weregreatly extended, and they formed a settled state of society amongthe affluents of the Jumna and Ganges, the Sudras were degraded tothe humiliating and painful position which they occupy in Manu. Thereis no mention of any of the Sankara or mixed castes in the Vedas. " [26]

From the above evidence it seems clear that the Sudras were reallythe indigenous inhabitants of India, who were subdued by the Aryans asthey gradually penetrated into India. When the conquering race beganto settle in the land, the indigenous tribes, or such of them as didnot retire before the invaders into the still unconquered interior, became a class of menials and labourers, as the Amalekites were to thechildren of Israel. The Sudras were the same people as the Dasyus ofthe hymns, after they had begun to live in villages with the Aryans, and had to be admitted, though in the most humiliating fashion, into the Aryan polity. But the hostility between the Aryas and theDasyus or Sudras, though in reality racial, was felt and expressedon religious grounds, and probably the Aryans had no real idea ofwhat is now understood by difference of race or deterioration oftype from mixture of races. The Sudras were despised and hated asworshippers of a hostile god. They could not join in the sacrificesby which the Aryans renewed and cemented their kinship with their godand with each other; hence they were outlaws towards whom no socialobligations existed. It would have been quite right and proper thatthey should be utterly destroyed, precisely as the Israelites thoughtthat Jehovah had commanded them to destroy the Canaanites. But theywere too numerous, and hence they were regarded as impure and made tolive apart, so that they should not pollute the places of sacrifice, which among the Aryans included their dwelling-houses. It does notseem to have been the case that the Aryans had any regard for thepreservation of the purity of their blood or colour. From an earlyperiod men of the three higher castes might take a Sudra woman inmarriage, and the ultimate result has been an almost complete fusionbetween the two races in the bulk of the population over the greaterpart of the country. Nevertheless the status of the Sudra stillremains attached to the large community of the impure castes formedfrom the indigenous tribes, who have settled in Hindu villages andentered the caste system. These are relegated to the most degradingand menial occupations, and their touch is regarded as conveyingdefilement like that of the Sudras. [27] The status of the Sudraswas not always considered so low, and they were sometimes held torank above the mixed castes. And in modern times in Bengal Sudrais quite a respectable term applied to certain artisan castes whichthere have a fairly good position. But neither were the indigenoustribes always reduced to the impure status. Their fortunes varied, and those who resisted subjection were probably sometimes accepted asallies. For instance, some of the most prominent of the Rajput clansare held to have been derived from the aboriginal [28] tribes. On theAryan expedition to southern India, which is preserved in the legend ofRama, as related in the Ramayana, it is stated that Rama was assistedby Hanuman with his army of apes. The reference is generally held tobe to the fact that the Aryans had as auxiliaries some of the foresttribes, and these were consequently allies, and highly thought of, as shown by the legend and by their identification with the mightygod Hanuman. And at the present time the forest tribes who liveseparately from the Hindus in the jungle tracts are, as a rule, notregarded as impure. But this does not impair the identification of theSudras with those tribes who were reduced to subjection and serfdomin the Hindu villages, as shown by the evidence here given. The viewhas also been held that the Sudras might have been a servile classalready subject to the Aryans, who entered India with them. And inthe old Parsi or Persian community four classes existed, the Athornanor priest, the Rathestan or warrior, the Vasteriox or husbandman, and the Hutox or craftsman. [29] The second and third of these namesclosely resemble those of the corresponding Hindu classical castes, the Rajanya or Kshatriya and the Vaishya, while Athornan, the namefor a priest, is the same as Atharvan, the Hindu name for a Brahmanversed in the Atharva-Veda. Possibly then Hutox may be connected withSudra, as _h_ frequently changes into _s_. But on the other hand thefacts that the Sudras are not mentioned in the Vedas, and that theysucceeded to the position of the Dasyus, the black hostile Indians, as well as the important place they fill in the later literature, seem to indicate clearly that they mainly consisted of the indigenoussubject tribes. Whether the Aryans applied a name already existingin a servile class among themselves to the indigenous population whomthey subdued, may be an uncertain point. 

13. The Vaishya. 

In the Vedas, moreover, M. Senart shows that the three higher castesare not definitely distinguished; but there are three classes--thepriests, the chiefs and the people, among whom the Aryans werecomprised. The people are spoken of in the plural as the clans whofollowed the chiefs to battle. The word used is Visha. One versespeaks of the Vishas (clans) bowing before the chief (Rajan), who waspreceded by a priest (Brahman). Another verse says: "Favour the prayer(Brahma), favour the service; kill the Rakshasas, drive away the evil;favour the power (_khatra_) and favour the manly strength; favour thecow (_dherm_, the representative of property) and favour the people(or house, _visha_). " [30]

Similarly Wilson states that in the time of the Vedas, _visha_ (relatedto _vesha_, a house or district) signified the people in general;and Vaishya, its adjective, was afterwards applied to a householder, or that appertaining to an individual of the common people. The Latin_vicus_ and the Greek o>=ikoc are the correspondents of _vesha_. [31]The conclusion to be drawn is that the Aryans in the Vedas, like otherearly communities, were divided by rank or occupation into threeclasses--priests, nobles and the body of the people. The Vishas orclans afterwards became the Vaishyas or third classical caste. Beforethey entered India the Aryans were a migratory pastoral people, their domestic animals being the horse, cow, and perhaps the sheepand goat. The horse and cow were especially venerated, and hence wereprobably their chief means of support. The Vaishyas must thereforehave been herdsmen and shepherds, and when they entered India and tookto agriculture, the Vaishyas must have become cultivators. The wordVaishya signifies a man who occupies the soil, an agriculturist, ormerchant. [32] The word Vasteriox used by the ancestors of the Parsis, which appears to correspond to Vaishya, also signifies a husbandman, as already seen. Dr. Max Müller states: "The three occupations of theAryas in India were fighting, cultivating the soil and worshippingthe gods. Those who fought the battles of the people would naturallyacquire influence and rank, and their leaders appear in the Veda asRajas or kings. Those who did not share in the fighting would occupy amore humble position; they were called Vish, Vaishyas or householders, and would no doubt have to contribute towards the maintenance of thearmies. [33] According to Manu, God ordained the tending of cattle, giving alms, sacrifice, study, trade, usury, and also agriculturefor a Vaishya. " [34] The Sutras state that agriculture, the keepingof cattle, and engaging in merchandise, as well as learning theVedas, sacrificing for himself and giving alms, are the duties of aVaishya. [35] In the Mahabharata it is laid down that the Vaishyasshould devote themselves to agriculture, the keeping of cattle andliberality. [36] In the same work the god Vayu says to Bhishma:"And it was Brahma's ordinance that the Vaishya should sustain thethree castes (Brahman, Kshatriya and Vaishya) with money and corn;and that the Sudra should serve them. " [37]

In a list of classes or occupations given in the White Yajur-Veda, and apparently referring to a comparatively advanced state of Hindusociety, tillage is laid down as the calling of the Vaishya, andhe is distinguished from the Vani or merchant, whose occupation istrade or weighing. [38] Manu states that a Brahman should swear bytruth; a Kshatriya by his steed and his weapons; a Vaishya by hiscows, his seed and his gold; and a Sudra by all wicked deeds. [39]Yellow is the colour of the Vaishya, and it must apparently be takenfrom the yellow corn, and the yellow colour of _ghi_ or butter, theprincipal product of the sacred cow; yellow is also the colour ofthe sacred metal gold, but there can scarcely have been sufficientgold in the hands of the body of the people in those early times toenable it to be especially associated with them. The Vaishyas werethus, as is shown by the above evidence, the main body of the peoplereferred to in the Vedic hymns. When these settled down into villagesthe Vaishyas became the householders and cultivators, among whom thevillage lands were divided; the Sudras or indigenous tribes, who alsolived in the villages or in hamlets adjoining them, were labourersand given all the most disagreeable tasks in the village community, as is the case with the impure castes at present. 

14. Mistaken modern idea of the Vaishyas. 

The demonstration of the real position of the Vaishyas is important, because the Hindus themselves no longer recognise this. The nameVaishya is now frequently restricted to the Bania caste of bankers, shopkeepers and moneylenders, and hence the Banias are often supposedto be the descendants and only modern representatives of the originalVaishyas. Evidence has been given in the article on Bania to show thatthe existing Bania caste is mainly derived from the Rajputs. The nameBani, a merchant or trader, is found at an early period, but whetherit denoted a regular Bania caste may be considered as uncertain. Inany case it seems clear that this comparatively small caste, chieflycoming from Rajputana, cannot represent the Vaishyas, who were themain body or people of the invading Aryans. At that time the Vaishyascannot possibly have been traders, because they alone providedthe means of subsistence of the community, and if they producednothing, there could be no material for trade. The Vaishyas must, therefore, as already seen, have been shepherds and cultivators, since in early times wealth consisted almost solely of corn andcattle. At a later period, with the increased religious venerationfor all kinds of life, agriculture apparently fell into some kind ofdisrepute as involving the sacrifice of insect life, and there wasa tendency to emphasise trade as the Vaishya's occupation in viewof its greater respectability. It is considered very derogatory fora Brahman or Rajput to touch the plough with his own hands, and theact has hitherto involved a loss of status: these castes, however, did not object to hold land, but, on the contrary, ardently desiredto do so like all other Hindus. Ploughing was probably despised as aform of manual labour, and hence an undignified action for a memberof the aristocracy, just as a squire or gentleman farmer in Englandmight consider it beneath his dignity to drive the plough himself. Nodoubt also, as the fusion of races proceeded, and bodies of theindigenous tribes who were cultivators adopted Hinduism, the statusof a cultivator sank to some extent, and his Vaishyan ancestry wasforgotten. But though the Vaishya himself has practically disappeared, his status as a cultivator and member of the village community appearsto remain in that of the modern cultivating castes, as will be shownsubsequently. 

15. Mixed unions of the four classes. 

The settlement of the Aryans in India was in villages and not intowns, and the Hindus have ever since remained a rural people. In1911 less than a tenth of the population of India was urban, andnearly three-quarters of the total were directly supported byagriculture. Apparently, therefore, the basis or embryo of thegradation of Hindu society or the caste system should be soughtin the village. Two main divisions of the village community may berecognised in the Vaishyas or cultivators and the Sudras or impureserfs and labourers. The exact position held by the Kshatriyas and theconstitution of their class are not quite clear, but there is no doubtthat the Brahmans and Kshatriyas formed the early aristocracy, rankingabove the cultivators, and a few other castes have since attained tothis position. From early times, as is shown by an ordinance of Manu, men of the higher castes or classes were permitted, after takinga woman of their own class for the first wife, to have second andsubsequent wives from any of the classes beneath them. This customappears to have been largely prevalent. No definite rule prescribedthat the children of such unions should necessarily be illegitimate, and in many cases no doubt seems to exist that, if not they themselves, their descendants at any rate ultimately became full members of thecaste of the first ancestor. According to Manu, if the child of aBrahman by a Sudra woman intermarried with Brahmans and his descendantsafter him, their progeny in the seventh generation would become fullBrahmans; and the same was the case with the child of a Kshatriya or aVaishya with a Sudra woman. A commentator remarks that the descendantsof a Brahman by a Kshatriya woman could attain Brahmanhood in thethird generation, and those by a Vaishya woman in the fifth. [40]Such children also could inherit. According to the Mahabharata, ifa Brahman had four wives of different castes, the son by a Brahmanwife took four shares, that by a Kshatriya wife three, by a Vaishyawife two, and by a Sudra wife one share. [41] Manu gives a slightlydifferent distribution, but also permits to the son by a Sudra wifea share of the inheritance. [42] Thus the fact is clear that the sonof a Brahman even by a Sudra woman had a certain status of legitimacyin his father's caste, as he could marry in it, and must thereforehave been permitted to partake of the sacrificial food at marriage;[43] and he could also inherit a small share of the property. 

16. Hypergamy. 

The detailed rules prescribed for the status of legitimacy andinheritance show that recognised unions of this kind between men of ahigher class and women of a lower one were at one time fairly frequent, though they were afterwards prohibited. And they must necessarilyhave led to much mixture of blood in the different castes. A traceof them seems to survive in the practice of hypergamy, still widelyprevalent in northern India, by which men of the higher subcastes ofa caste will take daughters in marriage from lower ones but will notgive their daughters in return. This custom prevails largely among thehigher castes of the Punjab, as the Rajputs and Khatris, and among theBrahmans of Bengal. [44] Only a few cases are found in the CentralProvinces, among Brahmans, Sunars and other castes. Occasionallyintermarriage between two castes takes place on a hypergamous basis;thus Rajputs are said to take daughters from the highest clans ofthe cultivating caste of Dangis. More commonly families of the lowersubcastes or clans in the same caste consider the marriage of theirdaughters into a higher group a great honour and will give large sumsof money for a bridegroom. Until quite recently a Rajput was bound tomarry his daughters into a clan of equal or higher rank than his own, in order to maintain the position of his family. It is not easy tosee why so much importance should be attached to the marriage of adaughter, since she passed into another clan and family, to whom heroffspring would belong. On the other hand, a son might take a wifefrom a lower group without loss of status, though his children wouldbe the future representatives of the family. Another point, possiblyconnected with hypergamy, is that a peculiar relation exists between aman and the family into which his daughter has married. Sometimes hewill accept no food or even water in his son-in-law's village. Theword _sala_, signifying wife's brother, when addressed to a man, is also a common and extremely offensive term of abuse. The meaningis now perhaps supposed to be that one has violated the sister ofthe person spoken to, but this can hardly have been the originalsignificance as _sasur_ or father-in-law is also considered in aminor degree an opprobrious term of address. 

17. The mixed castes. The village menials. 

But though among the four classical castes it was possible for thedescendants of mixed unions between fathers of higher and mothers oflower caste to be admitted into their father's caste, this would nothave been the general rule. Such connections were very frequent andthe Hindu classics account through them for the multiplication ofcastes. Long lists are given of new castes formed by the childrenof mixed marriages. The details of these genealogies seem to bedestitute of any probability, and perhaps, therefore, instances ofthem are unnecessary. Matches between a man of higher and a woman oflower caste were called _anuloma_, or 'with the hair' or 'grain, 'and were regarded as suitable and becoming. Those between a man oflower and a woman of higher caste were, on the other hand, known as_pratiloma_ or 'against the hair, ' and were considered as disgracefuland almost incestuous. The offspring of such unions are held tohave constituted the lowest and most impure castes of scavengers, dog-eaters and so on. This doctrine is to be accounted for by thenecessity of safeguarding the morality of women in a state of societywhere kinship is reckoned solely by male descent. The blood of thetribe and clan, and hence the right to membership and participationin the communal sacrifices, is then communicated to the child throughthe father; hence if the women are unchaste, children may be borninto the family who have no such rights, and the whole basis ofsociety is destroyed. For the same reason, since the tribal bloodand life is communicated through males, the birth and standing ofthe mother are of little importance, and children are, as has beenseen, easily admitted to their father's rank. But already in Manu'stime the later and present view that both the father and mother mustbe of full status in the clan, tribe or caste in order to produce alegitimate child, has begun to prevail, and the children of all mixedmarriages are relegated to a lower group. The offspring of these mixedunions did probably give rise to a class of different status in thevillage community. The lower-caste mother would usually have beentaken into the father's house and her children would be brought up init. Thus they would eat the food of the household, even if they didnot participate in the sacrificial feasts; and a class of this kindwould be very useful for the performance of menial duties in and aboutthe household, such as personal service, bringing water, and so on, for which the Sudras, owing to their impurity, would be unsuitable. Inthe above manner a new grade of village menial might have arisen andhave gradually been extended to the other village industries, so thata third group would be formed in the village community ranking betweenthe cultivators and labourers. This gradation of the village communitymay perhaps still be discerned in the main social distinctions of thedifferent Hindu castes at present. And an attempt will now be madeto demonstrate this hypothesis in connection with a brief survey ofthe castes of the Province. 

18. Social gradation of castes. 

An examination of the social status of the castes of the CentralProvinces, which, as already seen, are representative of a great partof India, shows that they fall into five principal groups. The highestconsists of those castes who now claim to be directly descended fromthe Brahmans, Kshatriyas or Vaishyas, the three higher of the fourclassical castes. The second comprises what are generally knownas pure or good castes. The principal mark of their caste statusis that a Brahman will take water to drink from them, and performceremonies in their houses. They may be classified in three divisions:the higher agricultural castes, higher artisan castes, and servingcastes from whom a Brahman will take water. The third group containsthose castes from whose hands a Brahman will not take water; buttheir touch does not convey impurity and they are permitted to enterHindu temples. They consist mainly of certain cultivating castesof low status, some of them recently derived from the indigenoustribes, other functional castes formed from the forest tribes, anda number of professional and menial castes, whose occupations aremainly pursued in villages, so that they formerly obtained theirsubsistence from grain-payments or annual allowances of grain fromthe cultivators at seedtime and harvest. The group includes also somecastes of village priests and mendicant religious orders, who begfrom the cultivators. In the fourth group are placed the non-Aryanor indigenous tribes. Most of these cannot properly be said to formpart of the Hindu social system at all, but for practical purposesthey are admitted and are considered to rank below all castes exceptthose who cannot be touched. The lowest group consists of the impurecastes whose touch is considered to defile the higher castes. Withineach group there are minor differences of status some of which willbe noticed, but the broad divisions may be considered as representingapproximately the facts. The rule about Brahmans taking water fromthe good agricultural and artisan castes obtains, for instance, onlyin northern India. Maratha Brahmans will not take water from any butother Brahmans, and in Chhattisgarh Brahmans and other high casteswill take water only from the hands of a Rawat (grazier), and fromno other caste. But nevertheless the Kunbis, the great cultivatingcaste of the Maratha country, though Brahmans do not take water fromthem, are on the same level as the Kurmis, the cultivating caste ofHindustan, and in tracts where they meet Kunbis and Kurmis are oftenconsidered to be the same caste. The evidence of the statements madeas to the origin of different castes in the following account willbe found in the articles on them in the body of the work. 

19. Castes ranking above the cultivators. 

The castes of the first group are noted below:

 Bania. Bhat. Brahman. Gurao. Karan. Kayasth and Prabhu. Khatri. Rajput. 

The Brahmans are, as they have always been, the highest caste. TheRajputs are the representatives of the ancient Kshatriyas or secondcaste, though the existing Rajput clans are probably derived fromthe Hun, Gujar and other invaders of the period before and shortlyafter the commencement of the Christian era, and in some cases fromthe indigenous or non-Aryan tribes. It does not seem possible toassert in the case of a single one of the present Rajput clans thatany substantial evidence is forthcoming in favour of their descentfrom the Aryan Kshatriyas, and as regards most of the clans there arestrong arguments against such a hypothesis. Nevertheless the Rajputshave succeeded to the status of the Kshatriyas, and an alternativename for them, Chhatri, is a corruption of the latter word. They arecommonly identified with the second of the four classical castes, but a Hindu law-book gives Rajaputra as the offspring of a Kshatriyafather and a mother of the Karan or writer caste. [45] This genealogyis absurd, but may imply the opinion that the Rajputs were not thesame as the Aryan Kshatriyas. The Khatris are an important mercantilecaste of the Punjab, who in the opinion of most authorities arederived from the Rajputs. The name is probably a corruption ofKshatri or Kshatriya. The Banias are the great mercantile, bankingand shopkeeping caste among the Hindus and a large proportion ofthe trade in grain and _ghi_ (preserved butter) is in their hands, while they are also the chief moneylenders. Most of the importantBania subcastes belonged originally to Rajputana and Central India, which are also the homes of the Rajputs, and reasons have been givenin the article on Bania for holding that they are derived from theRajputs. They, however, are now commonly called Vaishyas by the Hindus, as, I think, under the mistaken impression that they are descendedfrom the original Vaishyas. The Bhats are the bards, heralds andgenealogists of India and include groups of very varying status. TheBhats who act as genealogists of the cultivating and other castes andaccept cooked food from their clients may perhaps be held to rank withor even below them. But the high-class Bhats are undoubtedly derivedfrom Brahmans and Rajputs, and rank just below those castes. The bardor herald had a sacred character, and his person was inviolable likethat of the herald elsewhere, and this has given a special status tothe whole caste. [46] The Kayasths are the writer caste of Hindustan, and the Karans and Prabhus are the corresponding castes of Orissa andBombay. The position of the Kayasths has greatly risen during the lastcentury on account of their own ability and industry and the advantagesthey have obtained through their high level of education. The originalKayasths may have been village accountants and hence have occupied alower position, perhaps below the cultivators. They are an instance ofa caste whose social position has greatly improved on account of thewealth and importance of its members. At present the Kayasths may besaid to rank next to Brahmans and Rajputs. The origin of the Prabhusand Karans is uncertain, but their recent social history appears toresemble that of the Kayasths. The Guraos are another caste whoseposition has greatly improved. They were priests of the villagetemples of Siva, and accepted the offerings of food which Brahmanscould not take. But they also supplied leaf-plates for festivals, and were village musicians and trumpeters in the Maratha armies, and hence probably ranked below the cultivators and were supportedby contributions of grain from them. Their social position has beenraised by their sacred character as priests of the god Siva and theyare now sometimes called Shaiva Brahmans. But a distinct recollectionof their former status exists. 

Thus all the castes of the first group are derived from therepresentatives of the Brahmans and Kshatriyas, the two highestof the four classical castes, except the Guraos, who have risen instatus owing to special circumstances. The origin of the Kayasths isdiscussed in the article on that caste. Members of the above castesusually wear the sacred thread which is the mark of the Dwija ortwice-born, the old Brahmans, Kshatriyas and Vaishyas. The thread isnot worn generally by the castes of the second group, but the morewealthy and prominent sections of them frequently assume it. 

20. Castes from whom a Brahman can take water. Higher agriculturists. 

The second group of good castes from whom a Brahman can take waterfalls into three sections as already explained: the higher agriculturalcastes, the higher artisans, and the serving or menial castes fromwhom a Brahman takes water from motives of convenience. These lastdo not properly belong to the second group but to the next lower oneof village menials. The higher agricultural castes or those of thefirst section are noted below:

 Agharia. Ahir. Bhilala. Bishnoi. Chasa. Daharia. Dangi. Dumal. Gujar. Jadum. Jat. Khandait. Kirar. Kolta. Kunbi. Kurmi. Lodhi. Mali. Maratha. Mina or Deswali. Panwar Rajput. Raghuvansi. Velama. 

In this division the Kurmis and Kunbis are the typical agriculturalcastes of Hindustan or the plains of northern India, and the Bombayor Maratha Deccan. Both are very numerous and appear to be purelyoccupational bodies. The name Kurmi perhaps signifies a cultivatoror worker. Kunbi may mean a householder. In both castes, groups ofdiverse origin seem to have been amalgamated owing to their commoncalling. Thus the Kunbis include a subcaste derived from the Banjara(carriers), another from the Dhangars or shepherds, and a thirdfrom the Manas, a primitive tribe. In Bombay it is considered thatthe majority of the Kunbi caste are sprung from the non-Aryan orindigenous tribes, and this may be the reason why Maratha Brahmans donot take water from them. But they have now become one caste with astatus equal to that of the other good cultivating castes. In manytracts of Berar and elsewhere practically all the cultivators ofthe village belong to the Kunbi caste, and there is every reason tosuppose that this was once the general rule and that the Kunbis or'householders' are simply the cultivators of the Maratha country wholived in village communities. Similarly Sir H. Risley considered thatsome Kurmis of Bihar were of the Aryan type, while others of ChotaNagpur are derived from the indigenous tribes. The Chasas are thecultivating caste of Orissa and are a similar occupational group. Theword Chasa has the generic meaning of a cultivator, and the caste aresaid by Sir H. Risley to be for the most part of non-Aryan origin, the loose organisation of the caste system among the Uriyas making itpossible on the one hand for outsiders to be admitted into the caste, and on the other for wealthy Chasas, who gave up ploughing with theirown hands and assumed the respectable title of Mahanti, to raisethemselves to membership among the lower classes of Kayasths. TheKoltas are another Uriya caste, probably an offshoot of the Chasas, whose name may be derived from the _kulthi_ [47] pulse, a favouritecrop in that locality. 

Similarly the Vellalas are the great cultivating caste of the Tamilcountry, to whom by general consent the first place in social esteemamong the Tamil Sudra castes is awarded. In the _Madras Census Report_of 1901 Mr. Francis gives an interesting description of the structureof the caste and its numerous territorial, occupational and othersubdivisions. He shows also how groups from lower castes continuallysucceed in obtaining admission into the Vellala community in thefollowing passage: "Instances of members of other castes who haveassumed the name and position of Vellalas are the Vettuva Vellalas, who are only Puluvans; the Illam Vellalas, who are Panikkans;the Karaiturai (lord of the shore) Vellalas, who are Karaiyans;the Karukamattai (palmyra leaf-stem) Vellalas, who are Balijas; theGuha (Rama's boatmen) Vellalas, who are Sembadavans; and the IrkuliVellalas, who are Vannans. The children of dancing-girls also oftencall themselves Mudali, and claim in time to be Vellalas, and evenParaiyans assume the title of Pillai and trust to its eventuallyenabling them to pass themselves off as members of the caste. "

This is an excellent instance of the good status attaching to thechief cultivating caste of the locality and of the manner in whichother groups, when they obtain possession of the land, strive to getthemselves enrolled in it. 

The Jats are the representative cultivating caste of the Punjab. Theyare probably the descendants of one of the Scythian invading hordeswho entered India shortly before and after the commencement of theChristian era. The Scythians, as they were called by Herodotus, appear to have belonged to the Mongolian racial family, as also didthe white Huns who came subsequently. The Gujar and Ahir castes, aswell as the Jats, and also the bulk of the existing Rajput clans, arebelieved to be descended from these invaders; and since their residencein India has been comparatively short in comparison with their Aryanpredecessors, they have undergone much less fusion with the generalpopulation, and retain a lighter complexion and better features, as is quite perceptible to the ordinary observer in the case of theJats and Rajputs. The Jats have a somewhat higher status than otheragricultural castes, because in the Punjab they were once dominant, and one or two ruling chiefs belonged to the caste. [48] The bulk ofthe Sikhs were also Jats. But in the Central Provinces, where they arenot large landholders, and have no traditions of former dominance, there is little distinction between them and the Kurmis. The Gujarsfor long remained a pastoral freebooting tribe, and their communitywas naturally recruited from all classes of vagabonds and outlaws, andhence the caste is now of a mixed character, and their physical typeis not noticeably distinct from that of other Hindus. Sir G. Campbellderived the Gujars from the Khazars, a tribe of the same race as thewhite Huns and Bulgars who from an early period had been settled inthe neighbourhood of the Caspian. They are believed to have enteredIndia during the fifth or sixth century. Several clans of Rajputs, as well as considerable sections of the Ahir and Kunbi castes were, in his opinion, derived from the Gujars. In the Central Provinces theGujars have now settled down into respectable cultivators. The Ahirsor cowherds and graziers probably take their name from the Abhiras, another of the Scythian tribes. But they have now become a purelyoccupational caste, largely recruited from the indigenous Gonds andKawars, to whom the business of tending cattle in the jungles ishabitually entrusted. In the Central Provinces Ahirs live in smallforest villages with Gonds, and are sometimes scarcely considered asHindus. On this account they have a character for bucolic stupidity, as the proverb has it: 'When he is asleep he is an Ahir and when he isawake he is a fool. ' But the Ahir caste generally has a good statuson account of its connection with the sacred cow and also with thegod Krishna, the divine cowherd. 

The Marathas are the military caste of the Maratha country, formedinto a caste from the cultivators, shepherds and herdsmen, who tookservice under Sivaji and subsequent Maratha leaders. The higher clansmay have been constituted from the aristocracy of the Deccan states, which was probably of Rajput descent. They have now become a singlecaste, ranking somewhat higher than the Kunbis, from whom the bulkof them originated, on account of their former military and dominantposition. Their status was much the same as that of the Jats in thePunjab. But the ordinary Marathas are mainly engaged in the subordinateGovernment and private service, and there is very little distinctionbetween them and the Kunbis. The Khandaits or swordsmen (from _khanda_, a sword) are an Uriya caste, which originated in military service, and the members of which belonged for the most part to the non-AryanBhuiya tribe. They were a sort of rabble, half military and halfpolice, Sir H. Risley states, who formed the levies of the Uriyazamindars. They have obtained grants of land, and their status hasimproved. "In the social system of Orissa the Sreshta (good) Khandaitsrank next to the Rajputs, who are comparatively few in number, andhave not that intimate connection with the land which has helped toraise the Khandaits to their present position. " [49] The small Rautialandholding caste of Chota Nagpur, mainly derived from the Kol tribe, was formed from military service, and obtained a higher status withthe possession of the land exactly like the Khandaits. 

Several Rajput clans, as the Panwars of the Wainganga Valley, the Raghuvansis, the Jadums derived from the Yadava clan, and theDaharias of Chhattisgarh, have formed distinct castes, marrying amongthemselves. A proper Rajput should not marry in his own clan. Thesegroups have probably in the past taken wives from the surroundingpopulation, and they can no longer be held to belong to the Rajputcaste proper, but rank as ordinary agricultural castes. Otheragricultural castes have probably been formed through mixed descentfrom Rajputs and the indigenous races. The Agharias of Sambalpur saythey are sprung from a clan of Rajputs near Agra, who refused to bendtheir heads before the king of Delhi. He summoned all the Agharias toappear before him, and fixed a sword across the door at the heightof a man's neck. As the Agharias would not bend their heads theywere as a natural consequence all decapitated as they passed throughthe door. Only one escaped, who had bribed a Chamar to go insteadof him. He and his village fled from Agra and came to Chhattisgarh, where they founded the Agharia caste. And, in memory of this, when anAgharia makes a libation to his ancestors, he first pours a littlewater on the ground in honour of the dead Chamar. Such stories maybe purely imaginary, or may contain some substratum of truth, as thatthe ancestors of the caste were Rajputs, who took wives from Chamarsand other low castes. The Kirars are another caste with more or lessmixed descent from Rajputs. They are also called Dhakar, and thismeans one of illegitimate birth. The Bhilalas are a caste formed of theoffspring of mixed alliances between Rajputs and Bhils. In many casesin Nimar Rajput immigrants appear to have married the daughters of Bhilchieftains and landholders, and succeeded to their estates. Thus theBhilalas include a number of landed proprietors, and the caste ranks asa good agricultural caste, from whom Brahmans will take water. Amongthe other indigenous tribes, several of which have in the CentralProvinces retained the possession of large areas of land and greatestates in the wilder forest tracts, a subcaste has been formed ofthe landholding members of the tribe. Such are the Raj-Gonds amongthe Gonds, the Binjhals among Baigas, and the Tawar subtribe of theKawar tribe of Bilaspur, to which all the zamindars [50] belong. Theselast now claim to be Tomara Rajputs, on the basis of the similarityof the name. These groups rank with the good agricultural castes, and Brahmans sometimes consent to take water from them. The Dangisof Saugor appear to be the descendants of a set of freebooters in theVindhyan hills, much like the Gujars in northern India. The legend oftheir origin is given in Sir B. Robertson's _Census Report_ of 1891:"The chief of Garhpahra or old Saugor detained the palanquins oftwenty-two married women and kept them as his wives. The issue of theillicit intercourse were named Dangis, and there are thus twenty-twosubdivisions of these people. There are also three other subdivisionswho claim descent from pure Rajputs, and who will take daughtersin marriage from the remaining twenty-two, but will not give theirdaughters to them. " Thus the Dangis appear to have been a mixed group, recruiting their band from all classes of the population, with someRajputs as leaders. The name probably means hillman, from _dang_, ahill. _Khet men bami, gaon men Dangi_ or 'A Dangi in the village islike the hole of a snake in one's field, ' is a proverb showing theestimation in which they were formerly held. They obtained estatesin Saugor and a Dangi dynasty formerly governed part of the District, and they are now highly respectable cultivators. The Minas or Deswalisbelonged to the predatory Mina tribe of Rajputana, but a section ofthem have obtained possession of the land in Hoshangabad and rank as agood agricultural caste. The Lodhas of the United Provinces are placedlowest among the agricultural castes by Mr. Nesfield, who describesthem as little better than a forest tribe. The name is perhaps derivedfrom the bark of the _lodh_ tree, which was collected by the Lodhasof northern India and sold for use as a dyeing agent. In the CentralProvinces the name has been changed to Lodhi, and they are said tohave been brought into the District by a Raja of the Gond-Rajputdynasty of Mandla in the seventeenth century, and given large grantsof waste land in the interior in order that they might clear it offorest. They have thus become landholders, and rank with the higheragricultural castes. They are addressed as Thakur, a title appliedto Rajputs, and Lodhi landowners usually wear the sacred thread. 

21. Status of the cultivator. 

The above details have been given to show how the differentagricultural castes originated. Though their origin is so diverse theyhave, to a great extent, the same status, and it seems clear that thisstatus is dependent on their possession of the land. In the tractswhere they reside they are commonly village proprietors and superiortenants. Those who rank a little higher than the others, as the Jats, Marathas, Dangis and Lodhis, include in their body some ruling chiefsor large landed proprietors, and as a rule were formerly dominantin the territory in which they are found. In primitive agriculturalcommunities the land is the principal, if not almost the sole, source of wealth. Trade in the modern sense scarcely exists, and whatinterchange of commodities there is affects, as a rule, only a triflingfraction of the population. India's foreign trade is mainly thegrowth of the last century, and the great bulk of the exports are ofagricultural produce, yet in proportion to the population the tradingcommunity is still extremely small. It thus seems quite impossible thatthe Aryans could have been a community of priests, rulers and traders, because such a community would not have had means of subsistence. Andif the whole production and control of the wealth and food of thecommunity had been in the hands of the Sudras, they could not havebeen kept permanently in their subject, degraded position. The flocksand herds and the land, which constituted the wealth of early India, must thus have been in the possession of the Vaishyas; and grounds ofgeneral probability, as well as the direct evidence already produced, make it clear that they were the herdsmen and cultivators, and theSudras the labourers. The status of the modern cultivators seems tocorrespond to that of the Vaishyas, that is, of the main body of theAryan people, who were pure and permitted to join in sacrifices. Thestatus, however, no longer attaches to origin, but to the possession ofthe land; it is that of a constituent member of the village community, corresponding to a citizen of the city states of Greece and Italy. Theoriginal Vaishyas have long disappeared; the Brahmans themselves saythat there are no Kshatriyas and no Vaishyas left, and this seems to bequite correct. But the modern good cultivating castes retain the statusof the Vaishyas as the Rajputs retain that of the Kshatriyas. The caseof the Jats and Gujars supports this view. These two castes are almostcertainly derived from Scythian nomad tribes, who entered India longafter the Vedic Aryans. And there is good reason to suppose that asubstantial proportion, if not the majority, of the existing Rajputclans were the leaders or aristocracy of the Jats and Gujars. Thus itis found that in the case of these later tribes the main body wereshepherds and cultivators, and their descendants have the statusof good cultivating castes at present, while the leaders became theRajputs, who have the status of the Kshatriyas; and it therefore seemsa reasonable inference that the same had previously been the case withthe Aryans themselves. It has been seen that the word Visha or Vaishyasignified one of the people or a householder. The name Kunbi appearsto have the same sense, its older form being _kutumbika_, which isa householder or one who has a family, [51] a _pater familias_. 

22. The clan and the village. 

It has been seen also that Visha in the plural signified clans. Theclan was the small body which lived together, and in the patriarchalstage was connected by a tie of kinship held to be derived from acommon ancestor. Thus it is likely that the clans settled down invillages, the cultivators of one village being of the same exogamousclan. The existing system of exogamy affords evidence in favour of thisview, as will be seen. All the families of the clan had cultivatingrights in the land, and were members of the village community; andthere were no other members, unless possibly a Kshatriya headman orleader. The Sudras were their labourers and serfs, with no right tohold land, and a third intermediate class of village menials graduallygrew up. 

The law of Mirasi tenures in Madras is perhaps a survival of thesocial system of the early village community. Under it only a fewof the higher castes were allowed to hold land, and the monopoly waspreserved by the rule that the right of taking up waste lands belongedprimarily to the cultivators of the adjacent holdings; no one elsecould acquire land unless he first bought them out. The pariahs orimpure castes were not allowed to hold land at all. This rule waspointed out by Mr. Slocock, and it is also noticed by Sir Henry Maine:"There are in Central and Southern India certain villages to which aclass of persons is hereditarily attached, in such a manner that theyform no part of the natural and organic aggregate to which the bulkof the villagers belong. These persons are looked upon as essentiallyimpure; they never enter the village, or only enter reserved portionsof it; and their touch is avoided as contaminating. Yet they bearextremely plain marks of their origin. Though they are not includedin the village, they are an appendage solidly connected with it;they have definite village duties, one of which is the settlement ofboundaries, on which their authority is allowed to be conclusive. Theyevidently represent a population of alien blood whose lands have beenoccupied by the colonists or invaders forming the community. " [52]Elsewhere, Sir Henry Maine points out that in many cases the outsiderswere probably admitted to the possession of land, but on an inferiortenure to the primary holders or freemen who formed the cultivatingbody of the village; and suggests that this may have been the groundfor the original distinction between occupancy and non-occupancytenants. The following extract from a description of the Marathavillages by Grant Duff [53] may be subjoined to this passage:"The inhabitants are principally cultivators, and are now eitherMirasidars or Ooprees. These names serve to distinguish the tenureby which they hold their lands. The Oopree is a mere tenant-at-will, but the Mirasidar is a hereditary occupant whom the Government cannotdisplace so long as he pays the assessment on his field. With variousprivileges and distinctions in his village of minor consequence, the Mirasidar has the important power of selling or transferring hisright of occupancy at pleasure. It is a current opinion in the Marathacountry that all the lands were originally of this description. "

As regards the internal relations of clans and village groups, SirH. Maine states: "The men who composed the primitive communitiesbelieved themselves to be kinsmen in the most literal sense ofthe word; and, surprising as it may seem, there are a multitude ofindications that in one stage of thought they must have regardedthemselves as equals. When these primitive bodies first make theirappearance as landowners, as claiming an exclusive enjoyment in adefinite area of land, not only do their shares of the soil appear tohave been originally equal, but a number of contrivances survive forpreserving the equality, of which the most frequent is the periodicalredistribution of the tribal domain. " [54] Similarly ProfessorHearn states: "The settlement of Europe was made by clans. Eachclan occupied a certain territory--much, I suppose, as an Australiansquatter takes up new country. The land thus occupied was distributedby metes and bounds to each branch of the clan; the remainder, if any, continuing the property of the clan. " [55] And again: "In those caseswhere the land had been acquired by conquest there were generallysome remains of the conquered population who retained more or lessinterest in the lands that had once been their own. But as betweenthe conquerors themselves it was the clansmen, and the clansmen only, who were entitled to derive any advantage from the land that the clanhad acquired. The outsiders, the men who lived with the clan but werenot of the clan, were no part of the folk, and had no share in thefolkland. No services rendered, no participation in the common danger, no endurance of the burden and heat of the day, could create in anoutsider any colour of right. Nothing short of admission to the clan, and of initiation in its worship, could enable him to demand as ofright the grass of a single cow or the wood for a single fire. " [56]

23. The ownership of land. 

Thus it appears that the cultivating community of each villageconstituted an exogamous clan, the members of which believed themselvesto be kinsmen. When some caste or tribe occupied a fresh area of landthey were distributed by clans in villages, over the area, all thecultivators of a village being of one caste or tribe, as is stillthe case with the Kunbis in Berar. Sometimes several alien castes orgroups became amalgamated into a single caste, such as the Kurmis andKunbis; in others they either remained as a separate caste or becameone. When the non-Aryan tribes retained possession of the land, thereis every reason to suppose that they also were admitted into Hinduism, and either constituted a fresh caste with the cultivating status, orwere absorbed into an existing one with a change of name. Individualownership of land was probably unknown. The _patel_ or village headman, on whom proprietary right was conferred by the British Government, certainly did not possess it previously. He was simply the spokesmanand representative of the village community in its dealings with thecentral or ruling authority. But it seems scarcely likely either thatthe village community considered itself to own the land. Cases inwhich the community as a corporate body has exercised any functionof ownership other than that of occupying and cultivating the soil, if recorded at all, must be extremely rare, and I do not know thatany instance is given by Sir Henry Maine. A tutelary village godis to be found as a rule in every Hindu village. In the CentralProvinces the most common is Khermata, that is the goddess of thevillage itself or the village lands. She is a form of Devi, thegeneral earth-goddess. When a village is founded the first thing tobe done is to install the village god. Thus the soil of the villageis venerated as a goddess, and it seems doubtful whether the villagecommunity considered itself the owner. In the Maratha Districts, Hanuman or Mahabir, the monkey god, is the tutelary deity of thevillage. His position seems to rest on the belief of the villagersthat the monkeys were the lords and owners of the soil before their ownarrival. For the worship of these and the other village gods there isusually a village priest, known as Bhumka, Bhumia, Baiga or Jhankar, who is taken from the non-Aryan tribes. The reason for his appointmentseems to be that the Hindus still look on themselves to some extentas strangers and interlopers in relation to the gods of the earth andthe village, and consider it necessary to approach these through themedium of one of their predecessors. The words Bhumka and Bhumia bothmean lord of the soil, or belonging to the soil. As already seen, the authority of some menial official belonging to the indigenoustribes is accepted as final in cases of disputed boundaries, the ideabeing apparently that as his ancestors first occupied the village, he has inherited from them the knowledge of its true extent andlimits. All these points appear to tell strongly against the viewthat the Hindu village community considered itself to own the villageland as we understand the phrase. They seem to have looked on theland as a god, and often their own tutelary deity and protector. Whatthey held themselves to possess was a right of occupancy, in virtueof prescriptive settlement, not subject to removal or disturbance, and transmitted by inheritance to persons born into the membership ofthe village community. Under the Muhammadans the idea that the stateultimately owned the land may have been held, but prior to them theexistence of such a belief is doubtful. The Hindu king did not takerent for land, but a share of the produce for the support of hisestablishments. The Rajput princes did not call themselves afterthe name of their country, but of its capital town, as if their ownproperty consisted only in the town, as Jodhpur, Jaipur and Udaipur, instead of Marwar, Dhundhar and Mewar. Just as the village has apriest of the non-Aryan tribes for propitiating the local gods, sothe Rajput chief at his accession was often inducted to the royalcushion by a Bhil or Mina, and received the badge of investiture asif he had to obtain his title from these tribes. Indeed the rightof the village community to the land was held sometimes superior tothat of the state. Sir J. Malcolm relates that he was very anxious toget the village of Bassi in Indore State repopulated when it had lainwaste for thirty-six years. He had arranged with the Bhil headman ofa neighbouring village to bring it under cultivation on a favourablelease. The plan had other advantages, and Holkar's minister was mostanxious to put it into execution, but said that this could not be doneuntil every possible effort had been made to discover whether anydescendant of the former _patel_ or of any _watandar_ or hereditarycultivator of Bassi was still in existence; for if such were found, he said, "even we Marathas, bad as we are, cannot do anything whichinterferes with their rights. " None such being found at the time, thevillage was settled as proposed by Malcolm; but some time afterwards, a boy was discovered who was descended from the old _patel's_ family, and he was invited to resume the office of headman of the village ofhis forefathers, which even the Bhil, who had been nominated to it, was forward to resign to the rightful inheritor. [57] Similarly theMaratha princes, Sindhia, Holkar and others, are recorded to haveset more store by the headship of the insignificant Deccan villages, which were the hereditary offices of their families, than by thegreat principalities which they had carved out for themselves withthe sword. The former defined and justified their position in theworld as the living link and representative of the continuous familycomprising all their ancestors and all their descendants; the latterwas at first regarded merely as a transient, secular possession, and a source of wealth and profit. This powerful hereditary rightprobably rested on a religious basis. The village community wasconsidered to be bound up with its village god in one joint life, and hence no one but they could in theory have the right to cultivatethe lands of that village. The very origin and nature of this rightprecluded any question of transfer or alienation. The only lands inwhich any ownership, corresponding to our conception of the term, was held to exist, were perhaps those granted free of revenue forthe maintenance of temples, which were held to be the property of thegod. In Rome and other Greek and Latin cities the idea of private orfamily ownership of land also developed from a religious sentiment. Itwas customary to bury the dead in the fields which they had held, and here the belief was that their spirits remained and protectedthe interests of the family. Periodical sacrifices were made to themand they participated in all the family ceremonies. Hence the landin which the tombs of ancestors were situated was held to belong tothe family, and could not be separated from it. [58] Gradually, asthe veneration for the spirits of ancestors decayed, the land cameto be regarded as the private property of the family, and when thisidea had been realised it was made alienable, though not with the samefreedom as personal property. But the word _pecunia_ for money, from_pecus_ a flock, like the Hindi _dhan_, which means wealth and alsoflocks of goats and sheep, and feudal from the Gaelic _fiu_, cattle, point to conditions of society in which land was not considered aform of private property or wealth. M. Fustel de Coulanges noticesother primitive races who did not recognise property in land:"The Tartars understand the term property as applying to cattle, but not as applying to land. According to some authors, among theancient Germans there was no ownership of land; every year each memberof the tribe received a holding to cultivate, and the holding waschanged in the following year. The German owned the crop; he did notown the soil. The same was the case among a part of the Semitic raceand certain of the Slav peoples. " [59] In large areas of the NigeriaProtectorate at present, land has no exchangeable value at all; butby the native system of taxation a portion of the produce is takenin consideration of the right of use. [60] In ancient Arabia 'Baal'meant the lord of some place or district, that is, a local deity, and hence came to mean a god. Land naturally moist was considered asirrigated by a god and the special place or habitation of the god. Tothe numerous Canaanite Baalims, or local deities, the Israelitesascribed all the natural gifts of the land, the corn, the wine, andthe oil, the wool and the flax, the vines and fig trees. Pasture landwas common property, but a man acquired rights in the soil by buildinga house, or, by 'quickening' a waste place, that is, bringing it undercultivation. [61] The Israelites thought that they derived their titleto the land of Canaan from Jehovah, having received it as a giftfrom Him. The association of rights over the land with cultivationand building, pointed out by Professor Robertson Smith, may perhapsexplain the right over the village lands which was held to appertainto the village community. They had quickened the land and built houseson it, establishing the local village deity on their village sites, and it was probably thought that their life was bound up with that ofthe village god, and only they had a right to cultivate his land. Thiswould explain the great respect shown by the Marathas for hereditarytitle to land, as seen above; a feeling which must certainly have beenbased on some religious belief, and not on any moral idea of equityor justice; no such deep moral principle was possible in the Hinducommunity at the period in question. The Hindu religious conception ofrights to land was thus poles apart from the secular English law ofproprietary and transferable right, and if the native feeling couldhave been, understood by the early British administrators the latterwould perhaps have been introduced only in a much modified form. 

24. The cultivating status that of the Vaishya. 

The suggested conclusion from the above argument is that the mainbody of the Aryan immigrants, that is the Vaishyas, settled down invillages by exogamous clans or septs. The cultivators of each villagebelieved themselves to be kinsmen descended from a common ancestor, andalso to be akin to the god of the village lands from which they drewtheir sustenance. Hence their order had an equal right to cultivatethe village land and their children to inherit it, though they didnot conceive of the idea of ownership of land in the sense in whichwe understand this phrase. 

The original status of the Vaishya, or a full member of the Aryancommunity who could join in sacrifices and employ Brahmans to performthem, was gradually transferred to the cultivating member of thevillage communities. In process of time, as land was the chief sourceof wealth, and was also regarded as sacred, the old status becameattached to castes or groups of persons who obtained or held landirrespective of their origin, and these are what are now called thegood cultivating castes. They have now practically the same status, though, as has been seen, they were originally of most diverse origin, including bands of robbers and freebooters, cattle-lifters, non-Aryantribes, and sections of any castes which managed to get possessionof an appreciable quantity of land. 

25. Higher professional and artisan castes. 

The second division of the group of pure or good castes, or those fromwhom a Brahman can take water, comprises the higher artisan castes:

 Barhai. Bharbhunja. Halwai. Kasar. Komti. Sansia. Sunar. Tamera. Vidur. 

The most important of these are the Sunar or goldsmith; the Kasaror worker in brass and bell-metal; the Tamera or coppersmith; theBarhai or carpenter; and the Halwai and Bharbhunja or confectionerand grain-parcher. The Sansia or stone-mason of the Uriya countrymay perhaps also be included. These industries represent a higherdegree of civilisation than the village trades, and the workers mayprobably have been formed into castes at a later period, when thepractice of the handicrafts was no longer despised. The metal-workingcastes are now usually urban, and on the average their members areas well-to-do as the cultivators. The Sunars especially include anumber of wealthy men, and their importance is increased by theirassociation with the sacred metal, gold; in some localities theynow claim to be Brahmans and refuse to take food from Brahmans. [62]The more ambitious members abjure all flesh-food and liquor and wearthe sacred thread. But in Bombay the Sunar was in former times oneof the village menial castes, and here, before and during the timeof the Peshwas, Sunars were not allowed to wear the sacred thread, and they were forbidden to hold their marriages in public, as it wasconsidered unlucky to see a Sunar bridegroom. Sunar bridegrooms werenot allowed to see the state umbrella or to ride in a palanquin, andhad to be married at night and in secluded places, being subject torestrictions and annoyances from which even Mahars were free. Thusthe goldsmith's status appears to vary greatly according as histrade is a village or urban industry. Copper is also a sacred metal, and the Tameras rank next to the Sunars among the artisan castes, with the Kasars or brass-workers a little below them; both thesecastes sometimes wearing the sacred thread. These classes of artisansgenerally live in towns. The Barhai or carpenter is sometimes a villagemenial, but most carpenters live in towns, the wooden implements ofagriculture being made either by the blacksmith or by the cultivatorsthemselves. Where the Barhai is a village menial he is practicallyon an equality with the Lohar or blacksmith; but the better-classcarpenters, who generally live in towns, rank higher. The Sansia orstone-mason of the Uriya country works, as a rule, only in stone, and in past times therefore his principal employment must have beento build temples. He could not thus be a village menial, and hisstatus would be somewhat improved by the sanctity of his calling. TheHalwai and Bharbhunja or confectioner and grain-parcher are castes ofcomparatively low origin, especially the latter; but they have to begiven the status of ceremonial purity in order that all Hindus may beable to take sweets and parched grain from their hands. Their positionresembles that of the barber and waterman, the pure village menials, which will be discussed later. In Bengal certain castes, such as theTanti or weaver of fine muslin, the Teli or oil-presser, and the Kumharor potter, rank with the ceremonially pure castes. Their callingshave there become important urban industries. Thus the Tantis made theworld-renowned fine muslins of Dacca; and the Jagannathia Kumhars ofOrissa provide the earthen vessels used for the distribution of riceto all pilgrims at the temple of Jagannath. These castes and certainothers have a much higher rank than that of the corresponding castesin northern and Central India, and the special reasons indicated seemto account for this. Generally the artisan castes ranking on the sameor a higher level than the cultivators are urban and not rural. Theywere not placed in a position of inferiority to the cultivators byaccepting contributions of grain and gifts from them, and this perhapsaccounts for their higher position. One special caste may be noticedhere, the Vidurs, who are the descendants of Brahman fathers by womenof other castes. These, being of mixed origin, formerly had a verylow rank, and worked as village accountants and patwaris. Owing totheir connection with Brahmans, however, they are a well-educatedcaste, and since education has become the door to all grades ofadvancement in the public service, the Vidurs have taken advantageof it, and many of them are clerks of offices or hold higher postsunder Government. Their social status has correspondingly improved;they dress and behave like Brahmans, and in some localities it issaid that even Maratha Brahmans will take water to drink from Vidurs, though they will not take it from the cultivating castes. There arealso several menial or serving castes from whom a Brahman can takewater, forming the third class of this group, but their real rank ismuch below that of the cultivators, and they will be treated in thenext group. 

26. Castes from whom a Brahman cannot take water; the village menials. 

The third main division consists of those castes from whom aBrahman cannot take water, though they are not regarded as impureand are permitted to enter Hindu temples. The typical castes of thisgroup appear to be the village artisans and menials and the villagepriests. The annexed list shows the principal of these. 

_Village menials_. 

 Lohar--Blacksmith. Barhai--Carpenter. Kumhar--Potter. Nai--Barber. Dhimar--Waterman. Kahar--Palanquin-bearer. Bari--Leaf-plate maker. Bargah--Household servant. Dhobi--Washerman. Darzi--Tailor. Basor or Dhulia--Village musician. Bhat and Mirasi--Bard and genealogist. Halba--House-servant and farm-servant. 

_Castes of village watchmen_. 

 Khangar. Chadar. Chauhan. Dahait. Panka. 

_Village priests and mendicants_. 

 Joshi--Astrologer. Garpagari--Hail-averter. Gondhali--Musician. 

 Manbhao Jangam Basdewa Wandering priests and mendicants. Satani Waghya

_Others_. 

 Mali--Gardener and maker of garlands. Barai--Betel-vine grower and seller. 

_Other village traders and artisans_. 

 Kalar--Liquor-vendor. Teli--Oil-presser. 

 Hatwa Manihar Pedlar. 

Banjara--Carrier. 

 Bahelia Pardhi Fowlers and hunters. 

 Bahna--Cotton-cleaner. Chhipa--Calico-printer and dyer. Chitrakathi--Painter and picture-maker. Kachera--Glass bangle-maker. Kadera--Fireworks-maker. Nat--Acrobat. 

 Gadaria Dhangar Shepherds. Kuramwar

 Beldar Murha Diggers, navvies, and salt-refiners. Nunia

The essential fact which formerly governed the status of this groupof castes appears to be that they performed various services for thecultivators according to their different vocations, and were supportedby contributions of grain made to them by the cultivators, and bypresents given to them at seed-time and harvest. They were the clientsof the cultivators and the latter were their patrons and supporters, and hence ranked above them. This condition of things survives onlyin the case of a few castes, but prior to the introduction of a metalcurrency must apparently have been the method of remuneration of allthe village industries. The Lohar or blacksmith makes and mends theiron implements of agriculture, such as the ploughshare, axe, sickleand goad. For this he is paid in Saugor a yearly contribution of 20lbs. Of grain per plough of land held by each cultivator, together witha handful of grain at sowing-time and a sheaf at harvest from both theautumn and spring crops. In Wardha he gets 50 lbs. Of grain per ploughof four bullocks or 40 acres. For new implements he must either bepaid separately or at least supplied with the iron and charcoal. InDistricts where the Barhai or carpenter is a village servant he ispaid the same as the Lohar and has practically an equal status. Thevillage barber receives in Saugor 20 lbs. Of grain annually from eachadult male in the family, or 22 1/2 lbs. Per plough of land besidesthe seasonal presents. In return for this he shaves each cultivatorover the head and face about once a fortnight. The Dhobi or washermangets half the annual contribution of the blacksmith and carpenter, withthe same presents, and in return for this he washes the clothes of thefamily two or three times a month. When he brings the clothes home healso receives a meal or a wheaten cake, and well-to-do families givehim their old clothes as a present. The Dhimar or waterman brings waterto the house morning and evening, and fills the earthen water-potsplaced on a wooden stand or earthen platform outside it. When thecultivators have marriages he performs the same duties for the wholewedding party, and receives a present of money and clothes according tothe means of the family, and his food every day while the wedding isin progress. He supplies water for drinking to the reapers, receivingthree sheaves a day as payment, and takes sweet potatoes and boiledplums to the field and sells them. The Kumhar or potter is not now paidregularly by dues from the cultivators like other village menials, as the ordinary system of sale has been found to be more convenientin his case. But he sometimes takes for use the soiled grass fromthe stalls of the cattle and gives pots free to the cultivator inexchange. On Akti day, at the beginning of the agricultural year, the village Kumhar in Saugor presents five pots with covers on themto each cultivator and is given 2 1/2 lbs. Of grain. He presents thebride with seven new pots at a wedding, and these are filled withwater and used in the ceremony, being considered to represent theseven seas. At a funeral he must supply thirteen vessels which areknown as _ghats_, and must replace the household earthen vessels, which are rendered impure on the occurrence of a death in the house, and are all broken and thrown away. In the Punjab and Maratha countrythe Kumhar was formerly an ordinary village menial. 

27. The village watchmen. 

The office of village watchman is an important one, and is usuallyheld by a member of the indigenous tribes. These formerly were thechief criminals, and the village watchman, in return for his pay, was expected to detect the crimes of his tribesmen and to make goodany losses of property caused by them. The sections of the tribes whoheld this office have developed into special castes, as the Khangars, Chadars and Chauhans of Chhattisgarh. These last are probably ofmixed descent from Rajputs and the higher castes of cultivators withthe indigenous tribes. The Dahaits were a caste of gatekeepers andorderlies of native rulers who have now become village watchmen. ThePankas are a section of the impure Ganda caste who have embraced thedoctrines of the Kabirpanthi sect and formed a separate caste. Theyare now usually employed as village watchmen and are not regarded asimpure. Similarly those members of the Mahar servile caste who arevillage watchmen tend to marry among themselves and form a superiorgroup to the others. The village watchman now receives a remunerationfixed by Government and is practically a rural policeman, but in formertimes he was a village menial and was maintained by the cultivatorsin the same manner as the others. 

28. The village priests. The gardening castes. 

The village priests are another class of this group. The regularvillage priest and astrologer, the Joshi or Parsai, is a Brahman, butthe occupation has developed a separate caste. The Joshi officiatesat weddings in the village, selects auspicious names for childrenaccording to the constellations under which they were born, and pointsout the auspicious moment or _mahurat_ for weddings, name-givingand other ceremonies, and for the commencement of such agriculturaloperations as sowing, reaping, and threshing. He is also sometimesin charge of the village temple. He is supported by contributions ofgrain from the villagers and often has a plot of land rent-free fromthe proprietor. The social position of the Joshis is not very good, and, though Brahmans, they are considered to rank somewhat below thecultivating castes. The Gurao is another village priest, whose fortunehas been quite different. The caste acted as priests of the templesof Siva and were also musicians and supplied leaf-plates. They werevillage menials of the Maratha villages. But owing to the sanctityof their calling, and the fact that they have become literateand taken service under Government, the Guraos now rank above thecultivators and are called Shaiva Brahmans. The Gondhalis are thevillage priests of Devi, the earth-goddess, who is also frequentlythe tutelary goddess of the village. They play the kettle-drum andperform dances in her honour, and were formerly classed as one ofthe village menials of Maratha villages, though they now work forhire. The Garpagari, or hail-averter, is a regular village menial, hisduty being to avert hail-storms from the crops, like the qalazof'ulaxin ancient Greece. The Garpagaris will accept cooked food from Kunbisand celebrate their weddings with those of the Kunbis. The Jogis, Manbhaos, Satanis, and others, are wandering religious mendicants, whoact as priests and spiritual preceptors to the lower classes of Hindus. 

With the village priests may be mentioned the Mali or gardener. TheMalis now grow vegetables with irrigation or ordinary crops, butthis was not apparently their original vocation. The name is derivedfrom _mala_, a garland, and it would appear that the Mali was firstemployed to grow flowers for the garlands with which the gods andalso their worshippers were adorned at religious ceremonies. Flowerswere held sacred and were an essential adjunct to worship in Indiaas in Greece and Rome. The sacred flowers of India are the lotus, the marigold and the _champak_ [63] and from their use in religiousworship is derived the custom of adorning the guests with garlands atall social functions, just as in Rome and Greece they wore crowns ontheir heads. It seems not unlikely that this was the purpose for whichcultivated flowers were first grown, at any rate in India. The Maliwas thus a kind of assistant in the religious life of the village, and he is still sometimes placed in charge of the village shrines andis employed as temple-servant in Jain temples. He would thereforehave been supported by contributions from the cultivators like theother village menials and have ranked below them, though on accountof the purity and sanctity of his occupation Brahmans would takewater from him. The Mali has now become an ordinary cultivator, buthis status is still noticeably below that of the good cultivatingcastes and this seems to be the explanation. With the Mali may beclassed the Barai, the grower and seller of the _pan_ or betel-vineleaf. This leaf, growing on a kind of creeper, like the vine, inirrigated gardens roofed with thatch for protection from the sun, is very highly prized by the Hindus. It is offered with areca-nut, cloves, cardamom and lime rolled up in a quid to the guests at allsocial functions. It is endowed by them with great virtues, beingsupposed to prevent heartburn, indigestion, and other stomachic andintestinal disorders, and to preserve the teeth, while taken withmusk, saffron and almonds, the betel-leaf is held to be a strongaphrodisiac. The juice of the leaf stains the teeth and mouth red, and the effect, though repulsive to Europeans, is an indispensableadjunct to a woman's beauty in Hindu eyes. This staining of the mouthred with betel-leaf is also said to distinguish a man from a dog. Theidea that betel preserves the teeth seems to be unfounded. The teeth ofHindus appear to be far less liable to decay than those of Europeans, but this is thought to be because they generally restrict themselvesto a vegetable diet and always rinse out their mouths with water aftertaking food. The betel-leaf is considered sacred; a silver ornamentis made in its shape and it is often invoked in spells and magic. Theoriginal vine is held to have grown from a finger-joint of Basuki, the Queen of the Serpents, and the cobra is worshipped as the tutelarydeity of the _pan_-garden, which this snake is accustomed to frequent, attracted by the moist coolness and darkness. The position of theBarai is the same as that of the Mali; his is really a low caste, sometimes coupled with the contemned Telis or oil-pressers, but heis considered ceremonially pure because the betel-leaf, offered togods and eaten by Brahmans and all Hindus, is taken from him. TheBarai or Tamboli was formerly a village menial in the Maratha villages. 

29. Other village traders and menials. 

The castes following other village trades mainly fall into thisgroup, though they may not now be village menials. Such are theKalar or liquor-vendor and Teli or oil-presser, who sell theirgoods for cash, and having learnt to reckon and keep accounts, haveprospered in their dealings with the cultivators ignorant of thisaccomplishment. Formerly it is probable that the village Teli had theright of pressing all the oil grown in the village, and retaining acertain share for his remuneration. The liquor-vendor can scarcelyhave been a village menial, but since Manu's time his trade hasbeen regarded as a very impure one, and has ranked with that of theTeli. Both these castes have now become prosperous, and include anumber of landowners, and their status is gradually improving. TheDarzi or tailor is not usually attached to the village community; sewnclothes have hitherto scarcely been worn among the rural population, and the weaver provides the cloths which they drape on the body andround the head. [64] The contempt with which the tailor is visited inEnglish proverbial lore for working at a woman's occupation attachesin a precisely similar manner in India to the weaver. [65] But inGujarat the Darzi is found living in villages and here he is also avillage menial. The Kachera or maker of the glass bangles which everyHindu married woman wears as a sign of her estate, ranks with thevillage artisans; his is probably an urban trade, but he has neverbecome prosperous or important. The Banjaras or grain-carriers wereoriginally Rajputs, but owing to the mixed character of the casteand the fact that they obtained their support from the cultivators, they have come to rank below these latter. The Wanjari cultivatorsof Berar have now discarded their Banjara ancestry and claim to beKunbis. The Nat or rope-dancer and acrobat may formerly have hadfunctions in the village in connection with the crops. In Kumaon[66] a Nat still slides down a long rope from the summit of a cliffto the base as a rite for ensuring the success of the crops on theoccasion of a festival of Siva. Formerly if the Nat or Badi fell tothe ground in his course, he was immediately despatched with a swordby the surrounding spectators, but this is now prohibited. The ropeon which he slid down the cliff is cut up and distributed amongthe inhabitants of the village, who hang the pieces as charms onthe eaves of their houses. The hair of the Nat is also taken andpreserved as possessing similar virtues. Each District in Kumaon hasits hereditary Nat or Badi, who is supported by annual contributionsof grain from the inhabitants. Similarly in the Central Provinces itis not uncommon to find a deified Nat, called Nat Baba or Father Nat, as a village god. A Natni, or Nat woman, is sometimes worshipped; andwhen two sharp peaks of hills are situated close to each other, it isrelated that there was once a Natni, very skilful on the tight-rope, who performed before the king; and he promised her that if she wouldstretch a rope from the peak of one hill to that of the other, andwalk across it, he would marry her and make her wealthy. Accordinglythe rope was stretched, but the queen from jealousy went and cutit nearly through in the night, and when the Natni started to walk, the rope broke, and she fell down and was killed. Having regard tothe Kumaon rite, it may be surmised that these legends commemoratethe death of a Natni or acrobat during the performance of some feat ofdancing or sliding on a rope for the magical benefit of the crops. Andit seems possible that acrobatic performances may have had theirorigin in this manner. The point bearing on the present argument is, however, that the Nat performed special functions for the success ofthe village crops, and on this account was supported by contributionsfrom the villagers, and ranked with the village menials. 

30. Household servants. 

Some of the castes already mentioned, and one or two others havingthe same status, work as household servants as well as villagemenials. The Dhimar is most commonly employed as an indoor servantin Hindu households, and is permitted to knead flour in water andmake it into a cake, which the Brahman then takes and puts on thegirdle with his own hands. He can boil water and pour pulse into thecooking-pot from above, so long as he does not touch the vessel afterthe food has been placed in it. He will take any remains of foodleft in the cooking-pot, as this is not considered to be polluted, food only becoming polluted when the hand touches it on the dish afterhaving touched the mouth. When this happens, all the food on the dishbecomes _jutha_ or leavings of food, and as a general rule no casteexcept the sweepers will eat these leavings of food of another casteor of another person of their own. Only a wife, whose meal followsher husband's, will eat his leavings. As a servant, the Dhimar isvery familiar with his master; he may enter any part of the house, including the cooking-place and the women's rooms, and he addresseshis mistress as 'Mother. ' When he lights his master's pipe he takesthe first pull himself, to show that it has not been tampered with, and then presents it to him with his left hand placed under hisright elbow in token of respect. Maid-servants frequently belongalso to the Dhimar caste, and it often happens that the master ofthe household has illicit intercourse with them. Hence there is aproverb: 'The king's son draws water and the water-bearer's son sitson the throne, '--similar intrigues on the part of high-born womenwith their servants being not unknown. The Kahar or palanquin-bearerwas probably the same caste as the Dhimar. Landowners would maintaina gang of Kahars to carry them on journeys, allotting to such menplots of land rent-free. Our use of the word 'bearer' in the senseof a body-servant has developed from the palanquin-bearer who becamea personal attendant on his master. Well-to-do families often have aNai or barber as a hereditary family servant, the office descendingin the barber's family. Such a man arranges the marriages of thechildren and takes a considerable part in conducting them, and actsas escort to the women of the family when they go on a journey. Amonghis daily duties are to rub his master's body with oil, massage hislimbs, prepare his bed, tell him stories to send him to sleep, and soon. The barber's wife attends on women in childbirth after the daysof pollution are over, and rubs oil on the bodies of her clients, pares their nails and paints their feet with red dye at marriagesand on other festival occasions. The Bari or maker of leaf-platesis another household servant. Plates made of large leaves fastenedtogether with little wooden pins and strips of fibre are commonly usedby the Hindus for eating food, as are little leaf-cups for drinking;glazed earthenware has hitherto not been commonly manufactured, andthat with a rougher surface becomes ceremonially impure by contactwith any strange person or thing. Metal vessels and plates are theonly alternative to those made of leaves, and there are frequentlynot enough of them to go round for a party. The Baris also work aspersonal servants, hand round water, and light and carry torches atentertainments and on journeys. Their women are maids to high-casteHindu ladies, and as they are always about the zenana are liable tolose their virtue. 

31. Status of the village menials. 

The castes of village and household menials form a large group betweenthe cultivators on the one hand and the impure and servile labourerson the other. Their status is not exactly the same. On the one hand, the Nai or barber, the Kahar and Dhimar or watermen, the householdservants, the Bari, Ahir, and others, some of the village priests andthe gardening castes, are considered ceremonially pure and Brahmanswill take water from them. But this is a matter of convenience, as, if they were not so held pure, they would be quite useless in thehousehold. Several of these castes, as the Dhimars, Baris and others, are derived from the primitive tribes. Sir H. Risley considered theBaris of Bengal as probably an offshoot from the Bhuiya or Musahartribe: "He still associates with the Bhuiyas at times, and if thedemand for leaf-plates and cups is greater than he can cope withhimself, he gets them secretly made up by his ruder kinsfolk andpasses them off as his own production. Instances of this sort, inwhich a non-Aryan or mixed group is promoted on grounds of necessityor convenience to a higher status than their antecedents wouldentitle them to claim, are not unknown in other castes, and musthave occurred frequently in outlying parts of the country, wherethe Aryan settlements were scanty and imperfectly supplied with thesocial apparatus demanded by the theory of ceremonial purity. Thusthe undoubtedly non-Aryan Bhuiyas have in parts of Chota Nagpur beenrecognised as Jal-Acharani (able to give water to the higher castes)and it may be conjectured that the Kahars themselves only attained thisprivilege in virtue of their employment as palanquin-bearers. " [67]The fact that Brahmans will take water from these castes does not inany way place them on a level with the cultivators; they remain menialservants, ranking, if anything, below such castes as Lohar, Teli andKalar, from whom Brahmans will not take water; but these latter are, as corporate bodies, more important and prosperous than the householdmenial castes, because their occupation confers a greater dignityand independence. 

On the other hand, one or two of the village menials, such as theDhobi or washerman, are considered to some extent impure. This isdue to specially degrading incidents attaching to their occupation, as in the case of the Dhobi, the washing of the clothes of women inchildbirth. [68] And the Sungaria subcaste of Kumhars, who keep pigs, are not touched, because the impurity of the animal is necessarilycommunicated to its owner's house and person. Still, in the villagesociety there is little real difference between the position of thesecastes and those of the other village menials. 

32. Origin of their status

The status of the village menial castes appears to be fixed by theirdependent position on the cultivators. The latter are their patrons andsuperiors, to whom they look for a livelihood. Before the introductionof a currency in the rural tracts (an event of the last fifty to ahundred years) the village artisans and menials were supported bycontributions of grain from the cultivators. They still all receivepresents, consisting of a sowing-basketful of grain at seed-time andone or two sheaves at harvest. The former is known as _Bij phutni_, or'The breaking of the seed, ' and the latter as _Khanvar, _ or 'That whichis left' Sometimes, after threshing, the menials are each given as muchgrain as will fill a winnowing-fan. When the peasant has harvested hisgrain, all come and beg from him. The Dhimar brings some water-nut, the Kachhi or market-gardener some chillies, the Barai betel-leaf, the Teli oil and tobacco, the Kalar liquor (if he drinks it), theBania some sugar, and all receive grain in excess of the value oftheir gifts. The Joshi or village priest, the Nat or acrobat, theGosain or religious mendicant and the Fakir or Muhammadan beggarsolicit alms. On that day the cultivator is said to be like a littleking in his fields, and the village menials constitute his court. Inpurely agricultural communities grain is the principal source ofwealth, and though the average Hindu villager may appear to us tobe typical of poverty rather than wealth, such standards are purelyrelative. The cultivator was thus the patron and supporter of thevillage artisans and menials, and his social position was naturallysuperior to theirs. Among the Hindus it is considered derogatory toaccept a gift from another person, the recipient being thereby placedin a position of inferiority to the donor. Some exception to thisrule is made in the case of Brahmans, though even with them it partlyapplies. Generally the acceptance of a gift of any value among Hindusis looked upon in the same manner as the taking of money in England, being held to indicate that the recipient is in an inferior socialposition to the giver. And the existence of this feeling seems toafford strong support to the reason suggested here for the relativestatus of the cultivating and village menial castes. 

The group of village menial and artisan castes comes between the goodcultivating castes who hold the status of the Vaishyas or body ofthe Aryans, and the impure castes, the subjected aborigines. The mostreasonable theory of their status seems to be that it originated inmixed descent. As has already been seen, it was the common practice ofmembers of the higher classes to take lower-caste women either as wivesor concubines, and a large mixed class would naturally result. Suchchildren, born and brought up in the households of their fathers, would not be full members of the family, but would not be regarded asimpure. They would naturally be put to the performance of the menialhousehold duties, for which the servile castes were rendered unsuitablethrough their impure status. This would correspond with the traditionof the large number of castes originating in mixed descent, which isgiven in the Hindu sacred books. It has been seen that where menialcastes are employed in the household, classes of mixed descent do as amatter of fact arise. And there are traces of a relationship betweenthe cultivators and the menial castes, which would be best explainedby such an origin. At a betrothal in the great Kunbi cultivatingcaste of the Marathas, the services of the barber and washerman mustbe requisitioned. The barber washes the feet of the boy and girl andplaces vermilion on the foreheads of the guests; the washerman spreadsa sheet on the ground on which the boy and girl sit. At the end ofthe ceremony the barber and washerman take the bride and bridegroomon their shoulders and dance to music in the marriage-shed, for whichthey receive small presents. After a death has occurred at a Kunbi'shouse, the impurity is not removed until the barber and washerman haveeaten in it. At a Kunbi's wedding the Gurao or village priest bringsthe leafy branches of five trees and deposits them at Maroti's [69]temple, whence they are removed by the parents of the bride. Beforea wedding, again, a Kunbi bride must go to the potter's house and beseated on his wheel, while it is turned round seven times for goodluck. Similarly at a wedding among the Hindustani cultivating castesthe bride visits the potter's house and is seated on his wheel; andthe washerman's wife applies vermilion to her forehead. The barber'swife puts red paint on her feet, the gardener's wife presents her witha garland of flowers and the carpenter's wife gives her a new woodendoll. At the wedding feast the barber, the washerman and the Bari orpersonal servant also eat with the guests, though sitting apart fromthem. Sometimes members of the menial and serving castes are invitedto the funeral feast as if they belonged to the dead man's caste. InMadras the barber and his wife, and the washerman and his wife, areknown as the son and daughter of the village. And among the familiesof ruling Rajput chiefs, when a daughter of the house is married, it was customary to send with her a number of handmaidens taken fromthe menial and serving castes. These became the concubines of thebridegroom and it seems clear that their progeny would be employedin similar capacities about the household and would follow the castesof their mothers. The Tamera caste of coppersmiths trace their originfrom the girls so sent with the bride of Dharam-Pal, the Haihaya RajputRaja of Ratanpur, through the progeny of these girls by the Raja. 

33. Other castes who rank with the village menials. 

Many other castes belong to the group of those from whom a Brahmancannot take water, but who are not impure. Among these are severalof the lower cultivating castes, some of them growers of specialproducts, as the Kachhis and Mowars or market-gardeners, theDangris or melon-growers, and the Kohlis and Bhoyars who plantsugarcane. These subsidiary kinds of agriculture were looked downupon by the cultivators proper; they were probably carried out on thebeds and banks of streams and other areas not included in the regularholdings of the village, and were taken up by labourers and otherlandless persons. The callings of these are allied to, or developedfrom, that of the Mali or gardener, and they rank on a level withhim, or perhaps a little below, as no element of sanctity attachesto their products. Certain castes which were formerly labourers, but have now sometimes obtained possession of the land, are also inthis group, such as the Rajbhars, Kirs, Manas, and various Madrascastes of cultivators. Probably these were once not allowed to holdland, but were afterwards admitted to do so. The distinction betweentheir position and that of the hereditary cultivators of the villagecommunity was perhaps the original basis of the different kinds oftenant-right recognised by our revenue law, though these now, ofcourse, depend solely on length of tenure and other incidents, andmake no distinction of castes. The shepherd castes who tend sheepand goats (the Gadarias, Dhangars and Kuramwars) also fall intothis group. Little sanctity attached to these animals as comparedwith the cow, and the business of rearing them would be left tothe labouring castes and non-Aryan tribes. The names of all threecastes denote their functional origin, Gadaria being from _gadar_, a sheep, Dhangar from _dhan_ or small-stock, the word signifying aflock of sheep or goats and also wealth; and Kuramwar from _kurri_, the Telugu word for sheep. Others belonging to this group are thedigging and earth-working castes, the Beldars, Murhas, Nunias and soon, practically all derived from the indigenous tribes, who wanderabout seeking employment from the cultivators in the constructionand repair of field embankments and excavation of wells and tanks;and various fishing and boating castes, as the Injhwars, Naodas, Murhas and Kewats, who rank as equal to the Dhimars, though they maynot be employed in household or village service. Such castes, almostentirely derived from the non-Aryan tribes, may have come graduallyinto existence as the wants of society developed and new functionswere specialised; they would naturally be given the social statusalready attaching to the village menial castes. 

34. The non-Aryan tribes. 

The fourth group in the scheme of precedence comprises the non-Aryanor indigenous tribes, who are really outside the caste system whenthis is considered as the social organisation of the Hindus, solong at least as they continue to worship their own tribal deities, and show no respect for Brahmans nor for the cow. These tribes have, however, entered the Hindu polity in various positions. The leadersof some of them who were dominant in the early period were admittedto the Kshatriya or Rajput caste, and the origin of a few of theRajput clans can be traced to the old Bhar and other tribes. Again, the aristocratic or landholding sections of several existing tribesare at present, as has been seen, permitted to rank with the goodHindu cultivating castes. In a few cases, as the Andhs, Halbas andManas, the tribe as a whole has become a Hindu caste, when it retainedpossession of the land in the centre of a Hindu population. These havenow the same or a slightly higher position than the village menialcastes. On the other hand, those tribes which were subjugated andpermitted to live with a servile status in the Hindu villages havedeveloped into the existing impure castes of labourers, weavers, tanners and others, who form the lowest social group. The tribeswhich still retain their distinctive existence were not enslavedin this manner, but lived apart in their own villages in the foresttracts and kept possession of the land. This seems to be the reasonwhy they rank somewhat higher than the impure castes, even thoughthey may utterly defile themselves according to Hindu ideas by eatingcow's flesh. Some tribes, such as the Gonds, Binjhwars and Kawars, counted amongst them the owners of large estates or even kingdoms, and consequently had many Hindu cultivators for their subjects. And, as the Hindus themselves say, they could not regard the Gonds asimpure when they had a Gond king. Nevertheless, the Gond labourersin Hindu villages in the plains are more despised than the Gonds wholive in their own villages in the hill country. And the conversionof the tribes as a whole to Hinduism goes steadily forward. At eachcensus the question arises which of them should be classed as Hindus, and which as Animists or worshippers of their own tribal gods, andthough the classification is necessarily very arbitrary, the processcan be clearly observed. Thus the Andhs, Kolis, Rautias and Halbasare now all Hindus, and the same remark applies to the Kols, Bhilsand Korkus in several Districts. By strict abstention from beef, the adoption of Hindu rites, and to some extent of child-marriage, they get admission to the third group of castes from whom a Brahmancannot take water. It will be desirable here to digress from themain argument by noticing briefly the origin and affinities of theprincipal forest tribes of the Central Provinces. 

35. The Kolarians and Dravidians. 

These tribes are divided into two families, the Munda or Kolarian, named after the Kol tribe, and the Dravidian, of which the former aregenerally held to be the older and more primitive. The word Kol isprobably the Santali _har_, a man. "This word is used under variousforms, such as _har, hara, ho_ and _koro_ by most Munda tribes inorder to denote themselves. The change of _r_ to _l_ is familiar andpresents no difficulty. " [70] The word is also found in the alternativename Ho for the Kol tribe, and in the names of the cognate Korwa andKorku tribes. The word Munda is a Sanskrit derivative meaning a head, and, as stated by Sir H. Risley, is the common term employed by theKols for the headman of a village, whence it has been adopted as anhonorific title for the tribe. In Chota Nagpur those Kols who havepartly adopted Hinduism and become to some degree civilised are calledMunda, while the name Ho or Larka (fighting) Kol is reserved for thewilder section of the tribe. 

36. Kolarian tribes. 

The principal tribes of the Munda or Kolarian family in the CentralProvinces are shown below:

 Kol, Munda, Ho. Bhumij. Santal. Kharia. Korwa. Korku. Nahal Savar or Saonr. Mal, Male. Gadba. Khairwar. Baiga. Bhuiya. Bhaina. Bhunjia. Binjhwar. _Probable_: Bhar, Koli, Bhil, Chero. 

One large group includes the Kol, Munda or Ho tribe itself and theBhumij and Santals, who appear to be local branches of the Kolscalled by separate names by the Hindus. The Kharias seem to be theearliest Kol settlers in Chota Nagpur, who were subjugated by thelater comers. The name Kol, as already seen, is probably a form ofthe Santali _har_, a man. Similarly the name of the Korku tribeis simply a corruption of _Koraku_, young men, and that of theKorwa tribe is from the same root. The dialects of the Korku andKorwa tribes closely approximate to Mundari. Hence it would seemthat they were originally one tribe with the Kols, but have beenseparated for so long a period that their direct connection can nolonger be proved. The disintegrating causes which have split up whatwas originally one into a number of distinct tribes, are probably nomore than distance and settlement in different parts of the country, leading to cessation of intermarriage and social intercourse. Thetribes have then obtained some variation in the original names or beengiven separate territorial or occupational designations by the Hindus, and their former identity has gradually been forgotten. Both the Korwasof the Chota Nagpur plateau and the Korkus of the Satpura hills wereknown as Muasi, a term having the meaning of robber or raider. TheKorwas have also a subtribe called Koraku, and Mr. Crooke thinks thatthey were originally the same tribe. Sir G. Grierson states that theKorwa dialect is closely allied to Kharia. Similarly the resemblanceof the name raises a presumption that the great Koli tribe of Gujaratand western India may be a branch of the Kols who penetrated to thewestern coast along the Satpulra and Central India hill ranges. TheKolis and Bhils are tribes of the same country and are commonly spokenof together. Both have entirely lost their own language and cannottherefore be classified definitely either as Kolarian or Dravidian, but there is a probability that they are of the Kolarian family. TheNahals, another tribe of the western Satpura range, are an offshootof the Korkus. They are coupled with the Bhils and Kolis in oldHindu accounts. 

The Savars, Sawaras or Saonrs are also a widely distributed tribe, being found as far west as Bundelkhand and east in Orissa andGanjam. In the Central Provinces they have lost their own language andspeak Hindi or Uriya, but in Madras they still retain their originalspeech, which is classified by Sir G. Grierson with Gadba as a Mundaor Kolarian dialect. The name occurs in Vedic literature, and thetribe is probably of great antiquity. In the classical stories oftheir origin the first ancestor of the Savars is sometimes describedas a Bhil. The wide extension of the Savar tribe east and west isfavourable to the hypothesis of the identity of the Kols and Kolis, who have a somewhat similar distribution. The Gadbas of Ganjam, andthe Mal or Male Paharia tribe of Chota Nagpur seem to be offshootsof the Savars. The Khairwars or Kharwars are an important tribe ofMirzapur and Chota Nagpur. There is some reason for supposing thatthey are an occupational offshoot of the Kols and Cheros, who havebecome a distinct group through taking to the manufacture of ediblecatechu from the wood of the _khair_ tree. [71]

Another great branch of the Kolarian family is that represented by theBhuiya and Baiga tribes and their offshoots, the Bhunjias, Bhainas andBinjhwars. The Kolarian origin of the Bhuiyas has been discussed in thearticle on that tribe, and it has also been suggested that the Baigatribe of the Central Provinces are an offshoot of the Bhuiyas. Thesetribes have all abandoned their own languages and adopted the localAryan vernaculars. The name Bhuiya is a Sanskrit derivative from _bhu_, earth, and signifies 'belonging to the soil. ' Bhumij, applied to abranch of the Kol tribe, has the same origin. Baiga is used in thesense of a village priest or a sorcerer in Chota Nagpur, and the officeis commonly held by members of the Bhuiya tribe in that locality, as being the oldest residents. Thus the section of the tribe in theCentral Provinces appears to have adopted, or been given, the name ofthe office. The Bharias or Bharia-Bhumias of Jubbulpore seem to belongto the great Bhar tribe, once dominant over large areas of the UnitedProvinces. They also hold the office of village priest, which is thereknown as Bhumia, and in some tracts are scarcely distinguished fromthe Baigas. Again, in Sambalpur the Bhuiyas are known as Bhumia Kol, and are commonly regarded as a branch of the Kol tribe. Thus it wouldseem that two separate settlements of the Kolarian races may haveoccurred; the earlier one would be represented by the Bhars, Bhuiyas, Baigas and kindred tribes who have entirely lost their own languagesand identity, and have names given to them by the Hindus; and a laterone of the Kols or Mundas and their related tribes, whose languagesand tribal religion and organisation, though in a decaying state, canbe fully recognised and recorded. And the Dravidian immigration wouldbe subsequent to both of them. To judge from the cases in which thefissure or subdivision of single tribes into two or more distinct onescan still be observed, it seems quite a plausible hypothesis that theoriginal immigrants may have consisted only of a single tribe on eachoccasion, and that the formation of new ones may have occurred aftersettlement. But the evidence does not warrant any definite assertion. 

37. Dravidian tribes. 

The principal Dravidian tribes are the Gonds, Khonds and Oraons. TheGonds were once dominant over the greater part of the CentralProvinces, which was called Gondwana after them. The above threenames have in each case been given to the tribes by the Hindus. Thefollowing tribes are found in the Province:

Gond, Oraon or Kurukh, Khond, Kolam, Parja, Kamar. _Tribal Castes_:Bhatra, Halba, Dhoba. _Doubtful_: Kawar, Dhanwar. 

The Gonds and Khonds call themselves Koi or Koitur, a word whichseems to mean man or hillman. The Oraon tribe call themselves Kurukh, which has also been supposed to be connected with the Kolarian _horo_, man. The name Oraon, given to them by the Hindus, may mean farmservant, while Dhangar, an alternative name for the tribe, has certainly thissignification. 

There seems good reason to suppose that the Gonds and Khonds wereoriginally one tribe divided through migration. [72] The Kolams area small tribe of the Wardha Valley, whose dialect resembles those ofthe Gonds and Khonds. They may have split off from the parent tribein southern India and come northwards separately. The Parjas appear torepresent the earliest Gond settlers in Bastar, who were subjugated bylater Gond and Raj-Gond immigrants. The Halbas and Bhatras are mixedtribes or tribal castes, descended from the unions of Gonds and Hindus. 

38. Origin of the Kolarian tribes

The Munda languages have been shown by Sir G. Grierson to haveoriginated from the same source as those spoken in the Indo-Pacificislands and the Malay Peninsula. "The Mundas, the Mon-Khmer, the wild tribes of the Malay Peninsula and the Nicobarese all useforms of speech which can be traced back to a common source thoughthey mutually differ widely from each other. " [73] It would appear, therefore, that the Mundas, the oldest known inhabitants of India, perhaps came originally from the south-east, the islands of the IndianArchipelago and the Malay Peninsula, unless India was their originalhome and these countries were colonised from it. 

Sir Edward Gait states: "Geologists tell us that the Indian Peninsulawas formerly cut off from the north of Asia by sea, while a landconnection existed on the one side with Madagascar and on the otherwith the Malay Archipelago; and though there is nothing to show thatIndia was then inhabited, we know that it was so in palaeolithic times, when communication was probably still easier with the countries to thenorth-east and south-west than with those beyond the Himalayas. " [74]In the south of India, however, no traces of Munda languages remain atpresent, and it seems therefore necessary to conclude that the Mundasof the Central Provinces and Chota Nagpur have been separated from thetribes of Malaysia who speak cognate languages for an indefinitelylong period; or else that they did not come through southern Indiato these countries but by way of Assam and Bengal or by sea throughOrissa. There is good reason to believe from the names of places andfrom local tradition that the Munda tribes were once spread over Biharand parts of the Ganges Valley; and if the Kolis are an offshoot of theKols, as is supposed, they also penetrated across Central India to thesea in Gujarat and the hills of the western Ghats. The presumption isthat the advance of the Aryans or Hindus drove the Mundas from theopen country to the seclusion of the hills and forests. The Mundaand Dravidian languages are shown by Sir G. Grierson to be distinctgroups without any real connection. 

Though the physical characteristics of the two sets of tribes displayno marked points of difference, the opinion has been generally heldby ethnologists who know them that they represent two distinct wavesof immigration, and the absence of connection between their languagesbears out this view. It has always been supposed that the Mundas werein the country of Chota Nagpur and the Central Provinces first, andthat the Dravidians, the Gonds, Khonds and Oraons came afterwards. Thegrounds for this view are the more advanced culture of the Dravidians;the fact that where the two sets of tribes are in contact those of theMunda group have been ousted from the more open and fertile country, of which, according to tradition, they were formerly in possession;and the practice of the Gonds and other Dravidian tribes of employingthe Baigas, Bhuiyas and other Munda tribes for their village priests, which is an acknowledgment that the latter as the earlier residentshave a more familiar acquaintance with the local deities, and cansolicit their favour and protection with more prospect of success. Sucha belief is the more easily understood when it is remembered thatthese deities are not infrequently either the human ancestors of theearliest residents or the local animals and plants from which theysupposed themselves to be descended. 

39. Of the Dravidian tribes. 

The Dravidian languages, Gondi, Kurukh and Khond, are of one familywith Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam and Canarese, and their home is thesouth of India. The word Dravida comes from an older form Damilaor Dramila, and was used in ancient Pali and Jain literature as aname for the people of the Tamil country. [75] Afterwards it came tosignify generally the people of southern India as opposed to Gaur ornorthern India. 

As stated by Sir Edward Gait there is at present no evidence toshow that the Dravidians came to southern India from any otherpart of the world, and for anything that is known to the contrarythe languages may have originated there. The existence of the smallBrahui tribe in Baluchistan who speak a Dravidian language but have nophysical resemblance to other Dravidian races cannot be satisfactorilyexplained, but, as he points out, this is no reason for holding thatthe whole body of speakers of Dravidian languages entered India fromthe north-west, and, with the exception of this small group of Brahuis, penetrated to the south and settled there without leaving any tracesof their passage. 

The Dravidian languages occupy a large area in Madras, Mysore andHyderabad, and they extend north into the Central Provinces and ChotaNagpur where they die out, practically not being found west and northof this tract. As the languages are more highly developed and theculture of their speakers is far more advanced in the south, it isjustifiable to suppose, pending evidence to the contrary, that thesouth is their home and that they have spread thence as far north asthe Central Provinces. The Gonds and Oraons, too, have stories to theeffect that they came from the south. The belief has hitherto been, at least in the Central Provinces, that both the Gonds and Baigas havebeen settled in this territory for an indefinite period, that is, fromprior to any Aryan or Hindu immigration. Mr. H. A. Crump, C. S. , hashowever pointed out that if this was the case the Munda or Kolariantribes, which have lost their own languages, should have adoptedDravidian and not Hindu forms of speech. As already seen, numerousKolarian tribes, as the Binjhwar, Bhaina, Bhuiya, Baiga, Bhumij, Chero, Khairwar and the Kols themselves in the Central Provinces haveentirely lost their own languages, as well as the Bhils and Kolis, if these are held to be Kolarian tribes. None of them have adopted aDravidian language, but all speak corrupt forms of the ancient Aryanvernaculars derived from Sanskrit. The fact seems to indicate thatat the time when they abandoned their own languages these tribes werein contact with Hindus, and were not surrounded by Gonds, as severalof them are at present. The history of the Central Provinces affordsconsiderable support to the view that the Gond immigration occurred ata comparatively late period, perhaps in the ninth or tenth century, or even later, after a considerable part of the Province had beengoverned for some centuries by Rajput dynasties. [76] The Gondsand Oraons still have well-defined legends about their immigration, which would scarcely be the case if it had occurred twenty centuriesor more ago. 

Any further evidence or argument as to the date of the Dravidianimmigration would be of considerable interest. 

40. Origin of the impure castes. 

The fifth or lowest group in the scheme of precedence is that of theimpure castes who cannot be touched. If a high-caste Hindu touches oneof them he should bathe and have his clothes washed. These castes arenot usually allowed to live inside a Hindu village, but have a hamletto themselves adjoining it. The village barber will not shave them, nor the washerman wash their clothes. They usually have a separatewell assigned to them from which to draw water, and if the villagehas only one well, one side of it is allotted to them and the Hindustake water from the other side. Formerly they were subjected to morehumiliating restrictions. In Bombay a Mahar might not spit on theground lest a Hindu should be polluted by touching it with his foot, but had to hang an earthen pot round his neck to hold his spittle. Hewas made to drag a thorny branch with him to brush out his footsteps, and when a Brahman came by had to lie at a distance on his face lesthis shadow might fall on the Brahman. [77] Even if the shadow of aMahar or Mang fell on a Brahman he was polluted and dare not tastefood and water until he had bathed and washed the impurity away. InMadras a Paraiyan or Pariah pollutes a high-caste Hindu by approachingwithin a distance of 64 feet of him. [78] The debased and servileposition of the impure castes corresponds to that which, as alreadyseen, attached to the Sudras of the classical period. The castesusually regarded as impure are the tanners, bamboo-workers, sweepers, hunters and fowlers, gipsies and vagrants, village musicians andvillage weavers. These castes, the Chamars, Basors, Mahars, Koris, Gandas and others are usually also employed as agricultural andcasual labourers. Formerly, as already seen, they were not allowed tohold land. There is no reason to doubt that the status of impurity, like that of the Sudra, was originally the mark of a subjugated andinferior race, and was practically equivalent to slavery. This was theposition of the indigenous Indians who were subjugated by the Aryaninvaders and remained in the country occupied by them. Though theywere of different races, and the distinction was marked and broughthome to themselves by the contrast in the colour of their skins, it seems probable that the real basis for their antagonism was notsocial so much as religious. The Indians were hated and despised bythe immigrants as the worshippers of a hostile god. They could not joinin the sacrifices by which the Aryans held communion with their gods, and the sacrifice itself could not even be held, in theory at least, except in those parts of India which were thoroughly subdued andheld to have become the dwelling-place of the Aryan gods. The propercourse prescribed by religion towards the indigenous residents wasto exterminate them, as the Israelites should have exterminated theinhabitants of Canaan. But as this could not be done, because theirnumbers were too great or the conquerors not sufficiently ruthless, they were reduced to the servile condition of impurity and madethe serfs of their masters like the Amalekites and the plebeiansand helots. 

If the whole of India had been thoroughly subjugated and settled likethe Punjab and Hindustan, it may be supposed that the same statusof impurity would have been imposed upon all the indigenous races;but this was very far from being the case. In central and southernIndia the Aryans or subsequent immigrants from Central Asia came atfirst at any rate only in small parties, and though they may haveestablished territorial states, did not regularly occupy the land norreduce the indigenous population to a condition of servitude. Thuslarge bodies of these must have retained a free position, and ontheir acceptance of the new religion and the development of the castesystem, became enrolled in it with a caste status on the basis oftheir occupation. Their leaders were sometimes admitted to rank asKshatriyas or Rajputs, as has been stated. 

Subsequently, as the racial distinction disappeared, the impurestatus came to attach to certain despised occupations and to customsabhorrent to Hinduism, such as that of eating beef. But, as alreadyseen, the tribes which have continued to live apart from the Hindusare not usually regarded as impure, though they may eat beef and evenskin animals. The Dhimars, who keep pigs, still have a higher statusthan the impure castes because they are employed as water-bearers andhousehold servants. It is at least doubtful whether at the time whenthe stigma of impurity was first attached to the Sudras the Hindusthemselves did not sacrifice cows and eat beef. [79] The castes notedbelow are usually regarded as impure in the Central Provinces. 

The Dhobi (washerman) and Kumhar (potter) are sometimes included amongthe impure castes, but, as already noted, their status is higher thanthat of the castes in this list. 

Audhelia: Labouring caste of mixed descent who keep pigs. 

Balahi: Weavers and village messengers and watchmen. 

Basor: Bamboo basket-makers and village musicians. 

Chamar: Tanners and labourers. 

Ganda: Weavers and village musicians. 

Ghasia: Grass-cutters, labourers and sweepers. 

Kaikari: Vagrant basket-makers. 

Kanjar, Beria, Sansia: Gipsies and thieves. 

Katia: Cotton-spinners. 

Kori: Weavers and labourers. 

Madgi: Telugu tanners and hide-curriers. 

Mahar: Weavers and labourers. 

Mala: Telugu weavers and labourers. 

Mang: Broom- and mat-makers and village musicians. They also castratecattle. 

Mehtar: Sweepers and scavengers. 

Certain occupations, those of skinning cattle and curing hides, weavingthe coarse country cloth worn by the villagers, making baskets fromthe rind of the bamboo, playing on drums and tom-toms, and scavenginggenerally are relegated to the lowest and impure castes. The hides ofdomestic animals are exceedingly impure; a Hindu is defiled even bytouching their dead bodies and far more so by removing the skins. Drumsand tom-toms made from the hides of animals are also impure. But inthe case of weaving and basket-making the calling itself entails nodefilement, and it would appear simply that they were despised by thecultivators, and as a considerable number of workers were required tosatisfy the demand for baskets and cloth, were adopted by the servileand labouring castes. Basket- and mat-making are callings naturallysuited to the primitive tribes who would obtain the bamboos from theforests, but weaving would not be associated with them unless clothwas first woven of tree-cotton. The weavers of the finer cotton andsilk cloths, who live in towns, rank much higher than the villageweavers, as in the case of the Koshtis and Tantis, the latter of whommade the famous fine cotton cloth, known as _abrawan_, or 'runningwater, ' which was supplied to the imperial Zenana at Delhi. On oneoccasion a daughter of Aurangzeb was reproached on entering the roomfor her immodest attire and excused herself by the plea that she had onseven folds of cloth over her body. [80] In Bengal Brahmans will takewater from Tantis, and it seems clear that their higher status is aconsequence of the lucrative and important nature of their occupation. 

The Katias are a caste of cotton-spinners, the name being derivedfrom _katna_, to cut or spin. But hand-spinning is now practicallyan extinct industry and the Katias have taken to weaving or ordinarymanual labour for a subsistence. The Kanjars and Berias are the gipsycastes of India. They are accustomed to wander about carrying theirgrass-matting huts with them. Many of them live by petty thieving andcheating. Their women practise palmistry and retail charms for the cureof sickness and for exorcising evil spirits, and love-philtres. Theydo cupping and tattooing and also make reed mats, cane baskets, palm-leaf mats and fans, ropes from grass- and tree-fibre, brushesfor the cotton-loom, string-net purses and balls, and so on; and thewomen commonly dance and act as prostitutes. There is good reason forthinking that the Kanjars are the parents of the European gipsies, while the Thugs who formerly infested the high-roads of India, murdering solitary travellers and small parties by strangulation, may also have been largely derived from this caste. [81]

41. Derivation of the impure castes from the indigenous tribes. 

It can only be definitely shown in a few instances that the existingimpure occupational castes were directly derived from the indigenoustribes. The Chamar and Kori, and the Chuhra and Bhangi, or sweepersand scavengers of the Punjab and United Provinces, are now purelyoccupational castes and their original tribal affinities have entirelydisappeared. The Chamars and Mehtars or sweepers are in some placesof a superior physical type, of comparatively good stature and lightcomplexion; [82] this may perhaps be due to a large admixture ofHindu blood through their women, during a social contact with theHindus extending over many centuries, and also to the fact that theyeat flesh when they can obtain it, including carrion. Such types are, however, exceptional among the impure castes, and there is no reasonto doubt their general origin from the non-Aryan tribes, which ina few instances can be directly traced. Thus it seems likely thatthe Kanjars, Berias, Sansias and other gipsy groups, as well as theMirasis, the vagrant bards and genealogists of the lower classes ofHindus, are derived from the Dom caste or tribe of Bengal, who arelargely employed as sweepers and scavengers as well as on ordinarylabour. The evidence for the origin of the above groups from theDoms is given in the article on Kanjar. Sir H. M. Elliot consideredthe Doms to be one of the original tribes of India. Again, there isno doubt that the impure Ganda caste, who are weavers, labourers andvillage musicians in the Uriya country and Chhattisgarh Districtsof the Central Provinces, are derived from the Pan tribe of ChotaNagpur. The Pans or Pabs are a regular forest tribe, and are sometimescalled Ganda, while the Gandas may be alternatively known as Pan. Butthe section of the tribe who live among the Hindus and are regardedas impure have now become a distinct caste with a separate name. TheBhuiya tribe were once the rulers of Chota Nagpur; they still installthe Raja of Keonjhar, and have a traditional relation to other rulingfamilies. But in parts of Chota Nagpur and southern Bihar the Bhuiyasliving in Hindu villages have become a separate impure caste withthe opprobrious designation of Musahar or rat-eater. The great Maharcaste of the Maratha country or Bombay are weavers and labourers, and formerly cured hides, like the Chamars and Koris of northernIndia. They are regarded as impure and were the serfs or villeinsof the Kunbis, attached to the land. An alternative name for them isDher, and this is supposed to be a corruption of Dharada a hillman, a name applied in Manu to all the indigenous races of India. Thoughthe connection cannot be traced in all cases, there is thus no reasonto doubt that the existing impure castes represent the subjected orenslaved section of the primitive non-Aryan tribes. 

42. Occupation the basis of the caste system. 

It has been seen that the old Aryan polity comprised four classes:the Brahmans and Kshatriyas or priestly and military aristocracy;the Vaishyas or body of the Aryans, who were ceremonially pureand could join in sacrifices; and the Sudras or servile and impureclass of labourers. The Vaishyas became cultivators and herdsmen, and their status of ceremonial purity was gradually transferred tothe cultivating members of the village community, because land wasthe main source of wealth. Between the last two there arose anotherclass of village menials and craftsmen, originating principally fromthe offspring of fathers of the Aryan classes and Sudra women, towhom was left the practice of the village industries, despised by thecultivators. In spite of the almost complete fusion of races whichthe intercourse of centuries has effected, and the multiplicationand rearrangement of castes produced by the diversity of occupationand other social factors, the divisions of the village community canstill be recognised in the existing social gradation. 

It has been seen also that occupation is the real basis of the divisionand social precedence of castes in India, as in all communitieswhich have made any substantial progress in civilisation and socialdevelopment. Distinctions of race, religion and family graduallydisappear, and are merged in the gradation according to wealth orprofession. The enormous majority of castes are occupational and theirsocial position depends on their caste calling. Thus in the case ofan important industry like weaving, there are separate castes whoweave the finer kinds of cloth, as the Tantis and Koshtis, while onesubcaste of Koshtis, the Salewars, are distinguished as silk-weavers, and a separate caste of Patwas embroider silk and braid on cloth;other castes, as the Mahars, Gandas and Koris, weave coarse cloth, and a distinct caste of Katias existed for the spinning of thread, and the Muhammadan caste of Bahnas for cleaning cotton. The workersin each kind of metal have formed a separate caste, as the Lohars orblacksmiths, the Kasars or brass-workers, the Tameras or coppersmiths, and the Sunars or gold- and silversmiths, while the Audhia subcaste ofSunars [83] and the Bharewas, an inferior branch of the Kasars, workin bell-metal. Each of these castes makes ornaments of its own metal, while the Kachera caste [84] make glass bangles, and the Lakheras makebangles from lac and clay. In the case of agriculture, as has beenseen, there is usually a functional cultivating caste for each maintract of country, as the Jats in the Punjab, the Kurmis in Hindustan, the Kunbis in the Deccan, the Chasas in Orissa, the Kapus in the Telugucountry and the Vellalas in the Tamil country. Except the Jats, whowere perhaps originally a racial caste, the above castes appear toinclude a number of heterogeneous groups which have been welded intoa single body through the acquisition of land and the status which itconfers. Various other cultivating castes also exist, whose origincan be traced to different sources; on obtaining possession of theland they have acquired the cultivating status, but retained theirseparate caste organisation and name. Other agricultural castes havebeen formed for the growing of special products. Thus the Malis aregardeners, and within the caste there exist such separate groups asthe Phulmalis who grow flowers, the Jire Malis cumin and the HaldeMalis turmeric. [85] Hindus generally object to cultivate _san_-hemp, [86] and some special castes have been formed from those who grewit and thus underwent some loss of status; such are the Lorhas andKumrawats and Pathinas, and the Santora subcaste of Kurmis. The _al_[87] or Indian madder-dye is another plant to which objection isfelt, and the Alia subcastes of Kachhis and Banias consist of thosewho grow and sell it. The Dangris and Kachhis are growers of melonsand other vegetables on the sandy stretches in the beds of rivers andthe alluvial land on their borders which is submerged in the monsoonfloods. The Barais are the growers and sellers of the betel-vine. 

Several castes have been formed from military service, as the Marathas, Khandaits, Rautias, Taonlas and Paiks. All of these, except theMarathas, are mainly derived from the non-Aryan tribes; since theyhave abandoned military service and taken as a rule to agriculture, their rank depends roughly on their position as regards the land. Thusthe Marathas and Khandaits became landowners, receiving grants ofproperty as a reward for, or on condition of, military service likethe old feudal tenures; they rank with, but somewhat above, thecultivating castes. The same is the case, though to a less degree, with the Rautias of Chota Nagpur, a military caste mainly formed fromthe Kol tribe. On the other hand, the Paiks or foot-soldiers andTaonlas have not become landholders and rank below the cultivatingcastes. The Hatkars are a caste formed from Dhangars or shepherdswho entered the Maratha armies. They are now called Bangi Dhangarsor shepherds with the spears, and rank a little above other Dhangars. 

43. Other agents in the formation of castes. 

The great majority of castes have been formed from occupation, butother sources of origin can be traced. Several castes are of mixeddescent, as the Vidurs, the descendants of Brahman fathers and mothersof other castes; the Bhilalas, by Rajput fathers and Bhil mothers;the Chauhans, Audhelias, Khangars and Dhakars of Bastar, probably byHindu fathers and women of various indigenous tribes; the Kirars ofmixed Rajput descent, and others. These also now generally take rankaccording to their occupation and position in the world. The Vidursserved as village accountants and ranked below the cultivators, butsince they are well educated and have done well in Government servicetheir status is rapidly improving. The Bhilalas are landholdersand rank as a good cultivating caste. The Chauhans and Khangarsare village watchmen and rank as menials below the cultivators, theDhakars are farmservants and labourers with a similar position, whilethe Audhelias are labourers who keep pigs and are hence regarded asimpure. The Halbas or 'ploughmen' are another mixed caste, probablythe descendants of house-servants of the Uriya Rajas, who, like theKhandaits, formed a sort of militia for the maintenance of the chiefsauthority. They are now mainly farmservants, as the name denotes, but where they hold land, as in Bastar, they rank higher, almost asa good cultivating caste. 

Again, very occasionally a caste may be formed from a religious sector order. The Bishnois were originally a Vaishnava sect, worshippingVishnu as an unseen god, and refusing to employ Brahmans. They have nowbecome cultivators, and though they retain their sectarian beliefs, andhave no Brahman priests, are generally regarded as a Hindu cultivatingcaste. The Pankas are members of the impure Ganda caste who adhered tothe Kabirpanthi sect. They are now a separate caste and are usuallyemployed as village watchmen, ranking with menials above the Gandasand other similar castes. The Lingayats are a large sect of southernIndia, devoted to the worship of Siva and called after the _lingam_ orphallic emblem which they wear. They have their own priests, denyingthe authority of Brahmans, but the tendency now is for members ofthose castes which have become Lingayats to marry among themselvesand retain their relative social status, thus forming a sort of innermicrocosm of Hinduism. 

44. Caste occupations divinely ordained. 

Occupation is the real determining factor of social status in Indiaas in all other societies of at all advanced organisation. But thoughin reality the status of occupations and of castes depends roughly onthe degree to which they are lucrative and respectable, this is notostensibly the case, but their precedence, as already seen, is held tobe regulated by the degree of ceremonial purity or impurity attachingto them. The Hindus have retained, in form at any rate, the religiousconstitution which is common or universal in primitive societies. Themajority of castes are provided with a legend devised by the Brahmansto show that their first ancestor was especially created by a god tofollow their caste calling, or at least that this was assigned to himby a god. The ancestors of the bearer-caste of Kahars were created bySiva or Mahadeo from the dust to carry his consort Parvati in a litterwhen she was tired; the first Mang was made by Mahadeo from his ownsweat to castrate the divine bull Nandi when he was fractious, andhis descendants have ever since followed the same calling, the impietyof mutilating the sacred bull in such a manner being thus excused bythe divine sanction accorded to it. The first Mali or gardener gave agarland to Krishna. The first Chamar or tanner made sandals for Sivafrom a piece of his own skin; the ancestor of the Kayasth or writercaste, Chitragupta, keeps the record of men's actions by which theyare judged in the infernal regions after death; and so on. 

45. Subcastes. Local type. 

All important castes are divided into a number of subordinate groupsor subcastes, which as a rule marry and take food within their owncircle only. Certain differences of status frequently exist among thesubcastes of the occupational or social type, but these are usuallytoo minute to be recognised by outsiders. The most common type ofsubcaste is the local, named after the tract of country in whichthe members reside or whence they are supposed to have come. Thusthe name Kanaujia from the town of Kanauj on the Ganges, famous inancient Indian history, is borne by subcastes of many castes which haveimmigrated from northern India. Jaiswar, from the old town of Jais inthe Rai Bareli District, is almost equally common. Pardeshi or foreign, and Purabia or eastern, are also subcaste names for groups coming fromnorthern India or Oudh. Mahobia is a common name derived from the townof Mahoba in Central India, as are Bundeli from Bundelkhand, Narwariafrom Narwar and Marwari from Marwar in Rajputana. Groups belongingto Berar are called Berari, Warade or Baone; those from Gujarat arecalled Lad, the classical term for Gujarat, or Gujarati, and othernames are Deccani from the Deccan, Nimari of Nimar, Havelia, the nameof the wheat-growing tracts of Jubbulpore and Damoh; Chhattisgarhia, Kosaria, Ratanpuria (from the old town of Ratanpur in Bilaspur), andRaipuria (from Raipur town), all names for residents in Chhattisgarh;and so on. Brahmans are divided into ten main divisions, named afterdifferent tracts in the north and south of India where they reside;[88] and these are further subdivided, as the Maharashtra Brahmansof the Maratha country of Bombay into the subcastes of Deshasth(belonging to the country) applied to those of the Poona countryabove the western Ghats; Karhara or those of the Satara District, from Karhar town; and Konkonasth or those of the Concan, the Bombaycoast; similarly the Kanaujia division of the Panch-Gaur or northernBrahmans has as subdivisions the Kanaujia proper, the Jijhotia fromJajhoti, the old name of the Lalitpur and Saugor tract, which is partof Bundelkhand; the Sarwaria or those dwelling round the river Sarjuin the United Provinces; the Mathuria from Muttra; and the Prayagwalsor those of Allahabad (Prayag), who act as guides and priests topilgrims who come to bathe in the Ganges at the sacred city. Thecreation of new local subcastes seems to arise in two ways: whendifferent groups of a caste settle in different tracts of countryand are prevented from attending the caste feasts and assemblies, the practice of intermarriage and taking food together graduallyceases, they form separate endogamous groups and for purposes ofdistinction are named after the territory in which they reside; thisis what has happened in the case of Brahmans and many other castes;and, secondly, when a fresh body of a caste arrives and settles in atract where some of its members already reside, they do not amalgamatewith the latter group, but form a fresh one and are named after theterritory from which they have come, as in the case of such names asPardeshi, Purabia, Gangapari ('from the other side of the Ganges'), and similar ones already cited. In former times, when the difficultiesof communication were great, these local subcastes readily multiplied;thus the Kanaujia Brahmans of Chhattisgarh are looked down upon bythose of Saugor and Damoh, as Chhattisgarh has been for centuriesa backward tract cut off from the rest of India, and they may besuspected of having intermarried with the local people or otherwisederogated from the standard of strict Hinduism. Similarly the KanaujiaBrahmans of Bengal are split into several local subcastes namedafter tracts in Bengal, who marry among themselves and neither withother Kanaujias of Bengal nor with those of northern India. Since theopening of railways people can travel long distances to marriage andother ceremonies, and the tendency to form new subcastes is somewhatchecked; a native gentleman said to me, when speaking of his people, that when a few families of Khedawal Brahmans from Gujarat firstsettled in Damoh they had the greatest difficulty in arranging theirmarriages; they could not marry with their caste-fellows in Gujaratbecause their sons and daughters could not establish themselves, thatis, could not prove their identity as Khedawal Brahmans; but since therailway has been opened intermarriage takes place freely with otherKhedawals in Gujarat and Benares. Proposals are on foot to authorisethe intermarriage of the three great subcastes of Maratha Brahmans:Deshasth, Konkonasth and Karhara. As a rule, there is no differenceof status between the different local subcastes, and a man's subcasteis often not known except to his own caste-fellows. But occasionallya certain derogatory sense may be conveyed; in several castes of theCentral Provinces there is a subcaste called Jharia or jungly, a termapplied to the oldest residents, who are considered to have lapsed ina comparatively new and barbarous country from the orthodox practicesof Hinduism. The subcaste called Deshi, or 'belonging to the country, 'sometimes has the same signification. The large majority of subcastesare of the local or territorial type. 

46. Occupational subcastes. 

Many subcastes are also formed from slight differences of occupation, which are not of sufficient importance to create new castes. Someinstances of subcastes formed from growing special plants or crops havebeen given. Audhia Sunars (goldsmiths) work in brass and bell-metal, which is less respectable than the sacred metal, gold. The EkbeileTelis harness one bullock only to the oil-press and the Dobeile twobullocks. As it is thought sinful to use the sacred ox in this mannerand to cover his eyes as the Telis do, it may be slightly more sinfulto use two bullocks than one. The Udia Ghasias (grass-cutters) cureraw hides and do scavengers' work, and are hence looked down uponby the others; the Dingkuchia Ghasias castrate cattle and horses, and the Dolboha carry dhoolies and palanquins. The Mangya Chamars arebeggars and rank below all other subcastes, from whom they will acceptcooked food. Frequently, however, subcastes are formed from a slightdistinction of occupation, which connotes no real difference in socialstatus. The Hathgarhia Kumhars (potters) are those who used to fashionthe clay with their own hands, and the Chakarias those who turned iton a wheel. And though the practice of hand pottery is now abandoned, the divisions remain. The Shikari or sportsmen Pardhis (hunters)are those who use firearms, though far from being sportsmen in oursense of the term; the Phanse Pardhis hunt with traps and snares;the Chitewale use a tame leopard to run down deer, and the Gayakestalk their prey behind a bullock. Among the subcastes of Dhimars(fishermen and watermen) are the Singaria, who cultivate the _singara_or water-nut in tanks, the Tankiwalas or sharpeners of grindstones, the Jhingars or prawn-catchers, the Bansias and Saraias or anglers(from _bansi_ or _sarai_, a bamboo fishing-rod), the Kasdhoniaswho wash the sands of the sacred rivers to find the coins thrownor dropped into them by pious pilgrims, and the Sonjharas who washthe sands of auriferous streams for their particles of gold. [89]The Gariwan Dangris have adopted the comparatively novel occupationof driving carts (_gari_) for a livelihood, and the Panibhar arewater-carriers, while the ordinary occupation of the Dangris is to growmelons in river-beds. It is unnecessary to multiply instances; here, as in the case of territorial subcastes, the practice of subdivisionappears to have been extended from motives of convenience, and theslight difference of occupation is adopted as a distinguishing badge. 

47. Subcastes formed from social or religious differences, or frommixed descent. 

Subcastes are also occasionally formed from differences of socialpractice which produce some slight gain or loss of status. Thusthe Biyahut or 'Married' Kalars prohibit the remarriage of widows, saying that a woman is married once for all, and hence rank a littlehigher than the others. The Dosar Banias, on the other hand, are saidto take their name from _dusra_, second, because they allow a widowto marry a second time and are hence looked upon by the others as asecond-class lot. The Khedawal Brahmans are divided into the 'outer'and 'inner': the inner subdivision being said to exist of those whoaccepted presents from the Raja of Kaira and remained in his town, while the outer refused the presents, quitted the town and dweltoutside. The latter rank a little higher than the former. The SuvarhaDhimars keep pigs and the Gadhewale donkeys, and are considered topartake of the impure nature of these animals. The Gobardhua Chamarswash out and eat the undigested grain from the droppings of cattleon the threshing-floors. The Chungia group of the Satnami Chamarsare those who smoke the _chongi_ or leaf-pipe, though smoking isprohibited to the Satnamis. The Nagle or 'naked' Khonds have onlya negligible amount of clothing and are looked down upon by theothers. The Makaria Kamars eat monkeys and are similarly despised. 

Subcastes are also formed from mixed descent. The Dauwa Ahirs are heldto be the offspring of Ahir women who were employed as wet-nurses inthe houses of Bundela Rajputs and bore children to their masters. TheHalbas and Rautias are divided into subcastes known as Purait or'pure, ' and Surait or of 'mixed' descent. Many castes have a subcasteto which the progeny of illicit unions is relegated, such as the DogleKayasths, and the Lahuri Sen subcaste of Barais, Banias and othercastes. Illegitimate children in the Kasar (brass-worker) caste forma subcaste known as Takle or 'thrown out, ' Vidur or 'illegitimate, 'or Laondi Bachcha, the issue of a kept wife. In Berar the MahadeoKolis, called after the Mahadeo or Pachmarhi hills, are divided intothe Khas, or 'pure, ' and the Akaramase or 'mixed'; this latter wordmeans gold or silver composed of eleven parts pure metal and one partalloy. Many subcastes of Bania have subcastes known as Bisa or Dasa, that is 'Twenty' or 'Ten' groups, the former being of pure descent ortwenty-carat, as it were, and the latter the offspring of remarriedwidows or other illicit unions. In the course of some generationssuch mixed groups frequently regain full status in the caste. 

Subcastes are also formed from members of other castes who have takento the occupation of the caste in question and become amalgamatedwith it; thus the Korchamars are Koris (weavers) adopted into theChamar (tanner) caste; Khatri Chhipas are Khatris who have becomedyers and printers; the small Dangri caste has subcastes called Teli, Kalar and Kunbi, apparently consisting of members of those castes whohave become Dangris; the Baman Darzis or tailors will not take foodfrom any one except Brahmans and may perhaps be derived from them, and the Kaith Darzis may be Kayasths; and so on. 

Occasionally subcastes may be formed from differences of religiousbelief or sectarian practice. In northern India even such leading Hinducastes as Rajputs and Jats have large Muhammadan branches, who as arule do not intermarry with Hindus. The ordinary Hindu sects seldom, however, operate as a bar to marriage, Hinduism being tolerant ofall forms of religious belief. Those Chamars of Chhattisgarh who haveembraced the doctrines of the Satnami reforming sect form a separateendogamous subcaste, and sometimes the members of the Kabirpanthisect within a caste marry among themselves. 

Statistics of the subcastes are not available, but their numbers arevery extensive in proportion to the population, and even in the samesubcaste the members living within a comparatively small local areaoften marry among themselves and attend exclusively at their owncaste feasts, though in the case of educated and well-to-do Hindusthe construction of railways has modified this rule and connectionsare kept up between distant groups of relatives. Clearly thereforedifferences of occupation or social status are not primarilyresponsible for the subcastes, because in the majority of casesno such differences really exist. I think the real reason for theirmultiplication was the necessity that the members of a subcaste shouldattend at the caste feasts on the occasion of marriages, deathsand readmission of offenders, these feasts being of the nature ofa sacrificial or religious meal. The grounds for this view will begiven subsequently. 

48. Exogamous groups. 

The caste or subcaste forms the outer circle within which a man mustmarry. Inside it are a set of further subdivisions which prohibit themarriage of persons related through males. These are called exogamousgroups or clans, and their name among the higher castes is _gotra_. Thetheory is that all persons belonging to the same _gotra_ are descendedfrom the same male ancestor, and so related. The relationship in the_gotra_ now only goes by the father's side; when a woman marriesshe is taken into the clan of her husband and her children belongto it. Marriage is not allowed within the clan and in the course ofa few generations the marriage of persons related through males oragnates is prohibited within a very wide circle. But on the mother'sside the _gotra_ does not serve as a bar to marriage and the unionof first cousins would be possible, other than the children of twobrothers. According to Hindu law, intermarriage is prohibited withinfour degrees between persons related through females. But generallythe children of first cousins are allowed to marry, when relatedpartly through females. And several castes allow the intermarriage offirst cousins, that of a brother's daughter to a sister's son and in aless degree of a brother's son to a sister's daughter being speciallyfavoured. One or two Madras castes allow a man to marry his niece, and the small Dhoba caste of Mandla permit the union of children ofthe same mother but different fathers. 

Sir Herbert Risley classed the names of exogamous divisions aseponymous, territorial or local, titular and totemistic. In the body ofthis work the word clan is usually applied only to the large exogamousgroups of the Rajputs and one or two other military castes. The smalllocal or titular groups of ordinary Hindu castes are called 'section, 'and the totemic groups of the primitive tribes 'sept. ' But perhapsit is simpler to use the word 'clan' throughout according to thepractice of Sir J. G. Frazer. The vernacular designations of the clansor sections are _gotra_, which originally meant a stall or cow-pen;_khero_, a village; _dih_, a village site; _baink_, a title; _mul_or _mur_, literally a root, hence an origin; and _kul_ or _kuri_, afamily. The sections called eponymous are named after Rishis or saintsmentioned in the Vedas and other scriptures and are found among theBrahmans and a few of the higher castes, such as Vasishta, Garga, Bharadwaj, Vishvamitra, Kashyap and so on. A few Rajput clans arenamed after kings or heroes, as the Raghuvansis from king Raghu ofAjodhia and the Tilokchandi Bais from a famous king of that name. Thetitular class of names comprise names of offices supposed to havebeen held by the founder of the clan, or titles and names referringto a personal defect or quality, and nicknames. Instances of theformer are Kotwar (village watchman), Chaudhri, Meher or Mahto (casteheadman), Bhagat (saint), Thakuria and Rawat (lord or prince), Vaidya(physician); and of titular names and nicknames: Kuldip (lamp of thefamily), Mohjaria (one with a burnt mouth), Jachak (beggar), Garkata(cut-throat), Bhatpagar (one serving on a pittance of boiled rice), Kangali (poor), Chikat (dirty), Petdukh (stomach-ache), Ghunnere(worm-eater) and so on. A special class of names are those of officesheld at the caste feasts; thus the clans of the Chitrakathi caste arethe Atak or Mankari, who furnish the headman of the caste _panchayat_or committee; the Bhojin who serve the food at marriages and otherceremonies; the Kakra who arrange for the lighting; the Gotharyawho keep the provisions, and the Ghorerao (_ghora_, a horse) whohave the duty of looking after the horses and bullock-carts of thecaste-men who assemble. Similarly the five principal clans of thesmall Turi caste are named after the five sons of Singhbonga or thesun: the eldest son was called Mailuar and his descendants are theleaders or headmen of the caste; the descendants of the second son, Chardhagia, purify and readmit offenders to caste intercourse; thoseof the third son, Suremar, conduct the ceremonial shaving of suchoffenders, and those of the fourth son bring water for the ceremonyand are called Tirkuar. The youngest brother, Hasdagia, is saidto have committed some caste offence, and the four other brotherstook the parts which are still played by their descendants in hisceremony of purification. In many cases exogamous clans are namedafter other castes or subcastes. Many low castes have adopted thenames of the Rajput clans, either from simple vanity as people maytake an aristocratic surname, or because they were in the service ofRajputs, and have adopted the names of their masters or are partlydescended from them. Other names of castes found among exogamousgroups probably indicate that an ancestor belonging to that caste wastaken into the one in which the group is found. The Bhaina tribe haveclans named after the Dhobi, Ahir, Gond, Mali and Panka castes. Themembers of such clans pay respect to any man belonging to the casteafter which they are named and avoid picking a quarrel with him;they also worship the family gods of the caste. 

Territorial names are very common, and are taken from that of sometown or village in which the ancestor of the clan or the members of theclan themselves resided. [90] The names are frequently distorted, andit seems probable that the majority of the large number of clan namesfor which no meaning can be discovered were those of villages. Theseunknown names are probably more numerous than the total of all thoseclasses of names to which a meaning can be assigned. 

49. Totemistic clans. 

The last class of exogamous divisions are those called totemistic, when the clan is named after a plant or animal or other naturalobject. These are almost universal among the non-Aryan or primitivetribes, but occur also in most Hindu castes, including some of thehighest. The commonest totem names are those of the prominent animals, including several which are held sacred by the Hindus, as _bagh_or _nahar_, the tiger; _bachas_, the calf; _morkuria_, the peacock;_kachhwaha_ or _limuan_, the tortoise; _nagas_, the cobra; _hasti_, theelephant; _bandar_, the monkey; _bhainsa_, the buffalo; _richharia_, the bear; _kuliha_, the jackal; _kukura_, the dog; _karsayal_, the deer; _heran_, the black-buck, and so on. The utmost varietyof names is found, and numerous trees, as well as rice, kodon andother crops, salt, sandalwood, cucumber, pepper, and some householdimplements, such as the pestle and rolling-slab, serve as names ofclans. Names which may be held to have a totemistic origin occureven in the highest castes. Thus among the names of eponymous Rishisor saints, Bharadwaj means a lark, Kaushik may be from the _kusha_grass, Agastya from the _agasti_ flower, Kashyap from _kachhap_, a tortoise; Taittiri from _titar_, a partridge, and so on. Similarlythe origin of other Rishis is attributed to animals, as Rishishringato an antelope, Mandavya to a frog, and Kanada to an owl. [91] Aninferior Rajput clan, Meshbansi, signifies descendants of the sheep, while the name of the Baghel clan is derived from the tiger (bagh), that of the Kachhwaha clan perhaps from _kachhap_, a tortoise, ofthe Haihaivansi from the horse, of the Nagvansi from the cobra, andof the Tomara clan from _tomar_, a club. The Karan or writer casteof Orissa, similarly, have clans derived from the cobra, tortoiseand calf, and most of the cultivating and other middle castes haveclans with totemistic names. The usual characteristics of totemism, in its later and more common form at any rate, are that members of aclan regard themselves as related to, or descended from, the animalor tree from which the clan takes its name, and abstain from killingor eating it. This was perhaps not the original relation of the clanto its clan totem in the hunting stage, but it is the one commonlyfound in India, where the settled agricultural stage has long beenreached. The Bhaina tribe have among their totems the cobra, tiger, leopard, vulture, hawk, monkey, wild dog, quail, black ant, and soon. Members of a clan will not injure the animal after which it isnamed, and if they see the corpse of the animal or hear of its deaththey throw away an earthen cooking-pot, and bathe and shave themselvesas for one of the family. At a wedding the bride's father makes animage in clay of the bird or animal of the groom's sept and places itbeside the marriage-post. The bridegroom worships the image, lightinga sacrificial fire before it, and offers to it the vermilion whichhe afterwards smears on the forehead of the bride. Women are oftentattooed with representations of their totem animal, and men swearby it as their most sacred oath. A similar respect is paid to theinanimate objects after which certain septs are named. Thus membersof the Gawad or cowdung clan will not burn cowdung cakes for fuel;and those of the Mircha clan do not use chillies. One clan is namedafter the sun, and when an eclipse occurs they perform the same formalrites of mourning as others do on the death of their totem animal. TheBaghani clan of Majhwars, named after the tiger, think that a tigerwill not attack any member of their clan unless he has committed anoffence entailing temporary excommunication from caste. Until thisoffence has been expiated his relationship with the tiger as head ofthe clan is in abeyance, and the tiger will eat him as he would anyother stranger. If a tiger meets a member of the clan who is free fromsin, he will run away. Members of the Khoba or peg clan will not make apeg nor drive one into the ground. Those of the Dumar or fig-tree clansay that their first ancestor was born under this tree. They considerthe tree to be sacred and never eat its fruit, and worship it once ayear. Sometimes the members of the clan do not revere the object afterwhich it is named but some other important animal or plant. Thus theMarkam clan of Gonds, named after the mango-tree, venerate the tortoiseand do not kill it. The Kathotia clan of Kols is named after _kathota_, a bowl, but they revere the tiger. Bagheshwar Deo, the tiger-god, resides on a little platform in their verandas. They may not joinin a tiger-beat nor sit up for a tiger over a kill. In the lattercase they think that the tiger would not come and would be deprivedof his food, and all the members of their family would get ill. TheKatharia clan take their name from _kathri_, a mattress. A member ofthis sept must never have a mattress in his house, nor wear clothessewn in crosspieces as mattresses are sewn. The name of the Mudia orMudmudia clan is said to mean shaven head, but they apparently reverethe white _kumhra_ or gourd, perhaps because it has some resemblance toa shaven head. They give a white gourd to a woman on the day after shehas borne a child, and her family then do not eat this vegetable forthree years. The Kumraya sept revere the brown _kumhra_ or gourd. Theygrow this vegetable on the thatch of their house-roof and from the timeof planting it till the fruits have been plucked they do not touch it, though of course they afterwards eat the fruits. The Bhuwar septare named after _bhu_ or _bhumi_, the earth. They must alwayssleep on the earth and not on cots. The Nun (salt) and Dhan (rice)clans of Oraons cannot dispense with eating their totems or titularancestors. But the Dhan Oraons content themselves with refusing toconsume the scum which thickens on the surface of the boiled rice, and the Nun sept will not lick a plate in which salt and water havebeen mixed. At the weddings of the Vulture clan of the small Bhonacaste one member of the clan kills a small chicken by biting off thehead and then eats it in imitation of a vulture. Definite instancesof the sacrificial eating of the totem animal have not been found, but it is said that the tiger and snake clans of the Bhatra tribeformerly ate their totems at a sacrificial meal. The Gonds alsoworship the cobra as a household god, and once a year they eat theflesh of the snake and think that by doing so they will be immunefrom snake-bite throughout the year. On the festival of Nag-Panchmithe Mahars make an image of a snake with flour and sugar and eatit. It is reported that the Singrore Dhimars who work on rivers andtanks must eat the flesh of a crocodile at their weddings, while theSonjharas who wash the sands of rivers for gold should catch a livecrocodile for the occasion of the wedding and afterwards put it backinto the river. These latter customs may probably have fallen intoabeyance owing to the difficulty of catching a crocodile, and in anycase the animals are tribal gods rather than totems. 

50. Terms of relationship. 

Exogamy and totemism are found not only in India, but are thecharacteristics of primitive social groups over the greater partof the world. Totemism establishes a relation of kinship betweenpersons belonging to one clan who are not related by blood, andexogamy prescribes that the persons held to be so related shall notintermarry. Further, when terms of relationship come into existence itis found that they are applied not to members of one family, but toall the persons of the clan who might have stood in each particularrelationship to the person addressing them. Thus a man will addressas mother not only his own mother, but all the women of his clan whomight have stood to him in the relation of mother. Similarly he willaddress all the old men and women as grandfather or grandmother oraunt, and the boys and girls of his own generation as brother andsister, and so on. With the development of the recognition of theconsanguineous family, the use of terms of relationship tends tobe restricted to persons who have actual kinship; thus a boy willaddress only his father's brothers as father, and his cousins asbrothers and sisters; but sufficient traces of the older system ofclan kinship remain to attest its former existence. But it seems alsoclear that some, at least, of the terms of relationship were firstused between persons really related; thus the word for mother musthave been taught by mothers to their own babies beginning to speak, as it is a paramount necessity for a small child to have a name bywhich to call its mother when it is wholly dependent on her; if theperiod of infancy is got over without the use of this term of addressthere is no reason why it should be introduced in later life, whenin the primitive clan the child quickly ceased to be dependent on itsmother or to retain any strong affection for her. Similarly, as shownby Sir J. G. Frazer in _Totemism and Exogamy_, there is often a specialname for the mother's brother when other uncles or aunts are addressedsimply as father or mother. This name must therefore have been broughtinto existence to distinguish the mother's brother at the time when, under the system of female descent, he stood in the relation of aprotector and parent to the child. Where the names for grandfather andgrandmother are a form of duplication of those for father and motheras in English, they would appear to imply a definite recognition ofthe idea of family descent. The majority of the special names forother relatives, such as fraternal and maternal uncles and aunts, must also have been devised to designate those relatives in particular, and hence there is a probability that the terms for father and brotherand sister, which on _a priori_ grounds may be considered doubtful, were also first applied to real or putative fathers and brothers andsisters. But, as already seen, under the classificatory system ofrelationship these same terms are addressed to members of the sameclan who might by age and sex have stood in such a relationship tothe person addressing them, but are not actually akin to him atall. And hence it seems a valid and necessary conclusion that atthe time when the family terms of relationship came into existence, the clan sentiment of kinship was stronger than the family sentiment;that is, a boy was taught or made to feel that all the women of theclan of about the same age as his mother were as nearly akin to himas his own mother, and that he should regard them all in the samerelation. And similarly he looked on all the men of the clan of an ageenabling them to be his fathers in the same light as his own father, and all the children of or about his own age as his brothers andsisters. The above seems a necessary conclusion from the existenceof the classificatory system of relationship, which is very widelyspread among savages, and if admitted, it follows that the sentiment ofkinship within the clan was already established when the family termsof relationship were devised, and therefore that the clan was priorto the family as a social unit. This conclusion is fortified by therule of exogamy which prohibits marriage between persons of the sameclan between whom no blood-relationship can be traced, and thereforeshows that some kind of kinship was believed to exist between them, independent of and stronger than the link of consanguinity. Further, Mr. Hartland shows in _Primitive Paternity_ [92] that during the periodof female descent when physical paternity has been recognised, but thefather and mother belong to different clans, the children, being ofthe mother's clan, will avenge a blood-feud of their clan upon theirown father; and this custom seems to show clearly that the sentimentof clan-kinship was prior to and stronger than that of family kinship. 

51. Clan kinship and totemism. 

The same argument seems to demonstrate that the idea of kinship withinthe clan was prior to the idea of descent from a common ancestor, whether an animal or plant, a god, hero or nicknamed ancestor. Becauseit is obvious that a set of persons otherwise unconnected could notsuddenly and without reason have believed themselves to be descendedfrom a common ancestor and hence related. If a number of persons notdemonstrably connected by blood believe themselves to be akin simplyon account of their descent from a common ancestor, it can only bebecause they are an expanded family, either actually or by fiction, which really had or might have had a common ancestor. That is, theclan tracing its descent from a common ancestor, if this was theprimary type of clan, must have been subsequent to the family asa social institution. But as already seen the sentiment of kinshipwithin the clan was prior to that within the family, and thereforethe genesis of the clan from an expanded family is an impossiblehypothesis; and it follows that the members of the clan must firsthave believed themselves to be bound together by some tie equivalent toor stronger than that of consanguineous kinship, and afterwards, whenthe primary belief was falling into abeyance, that of descent from acommon ancestor came into existence to account for the clan sentimentof kinship already existing. If then the first form of associationof human beings was in small groups, which led a migratory life andsubsisted mainly by hunting and the consumption of fruits and roots, as the Australian natives still do, the sentiment of kinship mustfirst have arisen, as stated by Mr. M'Lennan, in that small bodywhich lived and hunted together, and was due simply to the fact thatthey were so associated, that they obtained food for each other, andon occasion protected and preserved each other's lives. [93] Thesesmall bodies of persons were the first social units, and according toour knowledge of the savage peoples who are nearest to the originalmigratory and hunting condition of life, without settled habitations, domestic animals or cultivated plants, they first called themselvesafter some animal or plant, usually, as Sir J. G. Frazer has shown in_Totemism and Exogamy_, [94] after some edible animal or plant. Themost probable theory of totemism on _a priori_ grounds seems thereforeto be that the original small bodies who lived and hunted together, ortotem-clans, called themselves after the edible animal or plant fromwhich they principally derived their sustenance, or that which gavethem life. While the real tie which connected them was that of livingtogether, they did not realise this, and supposed themselves to be akinbecause they commonly ate this animal or plant together. This theoryof totemism was first promulgated by Professor Robertson Smith and, though much disputed, appears to me to be the most probable. It hasalso been advocated by Dr. A. C. Haddon, F. R. S. [95] The Gaelic namesfor family, _teadhloch_ and _cuedichc_ or _coedichc_, mean, the first, 'having a common residence, ' the second, 'those who eat together. ' [96]The detailed accounts of the totems of the Australian, Red Indian andAfrican tribes, now brought together by Sir J. G. Frazer in _Totemismand Exogamy_, show a considerable amount of evidence that the earlytotems were not only as a rule edible animals, but the animalseaten by the totem-clans which bore their names. [97] But after thedomestication of animals and the culture of plants had been attainedto, the totems ceased to be the chief means of subsistence. Hence theoriginal tie of kinship was supplanted by another and wider one in thetribe, and though the totem-clans remained and continued to fulfil animportant purpose, they were no longer the chief social group. And inmany cases, as man had also by now begun to speculate on his origin, the totems came to be regarded as ancestors, and the totem-clans, retaining their sentiment of kinship, accounted for it by supposingthemselves to be descended from a common ancestor. They thus alsocame to base the belief in clan-kinship on the tie of consanguinityrecognised in the family, which had by now come into existence. Thislate and secondary form of totemism is that which obtains in India, where the migratory and hunting stage has long been passed. The Indianevidence is, however, of great value because we find here in the samecommunity, occasionally in the same caste, exogamous clans whichtrace their descent sometimes from animals and plants, or totems, and sometimes from gods, heroes, or titular ancestors, while manyof the clans are named after villages or have names to which nomeaning can be attached. As has been seen, there is good reason tosuppose that all these forms of the exogamous clan are developed fromthe earliest form of the totem-clan; and since this later type ofclan has developed from the totem-clan in India, it is a legitimatededuction that wherever elsewhere exogamous clans are found tracingtheir descent from a common ancestor or with unintelligible names, probably derived from places, they were probably also evolved fromthe totem-clan. This type of clan is shown in Professor Hearn's _AryanHousehold_ to have been the common unit of society over much of Europe, where no traces of the existence of totemism are established. [98]And from the Indian analogy it is therefore legitimate to presumethat the totem-clan may have been the original unit of society amongseveral European races as well as in America, Africa, Australia andIndia. Similar exogamous clans exist in China, and many of them havethe names of plants and animals. [99]

52. Animate Creation. 

In order to render clear the manner in which the clan named after atotem animal (or, less frequently, a plant) came to hold its membersakin both to each other and their totem animals, an attempt may bemade to indicate, however briefly and imperfectly, some featuresof primitive man's conception of nature and life. Apparently whenthey began dimly to observe and form conscious mental impressionsof the world around them, our first ancestors made some cardinal, though natural and inevitable, mistakes. In the first place theythought that the whole of nature was animate, and that every animal, plant, or natural object which they saw around them, was alive andself-conscious like themselves. They had, of course, no words orideas connoting life or consciousness, or distinguishing animals, vegetables or lifeless objects, and they were naturally quite incapableof distinguishing them. They merely thought that everything they sawwas like themselves, would feel hurt and resentment if injured, andwould know what was done to it, and by whom; whenever they saw themovement of an animal, plant, or other object, they thought it wasvolitional and self-conscious like their own movements. If they sawa tree waving in the wind, having no idea or conception of the wind, they thought the tree was moving its branches about of its own accord;if a stone fell, they, knowing nothing of the force of gravity, thoughtthe stone projected itself from one place to another because it wishedto do so. This is exactly the point of view taken by children whenthey first begin to observe. They also think that everything they seeis alive like themselves, and that animals exercise volition and havea self-conscious intelligence like their own. But they quickly learntheir mistakes and adopt the point of view of their elders becausethey are taught. Primitive man had no one to teach him, and as he didnot co-ordinate or test his observations, the traces of this firstconception of the natural world remain clearly indicated by a vastassortment of primitive customs and beliefs to the present day. Allthe most prominent natural objects, the sun and moon, the sky, the sea, high mountains, rivers and springs, the earth, the fire, became objectsof veneration and were worshipped as gods, and this could not possiblyhave happened unless they had been believed to have life. Stone imagesand idols are considered as living gods. In India girls are marriedto flowers, trees, arrows, swords, and so on. A bachelor is marriedto a ring or a plant before wedding a widow, and the first ceremonyis considered as his true marriage. The Saligram, or ammonite stone, is held to represent the god Vishnu, perhaps because it was thoughtto be a thunderbolt and to have fallen from heaven. Its marriage iscelebrated with the _tulsi_ or basil-plant, which is considered theconsort of Vishnu. Trees are held to be animate and possessed byspirits, and before a man climbs a tree he begs its pardon for theinjury he is about to inflict on it. When a tank is dug, its marriageis celebrated. To the ancient Roman his hearth was a god; the walls anddoors and threshold of his house were gods; the boundaries of his fieldwere also gods. [100] It is precisely the same with the modern Hindu;he also venerates the threshold of his house, the cooking-hearth, thegrinding-mill, and the boundaries of his field. The Jains still thinkthat all animals, plants and inanimate objects have souls or spiritslike human beings. The belief in a soul or spirit is naturally notprimitive, as man could not at first conceive of anything he did notsee or hear, but plants and inanimate objects could not subsequentlyhave been credited with the possession of souls or spirits unless theyhad previously been thought to be alive. "The Fijians consider thatif an animal or a plant dies its soul immediately goes to Bolotoo;if a stone or any other substance is broken, immortality is equallyits reward; nay, artificial bodies have equal good luck with menand hogs and yams. If an axe or a chisel is worn out or broken up, away flies its soul for the service of the gods. If a house is takendown or any way destroyed, its immortal part will find a situation onthe plains of Bolotoo. The Finns believed that all inanimate objectshad their _haltia_ or soul. " [101] The Malays think that animals, vegetables and minerals, as well as human beings, have souls. [102]The Kawar tribe are reported to believe that all articles of furnitureand property have souls or spirits, and if any such is stolen thespirit will punish the thief. Theft is consequently almost unknownamong them. All the fables about animals and plants speaking andexercising volition; the practice of ordeals, resting on the beliefthat the sacred living elements, fire and water, will of themselvesdiscriminate between the innocent and guilty; the propitiatoryofferings to the sea and to rivers, such incidents as Xerxes bindingthe sea with fetters, Ajax defying the lightning, Aaron's rod thatbudded, the superstitions of sailors about ships: all result fromthe same primitive belief. Many other instances of self-consciouslife and volition being attributed to animals, plants and naturalobjects are given by Lord Avebury in _Origin of Civilisation_, byDr. Westermarck in _The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas_, [103] and by Sir J. G. Frazer in _The Golden Bough_ [104]

Thus primitive man had no conception of inanimate matter, and it seemsprobable that he did not either realise the idea of death. Thoughit may be doubtful whether any race exists at present which does notunderstand that death is the cessation of life in the body, indicationsremain that this view was not primary and may not have been acquiredfor some time. The Gonds apparently once thought that people would notdie unless they were killed by magic, and similar beliefs are held bythe Australian and African savages. Several customs also point to thebelief in the survival of some degree of life in the body after death, apart from the idea of the soul. 

53. The distribution of life over the body. 

Primitive man further thought that life, instead of being concentratedin certain organs, was distributed equally over the whole of thebody. This mistake appears also to have been natural and inevitablewhen it is remembered that he had no name for the body, the differentlimbs and the internal organs, and no conception of their existence anddistribution, nor of the functions which they severally performed. Heperceived that sensation extended over all parts of the body, andthat when any part was hurt or wounded the blood flowed and lifegradually declined in vigour and ebbed away. For this reason the bloodwas subsequently often identified with the life. During the progressof culture many divergent views have been held about the source andlocation of life and mental and physical qualities, and the correctone that life is centred in the heart and brain, and that the brain isthe seat of intelligence and mental qualities has only recently beenarrived at. We still talk about people being hard-hearted, kind-heartedand heartless, and about a man's heart being in the right place, as ifwe supposed that the qualities of kindness and courage were located inthe heart, and determined by the physical constitution and location ofthe heart. The reason for this is perhaps that the soul was held to bethe source of mental qualities, and to be somewhere in the centre ofthe body, and hence the heart came to be identified with it. As shownby Sir J. G. Frazer in _The Golden Bough_ many peoples or races havethought that the life and qualities were centred in the whole head, not merely in the brain. And this is the reason why Hindus will notappear abroad with the head bare, why it is a deadly insult to knockoff a man's turban, and why turbans or other head-gear were oftenexchanged as a solemn pledge of friendship. The superstition againstwalking under a ladder may have originally been based on some ideaof its being derogatory or dangerous to the head, though not, ofcourse, from the fear of being struck by a falling brick. Similarly, as shown in the article on Nai, the belief that the bodily strengthand vigour were located in the hair, and to a less extent in thenails and teeth, has had a world-wide prevalence. But this cannothave been primary, because the hair had first to be conceived ofapart from the rest of the body, and a separate name devised for it, before the belief that the hair was the source of strength couldgradually come into existence. The evolution of these ideas may haveextended over thousands of years. The expression 'white-livered, 'again, seems to indicate that the quality of courage was once held tobe located in the liver, and the belief that the liver was the seatof life was perhaps held by the Gonds. But the primary idea seemsnecessarily to have been that the life was equally distributed allover the body. And since, as will be seen subsequently, the savagewas incapable of conceiving the abstract idea of life, he thought ofit in a concrete form as part of the substance of the flesh and blood. 

And since primitive man had no conception of inanimate matter itfollowed that when any part of the body was severed from the whole, he did not think of the separate fraction as merely lifeless matter, but as still a part of the body to which it had originally belonged andretaining a share of its life. For according to his view of the worldand of animate nature, which has been explained above, he could notthink of it as anything else. Thus the clippings of hair, nails, teeth, the spittle and any other similar products all in his view remainedpart of the body from which they had been severed and retained part ofits life. In the case of the elements, earth, fire and water, whichhe considered as living beings and subsequently worshipped as gods, this view was correct. Fractional portions of earth, fire and water, when severed from the remainder, retained their original nature andconstitution, and afforded some support to his generally erroneousbelief. And since he had observed that an injury done to any partof the body was an injury to the whole, it followed that if one gotpossession of any part of the body, such as the severed hair, teethor nails, one could through them injure that body of which they stillformed a part. It is for this reason that savages think that if anenemy can obtain possession of any waste product of the body, suchas the severed hair or nails, that he can injure the owner throughthem. Similarly the Hindus thought that the clippings of the hair ornails, if buried in fertile ground, would grow into a plant, throughthe life which they retained, and as this plant waxed in size itwould absorb more and more of the original owner's life, which wouldconsequently wane and decline. The worship of relics, such as thebones or hair of saints, is based on the same belief that they retaina part of the divine life and virtue of him to whom they once belonged. 

54. Qualities associated with animals. 

It is probable that qualities were first conceived of by being observedin animals or natural objects. Prior to the introduction of personalnames, the individuality of human beings could neither be clearlyrealised nor remembered after they were dead. But man must haveperceived at an early period that certain animals were stronger orswifter than he was, or more cunning, and since the same quality wasreproduced in every animal of the species, it could easily becomepermanently associated with the animal. But there were no namesfor qualities, nor any independent conception of them apart from theanimal or animals in which they were observed. Supposing that strengthand swiftness were mainly associated with the horse, as was oftenthe case, then they would be necessarily conceived of as a part oressence of the horse and his life, not in the way we think of them, as qualities appertaining to the horse on account of the strengthof his muscles and the conformation of his limbs. When names weredevised for these qualities, they would be something equivalent tohorsey or horse-like. The association of qualities with animals isstill shown in such words as asinine, owlish, foxy, leonine, mulish, dogged, tigerish, and so on; but since the inferiority of animalsto man has long been recognised, most of the animal adjectives havea derogatory sense. [105] It was far otherwise with primitive man, who first recognised the existence of the qualities most necessaryto him, as strength, courage, swiftness, sagacity, cunning andendurance, as being displayed by certain animals in a greater degreethan he possessed them himself. Birds he admired and venerated asbeing able to rise and fly in the air, which he could not do; fishfor swimming and remaining under water when he could not; while atthe same time he had not as yet perceived that the intelligence ofanimals was in any way inferior to his own, and he credited many ofthem with the power of speech. Thus certain animals were venerated onaccount of the qualities associated with them, and out of them in thecourse of time anthropomorphic gods personifying the qualities wereevolved. The Australian aborigines of the kangaroo totem, when theywish to multiply the number of kangaroos, go to a certain place wheretwo special blocks of stone project immediately one above the otherfrom the hillside. One is supposed to represent an 'old man' kangarooand the other a female. The stones are rubbed and then painted withalternate red and white stripes, the red stripes representing the redfur of the kangaroos, and the white ones its bones. After doing thissome of them open veins in their arms and allow the blood to spurtover the stones. The other men sing chants referring to the increasein the numbers of the kangaroos, and they suppose that this ceremonywill actually result in producing an increased number of kangaroosand hence an additional supply of food. [106] Here the inferenceseems to be that the stones represent the centre or focus of thelife of kangaroos, and when they are quickened by the painting, andthe supply of blood, they will manifest their creative activity andincrease the kangaroos. If we suppose that some similar stone existedon the Acropolis and was considered by the owl clan as the centre ofthe life of the owls which frequented the hill, then when the art ofsculpture had made some progress, and the superiority of the human formand intellect began to be apprehended, if a sculptor carved the stoneinto the semblance of a human being, the goddess Athena would be born. 

55. Primitive language. 

It has been seen that primitive man considered the life and qualitiesto be distributed equally over the body in a physical sense, so thatthey formed part of the substance and flesh. The same view extendedeven to instrumental qualities or functions, since his mental powersand vision were necessarily limited by his language. Language mustapparently have begun by pointing at animals or plants and makingsome sound, probably at first an imitation of the cry or othercharacteristic of the animal, which came to connote it. We have tosuppose that language was at the commencement a help in the strugglefor life, because otherwise men, as yet barely emerged from the animalstage, would never have made the painful mental efforts necessaryto devise and remember the words. Words which would be distinctlyadvantageous in the struggle would be names for the animals andplants which they ate, and for the animals which ate them. By sayingthe name and pointing in any direction, the presence of such animalsor plants in the vicinity would be intimated more quickly and moreaccurately than by signs or actions. Such names were then, it maybe supposed, the first words. Animals or plants of which they madeno use nor from which they apprehended any danger, would for long besimply disregarded, as nothing was to be gained by inventing names forthem. The first words were all nouns and the names of visible objects, and this state of things probably continued for a long period andwas the cause of many erroneous primitive conceptions and ideas. Sometraces of the earliest form of language can still be discerned. Thus ofSantali Sir G. Grierson states: "Every word can perform the functionof a verb, and every verbal form can, according to circumstances, be considered as a noun, an adjective or a verb. It is often simplya matter of convenience which word is considered as a noun and whichas an adjective ... Strictly speaking, in Santali there is no realverb as distinct from the other classes of words. Every independentword can perform the function of a verb, and every verbal form can inits turn be used as a noun or adjective. " [107] And of the Dravidianlanguages he says: "The genitive of ordinary nouns is in reality anadjective, and the difference between nouns and adjectives is of nogreat importance ... Many cases are both nouns and verbs. Nouns ofagency are very commonly used as verbs. " [108] Thus if it be admittedthat nouns preceded verbs as parts of speech, which will hardly bedisputed, these passages show how the semi-abstract adjectives andverbs were gradually formed from the names of concrete nouns. Ofthe language of the now extinct Tasmanian aborigines it is stated:"Their speech was so imperfectly constituted that there was no settledorder or arrangement of words in the sentence, the sense being ekedout by face, manner and gesture, so that they could scarcely conversein the dark, and all intercourse had to cease with nightfall. Abstractforms scarcely existed, and while every gum-tree or wattle-tree hadits name, there was no word for 'tree' in general, nor for qualitiessuch as hard, soft, hot, cold, etc. Anything hard was 'like a stone, 'anything round 'like the moon, ' and so on, the speaker suiting theaction to the word, and supplementing the meaning to be understoodby some gesture. " [109] Here the original concrete form of languagecan be clearly discerned. They had a sufficiency of names for all theobjects which were of use to them, and apparently verbal ideas werelargely conveyed by gesture. Captain Forsyth states [110] that thoughthe Korkus very seldom wash themselves, there exist in their languageeight words for washing, one for washing the face, another for thehands and others for different parts of the body. Thus we see thatthe verbal idea of washing was originally conceived not generally, but separately with reference to each concrete object or noun, forwhich a name existed and to which water was applied. 

56. Concrete nature of primitive ideas. 

The primitive languages consisted only of nouns or the names ofvisible objects, possibly with the subsequent addition of a few namesfor such conceptions as the wind and the voice, which could be heard, but not seen. There were no abstract nor semi-abstract terms nor partsof speech. The resulting inability to realise any abstract conceptionand the tendency to make everything concrete is a principal and salientcharacteristic of ethnology and primitive religion. [111] All actionsare judged by their concrete aspect or effects and not by the motiveswhich prompted them, nor the results which they produce. For a Hinduto let a cow die with a rope round its neck is a grave caste offence, apparently because an indignity is thus offered to the sacred animal, but it is no offence to let a cow starve to death. A girl may bemarried to inanimate objects as already seen, or to an old man or arelative without any intention that she shall live with him as a wife, but simply so that she may be married before reaching puberty. If shegoes through the ceremony of marriage she is held to be married. Yetthe motive for infant-marriage is held to be that a girl should beginto bear children as soon as she is physically capable of doing so, and such a marriage is useless from this point of view. Some casteswho cannot afford to burn a corpse hold a lighted brand to it orkindle a little fire on the grave and consider this equivalent tocremation. Promises are considered as concrete; among some Hinduspromises are tied up in knots of cloth, and when they are dischargedthe knots are untied. Mr. S. C. Roy says of the Oraons: "Contracts areeven to this day generally not written but acted. Thus a lease of landis made by the lessor handing over a clod of earth (which symbolisesland) to the lessee; a contract of sale of cattle is entered into byhanding over to the buyer a few blades of grass (which symbolise somany heads of cattle); a contract of payment of bride-price is madeby the bridegroom's father or other relative handing over a number of_baris_ or small cakes of pulse (which symbolise so many rupees) to thebride's father or other relative; and a contract of service is made bythe mistress of the house anointing the head of the intended servantwith oil, and making a present of a few pice, and entertaining him toa feast, thus signifying that he would receive food, lodging and somepay. " [112] Thus an abstract agreement is not considered sufficientfor a contract; in each case it must be ratified by a concrete act. 

The divisions of time are considered in a concrete sense. Thefortnight or Nakshatra is presided over by its constellation, andthis is held to be a nymph or goddess, who controls events during itscourse. Similarly, as shown in _The Golden Bough_, [113] many kindsof new enterprises should be begun in the fortnight of the waxingmoon, not in that of the waning moon. Days are also thought to beconcrete and governed by their planets, and from this idea come allthe superstitions about lucky and unlucky days. If a day had beenfrom the beginning realised as a simple division of time no suchsuperstitions could exist. Events, so far as they are conceived of, are also considered in a concrete sense. The reason why omens wereso often drawn from birds [114] is perhaps that birds fly from adistance and hence are able to see coming events on their way; and thehare and donkey were important animals of augury, perhaps because, on account of their long ears, they were credited with abnormallyacute hearing, which would enable them to hear the sound of comingevents before ordinary people. The proverb 'Coming events cast theirshadows before, ' appears to be a survival of this mode of belief, as it is obvious that that which has no substance cannot cast a shadow. 

The whole category of superstitions about the evil eye arises from thebelief that the glance of the eye is a concrete thing which strikesthe person or object towards which it is directed like a dart. Thetheory that the injury is caused through the malice or envy of theperson casting the evil eye seems to be derivative and explanatory. Ifa stranger's glance falls on the food of a Ramanuji Brahman while itis being cooked, the food becomes polluted and must be buried in theground. Here it is clear that the glance of the eye is equivalent toreal contact of some part of the stranger's body, which would pollutethe food. In asking for leave in order to nurse his brother who wasseriously ill but could obtain no advantage from medical treatment, a Hindu clerk explained that the sick man had been pierced by theevil glance of some woman. 

57. Words and names concrete. 

Similarly words were considered to have a concrete force, so thatthe mere repetition of words produced an effect analogous to theirsense. The purely mechanical repetition of prayers was held to be avirtuous act, and this idea was carried to the most absurd length inthe Buddhist's praying-wheel, where merit was acquired by causingthe wheel with prayers inscribed on its surface to revolve in awaterfall. The wearing of strips of paper, containing sacred texts, as amulets on the body is based on this belief, and some Muhammadanswill wash off the ink from paper containing a verse of the Koran anddrink the mixture under the impression that it will do them good. Herethe belief in the concrete virtue and substance of the written wordis very clear. The Hindus think that the continued repetition of theGayatri or sacred prayer to the sun is a means of acquiring virtue, and the prayer is personified as a goddess. The enunciation of thesacred syllable Aum or Om is supposed to have the most powerfulresults. Homer's phrase 'winged words' perhaps recalls the periodwhen the words were considered as physical entities which actuallytravelled through the air from the speaker to the hearer and werecalled winged because they went so fast. A Korku clan has the name_lobo_ which means a piece of cloth. But the word _lobo_ also signifies'to leak. ' If a person says a sentence containing the word _lobo_ ineither signification before a member of the clan while he is eating, he will throw away the food before him as if it were contaminatedand prepare a meal afresh. Here it is clear that the Korku pays noregard to the sense but solely to the word or sound. This beliefin the concrete force of words has had the most important effectsboth in law and religion. The earliest codes of law were held to becommands of the god and claimed obedience on this ground. The bindingforce of the law rested in the words and not in the sense because thewords were held to be those of the god and to partake of his divinenature. In ancient Rome the citizen had to take care to know thewords of the law and to state them exactly. If he used one wrong wordthe law gave him no assistance. "Gaius tells a story of a man whoseneighbour had cut his vines; the facts were clear; he stated the lawapplying to his case, but he said vines, whereas the law said trees;he lost his suit. " [115] The divine virtue attached to the sacredbooks of different religions rests on the same belief. Frequently thebooks themselves are worshipped, and it was held that they could notbe translated because the sanctity resided in the actual words andwould be lost if other words were used. The efficacy of spells andinvocations seems to depend mainly on this belief in the concretepower of words. If one knows an efficacious form of words connotinga state of physical facts and repeats it with the proper accessoryconditions, then that state of facts is actually caused to exist;and if one knows a man's name and calls on him with a form of wordsefficacious to compel attendance, he has to come and his spirit cansimilarly be summoned from the dead. When a Malay wishes to kill anenemy he makes an image of the man, transfixes or otherwise injuresit, and buries it on the path over which the enemy will tread. As heburies it with the impression that he will thereby cause the enemyto die and likewise be buried, he says:

 It is not I who am burying him, It is Gabriel who is burying him, and thinks that the repetition of these words produces the state offacts which they denote so that the guilt of the murder is removed fromhis own shoulders to those of the archangel Gabriel. Similarly when hehas killed a deer and wishes to be free from the guilt of his action, or as he calls it to cast out the mischief from the deer, he says:

 It is not I who cast out these mischiefs, It is Michael who casts them out. It is not I who cast out these mischiefs, It is Israfel who casts them out, and so on, freeing himself in the same manner from responsibilityfor the death of the deer. [116] Names also are regarded asconcrete. Primitive man could not regard a name as an abstractappellation, but thought of it as part of the person or thing towhich it was applied and as containing part of his life, like hishair, spittle and the rest of his body. He would have used namesfor a long period before he had any word for a name, and his firstidea of the name as a part of the substantive body to which it isapplied has survived a more correct appreciation. Thus if one knewa person's name one could injure him by working evil on it and thepart of his life contained in it, just as one could injure him throughthe clippings of his hair, his spittle, clothes or the earth pressedby his foot. This is the reason for the common custom of having twonames, one of which, the true name, is kept secret and only used onceremonial occasions when it is essential, as at a wedding, while theother is employed for everyday life. The latter, not being the man'strue name, does not contain part of his life, and hence there is noharm in letting an enemy know it. Similarly the Hindus think that achild's name should not be repeated at night, lest an owl might hearit, when this bird could injure the child through its name, just asif it got hold of a piece of cloth worn or soiled by the child. Thepractice of euphemism rests on this belief, as it was thought thatif a person's name was said and a part of him was thus caused to bepresent the rest would probably follow. Hence the rule of avoiding theuse of the names of persons or things of which one does not desire thepresence. Thus Sir E. B. Tylor says: "The Dayak will not speak of thesmallpox by name, but will call it 'The Chief, ' or 'Jungle leaves, 'or say, 'Has He left you?' The euphemism of calling the Furies theEumenides, or 'Gracious Ones, ' is the stock illustration of thisfeeling, and the euphemisms for fairies and for the devil are toofamiliar to quote. " [117] Similarly the name of a god was consideredas part of him and hence partaking of his divine nature. It was thusso potent that it could not be mentioned on ordinary occasions or bycommon persons. Allah is only an epithet for the name of God amongthe Muhammadans and his True or Great Name is secret. Those who knowit have power over all created things. Clearly then the divine poweris held to reside in the name itself. The concealment of the name ofthe tutelary deity of Rome, for divulging which Valerius Soranus issaid to have paid the penalty of death, is a case in point. [118]Sir E. B. Tylor gives many other interesting examples of the aboveideas and points out the connection clearly existing in the savage mindbetween the name and the object to which it is applied. The Muhammadansthink that Solomon's name is very efficacious for casting out devilsand evil spirits. The practice of naming children after gods or bythe epithets or titles applied to the divine being, or after thenames of saints, appears to be due to the belief that such names, by reason of their association with the god or saint, acquire a partof his divine life and virtue, which when given to children the nameswill in turn convey to them. [119] On the other hand, when a Hindumother is afraid lest her child may die, she sometimes gives it anopprobrious name as dirt, rubbish, sweepings, or sold for one or twocowries, so that the evil spirits who take the lives of children maybe deceived by the name and think that such a valueless child is notworth having. The voice was also held to be concrete. The positionof the Roman tribune was peculiar, as he was not a magistrate chosenby divine authority and hence could not summon people to his court;but the tribune had been dedicated to the city gods, and his personwas sacrosanct. He could therefore lay hands on a man, and once thetribune touched him, the man was held to be in the magistrate's power, and bound to obey him. This rule extended even to those who were withinhearing of his voice; any one, even a patrician or consul, who heardthe tribune's voice was compelled to obey him. In this case it isclear that the voice and spoken words were held to be concrete, andto share in the sanctity attaching to the body. [120] When primitiveman could not think of a name as an abstraction but had to think ofit as an actual part of the body and life of the person or visibleobject to which it belonged, it will be realised how impossible itwas for him during a long period to conceive of any abstract idea, which was only a word without visible or corporal reality. 

58. The soul or spirit. 

Thus he could not at first have had any conception of a soul orspirit, which is an unseen thing. Savages generally may have evolvedthe conception of a soul or spirit as an explanation of dreams, according to the view taken by Mr. E. Clodd in _Myths and Dreams_, [121] Mr. Clodd shows that dreams were necessarily and invariablyconsidered as real events, and it could not have been otherwise, asprimitive man would have been unable to conceive the abstract idea of avision or fantasy. And since during dreams the body remained immobileand quiescent, it was thought that the spirit inside the body leftit and travelled independently. Hence the reluctance often evincedto waking a sleeper suddenly from fear lest the absent spirit mightnot have time to return to the body before its awakening and hencethe man might die. Savages, not having the conception of likeness orsimilarity, [122] would confuse death and sleep, because the appearanceof the body is similar in death and in sleep. Legends of the typeof Rip Van Winkle and the Sleeping Beauty, and of heroes like KingArthur and Frederick Barbarossa lying asleep through the centuriesin some remote cave or other hiding-place, from which they will oneday issue forth to regenerate the world, perpetuate the primitiveidentification of death and sleep. And the belief long prevailed thatafter death the soul or spirit remained with the body in the placewhere it lay, leaving the body and returning to it as the spirit washeld to do in sleep. The spirit was also thought to be able to quitthe body and enter any other body, both during life and after death;most of the beliefs in spirit-possession and many of those about thepower of witches arise from this view. The soul or spirit was commonlyconceived of in concrete form; the Egyptians, Greeks and Hindus thoughtof it as a little mannikin inside the body. After death the Hindusoften break the skull in order to allow the soul to escape. Often aninsect or a stone is thought to harbour the spirit. As shown by SirE. B. Tylor in _Primitive Culture_, [123] the breath, the shadow andthe pupil of the eye were sometimes held to be or to represent thesoul or spirit. Disembodied spirits are imprisoned in a tree or holeby driving nails into the tree or ground to confine them and preventtheir exit. When a man died accidentally or a woman in childbirth andfear was felt that their spirits might annoy or injure the living, a stake might be driven through the body or a cairn of stones piledover it in order to keep the ghost down and prevent it from risingand walking. The genii of the Arabian Nights were imprisoned insealed bottles, and when the bottle was opened they appeared in acloud of vapour. 

There seems every reason to suppose, as the same author suggests, that man first thought he had a spirit himself and as a consequenceheld that animals, plants and inanimate objects also containedspirits. Because the belief that the human body had a spirit caneasily be accounted for, but there seems to be no valid reason whyman should have thought that all other visible objects also containedspirits, except that at the period when he conceived of the existenceof a soul or spirit he still held them to be possessed of life andself-conscious volition like himself. But certain beliefs, such asthe universal existence of life, and of its distribution all overthe body and transmission by contact and eating, the common lifeof the species, and possibly totemism itself, appear to have beenpre-animistic or prior to any conception of or belief in a soul orspirit either in man himself or in nature. 

59. The tranmission of qualities. 

Primitive man thought that the life and all qualities, mentaland physical, were equally distributed over the body as part ofthe substance of the flesh. He thus came to think that they couldbe transferred from one body or substance to another in two ways:either by contact of the two bodies or substances, or by the eatingor assimilation of one by the other. The transmission of qualitiesby contact could be indicated through simply saying the two names ofthe objects in contact together, and transmission by eating throughsaying the two names with a gesture of eating. Thus if one ate a pieceof tiger's flesh, one assimilated an equivalent amount of strength, ferocity, cruelty, yellowness, and any other qualities which might beattributed to the tiger. Warriors and youths are sometimes forbiddento eat deer's flesh because it will make them timid, but they areencouraged to eat the flesh of tigers, bears, and other ferociousanimals, because it will make them brave. The Gonds, if they wisha child to be a good dancer, cause it to eat the flesh of a kind ofhawk, which hangs gracefully poised over the water, with its wingscontinually flapping, on the look-out for its prey. They think thatby eating the flesh the limbs of the child will become supple likethe wings of the bird. If a child is slow in learning to speak, they give it to eat the leaves of the pipal tree, which rustlecontinually in the wind and are hence supposed to have the qualityof making a noise. All qualities, objective and instrumental, wereconceived of in the same manner, because in the absence of verbs orabstract terms their proper relation to the subject and object couldnot be stated or understood. Thus if a woman's labour in child-birthis prolonged she is given to drink water in which the charred wood ofa tree struck by lightning has been dipped. Here it is clear that thequality of swiftness is held to have been conveyed by the lightningto the wood, by the wood to the water, and by the water to the woman, so as to give her a swift delivery. By a similar train of reasoningshe is given to drink the water of a swiftly-flowing stream which thushas the quality of swiftness, or water poured through a gun-barrel inwhich the fouling of a bullet is left. Here the quality of swiftnessappertaining to the bullet is conveyed by the soiling to the barrel andthence to the water and to the woman who drinks the water. In the abovecases all the transfers except that to the woman are by contact. Thebelief in the transfer of qualities by contact may have arisen fromthe sensations of the body and skin, to which heat, cold and moistureare communicated by contact. It was applied to every kind of quality. Afamiliar instance is the worship of the marks on rocks or stone whichare held to be the footprints left by a god. Here a part of the god'sdivine virtue and power has been communicated through the sole of hisfoot to the rock dented by the latter. Touching for the king's evilwas another familiar case, when it was thought that a fraction ofthe king's divine life and virtue was communicated by contact to theperson touched and cured him of his ailment. The wearing of amuletswhere these consist of parts of the bodies of animals is based on thesame belief. When a man wears on his person the claws of a tiger in anamulet, he thinks that the claws being the tiger's principal weaponof offence contain a concentrated part of his strength, and that thewearer of the claws will acquire some of this by contact. The Gondscarry the shoulder-bone of a tiger, or eat the powdered bone-dust, in order to acquire strength. The same train of reasoning appliesto the wearing of the hair of a bear, a common amulet in India, thehair being often considered as the special seat of strength. [124]The whole practice of wearing ornaments of the precious metals andprecious stones appears to have been originally due to the same motive, as shown in the article on Sunar. 

If the Gonds want a child to become fat, they put it in a pigsty ora place where asses have rolled, so that it may acquire by contactthe quality of fatness belonging to the pigs or asses. If they wish tobreed quarrels in an enemy's house, they put the seeds of the _amaltas_or the quills of the porcupine in the thatch of the roof. The seedsin the dried pods of this tree rattle in the wind, while the fretfulporcupine raises its quills when angry. Hence the seeds will impartthe quality of noise to the house, so that its inmates will be noisy, while the quills of the porcupine will similarly breed strife betweenthem. The effects produced by weapons and instruments are thought ofin the same manner. We say that an arrow is shot from a bow with suchforce as to penetrate the body and cause a wound. The savage could notthink or speak in this way, because he had no verbs and could not thinkof nouns in the objective case. He thought of the arrow as an animatething having a cutting or piercing quality. When placed in a suitableposition to exercise its powers, it flew, of its own volition, throughthe air to the target, and communicated to it by contact some of theabove quality. The idea is more easily realised in the case of balls, pieces of bone or other missiles thrown by magicians. Here the personwhom it is intended to injure may be miles away, so that the objectcould not possibly strike him merely through the force imparted to itby the thrower. But when the magician has said charms over the missile, communicating to it the power and desire to do his will, he throws itin the proper direction and savages believe that it will go of itsown accord to the person against whom it is aimed and penetrate hisbody. To pretend to suck pieces of bone out of the body, which aresupposed to have been propelled into the victim by an enemy, is oneof the commonest magical methods of curing an illness. The followinginstances of this idea are taken from the admirable collection in_The Golden Bough_ [125]: "(In Suffolk) if a man cuts himself with abill-hook or a scythe he always takes care to keep the weapon bright, and oils it to prevent the wound from festering. If he runs a thorn or, as he calls it, a bush into his hand, he oils or greases the extractedthorn. A man came to a doctor with an inflamed hand, having run athorn into it while he was hedging. On being told that the hand wasfestering, he remarked: 'That didn't ought to, for I greased the bushwell after I pulled it out' If a horse wounds its foot by treading ona nail, a Suffolk groom will invariably preserve the nail, clean itand grease it every day to prevent the wound from festering. " Here theheat and festering of the wounds are held to be qualities of the axe, thorn or nail, which have been communicated to the person or animalwounded by contact. If these qualities of the instrument are reducedby cleaning and oiling it, then that portion of them communicatedto the wound, which was originally held to be a severed part ofthe life and qualities of the instrument, will similarly be madecool and easy. It is not probable that the people of Suffolk reallybelieve this at present, but they retain the method of treatmentarising from the belief without being able to explain it. Similarlythe Hindus must have thought that the results produced by the toolsof artisans working on materials, and by the plough on the earth, were communicated by these instruments volitionally through contact;and this is why they worship once or twice a year the implements oftheir profession as the givers of the means of subsistence. All thestories of magic swords, axes, impenetrable shields, sandals, lamps, carpets and so on originally arose from the same belief. 

60. The faculty of counting. Confusion of the individual and thespecies. 

But primitive man not only considered the body as a homogeneous masswith the life and qualities distributed equally over it. He further, it may be suggested, did not distinguish between the individualand the species. The reason for this was that he could not count, and had no idea of numbers. The faculty of counting appears to havebeen acquired very late. Messrs. Spencer and Gillan remark of theaborigines of Central Australia: [126] "While in matters such astracking, which are concerned with their everyday life, and uponefficiency in which they actually depend for their livelihood, the natives show conspicuous ability, there are other directions inwhich they are as conspicuously deficient. This is perhaps shown mostclearly in the matter of counting. At Alice Springs they occasionallycount, sometimes using their fingers in doing so, up to five, butfrequently anything beyond four is indicated by the word _oknira_, meaning 'much' or 'great. ' One is _nintha_, two _thrama_ or _thera_, three _mapitcha_, four _therankathera_, five _therankathera-nintha_. "The form of these words is interesting, because it is clear thatthe word for four is two and two, or twice two, and the word forfive is two and two and one. These words indicate the prolonged andpainful efforts which must have been necessary to count as far asfive, and this though in other respects the Australian natives showsubstantial mental development, having a most complicated system ofexogamy, and sometimes two personal names for each individual. Again, the Andamanese islanders, despite the extraordinary complexity oftheir agglutinative language, have no names for the numerals beyondtwo. [127] It is said that the Majhwar tribe can only count up tothree, while among the Bhatras the qualification for being a villageastrologer, who foretells the character of the rainfall and givesauspicious days for sowing and harvest, is the ability to counta certain number of posts. The astrologer's title is Meda Gantia, or Counter of Posts. The above facts demonstrate that counting is afaculty acquired with difficulty after considerable mental progress, and primitive man apparently did not feel the necessity for it. [128]But if he could not count, it seems a proper deduction that hiseye would not distinguish a number of animals of the same speciestogether, because the ability to do this, and to appraise distinctindividuals of like appearance appears to depend ultimately on thefaculty of counting. Major Hendley, a doctor and therefore a skilledobserver, states that the Bhils were unable to distinguish coloursor to count numbers, apparently on account of their want of wordsto express themselves. [129] Now it seems clearly more easy for theeye to discriminate between opposing colours than to distinguisha number of individuals of the same species together. There are afew things which we still cannot count, such as the blades of grass, the ears of corn, drops of rain, snowflakes, and hailstones. All ofthese things are still spoken of in the singular, though this is wellknown to be scientifically incorrect. We say an expanse of grass, a field of corn, and so on, as if the grass and corn were all oneplant instead of an innumerable quantity of plants. Apparently whenprimitive man saw a number of animals or trees of the same speciestogether, the effect on him must have been exactly the same as thatof a field of grass or corn on us. He could be conscious only of anindefinite sense of magnitude. But he did not know, as we do in thecases cited, that the objects he saw were really a collection ofdistinct individuals. He would naturally consider them as all one, just as children would think a field of grass or corn to be one greatplant until they were told otherwise. But there was no one to tellhim, nor any means by which he could find out his mistake. He had noplural number, and no definite or indefinite articles. Whether hesaw one or a hundred tigers together, he could only describe themby the one word tiger. It was a long time before he could even say'much tiger, ' as the Australian natives still have to do if they seemore animals than five together, and the Andamanese if they see morethan two. The hypothesis therefore seems reasonable that at first manconsidered each species of animals or plants which he distinguishedto have a separate single life, of which all the individuals werepieces or members. The separation of different parts of one livingbody presented no difficulties to his mind, since, as already seen, hebelieved the life to continue in severed fractions of the human body. 

A connection between individuals, apparently based on the idea thatthey have a common life, has been noticed in other cases. Thus at thecommencement of the patriarchal state of society, when the child isbelieved to derive its life from its father, any carelessness in thefather's conduct may injuriously affect the child. Sir E. B. Tylor notesthis among the tribes of South America. After the birth of a childamong the Indians of South America the father would eat no regularcooked food, not suitable for children, as he feared that if he didthis his child would die. [130] "Among the Arawaks of Surinam for sometime after the birth of a child the father must fell no tree, fireno gun, hunt no large game; he may stay near home, shoot little birdswith a bow and arrow, and angle for little fish; but his time hangingheavy on his hands the only comfortable thing he can do is to loungein his hammock. " [131] On another occasion a savage who had latelybecome a father, refused snuff, of which he was very fond, becausehis sneezing would endanger the life of his newly-born child. Theybelieved that any intemperance or carelessness of the father, such asdrinking, eating large quantities of meat, swimming in cold weather, riding till he was tired and sweated, would endanger the child's life, and if the child died, the father was bitterly reproached with havingcaused its death by some such indiscretion. [132] Here the idea clearlyseems to be that the father's and child's life are one, the latterbeing derived from and part of the former. The custom of the Couvademay therefore perhaps be assigned to the early patriarchal stage. Thefirst belief was that the child derived its life from its mother, and apparently that the weakness and debility of the mother afterchildbirth were due to the fact that she had given up a part of herlife to the child. When the system of female descent changed to maledescent, the woman was taken from another clan into her husband's;the child, being born in its father's clan, obviously could not drawits life from its mother, who was originally of a different clan. Theinference was that it drew its life from its father; consequentlythe father, having parted with a part of his life to his child, hadto imitate the conduct of the mother after childbirth, abstain fromany violent exertion, and sometimes feign weakness and lie up in thehouse, so as not to place any undue strain on the severed fractionof his life in his child, which would be simultaneously affected withhis own, but was much more fragile. 

61. Similarity and identity. 

Again, primitive man had no conception of likeness or similarity, nor did he realise an imitation as distinct from the thingimitated. Likeness or similarity and imitation are abstract ideas, for which he had no words, and consequently did not conceive ofthem. And clearly if one had absolutely no term signifying likenessor similarity, and if one wished to indicate say, that somethingresembled a goat, all one could do would be to point at the goat andthe object resembling it and say 'goat, ' 'goat. ' Since the name washeld to be part of the thing named, such a method would strengthen theidea that resemblance was equivalent to identity. This point of viewcan also be observed in children, who have no difficulty in thinkingthat any imitation or toy model is just as good as the object or animalimitated, and playing with it as such. Even to call a thing by the nameof any object is sufficient with children to establish its identitywith that object for the purposes of a game or mimicry, and a largepart of children's games are based on such pretensions. They also havenot yet clearly grasped the difference between likeness and identity, and between an imitation of an object and the object itself. A largepart of the category of substituted ceremonies and sacrifices arebased on this confusion between similarity and identity. Thus when theHindus put four pieces of stick into a pumpkin and call it a goat, they do not mean to cheat the god to whom it is offered, but fancythat when they have made a likeness of a goat and called it a goat, it is a goat, at any rate for the purpose of sacrifice. And when theJains, desiring to eat after sunset against the rule of their religion, place a lamp under a sieve and call it the sun, and eat by it, they areacting on the same principle and think they have avoided committinga sin. A Baiga should go to his wedding on an elephant, but as hecannot obtain a real elephant, two wooden cots are lashed togetherand covered with blankets, with a black cloth trunk in front, andthis arrangement passes muster for an elephant. A small gold imageof a cat is offered to a Brahman in expiation for killing a cat, silver eyes are offered to the goddess to save the eyes of a personsuffering from smallpox, a wisp of straw is burnt on a man's grave asa substitute for cremating the body, a girl is married to an imageof a man made of _kusha_ grass, and so on. In rites where blood isrequired vermilion is used as a substitute for blood; on the otherhand castes which abstain from flesh sometimes also decline to eatred vegetables and fruits, because the red colour is held to makethem resemble and be equivalent to blood. These beliefs survive inreligious ceremonial long after the hard logic of facts has dispelledthem from ordinary life. [133] Thus when an image of a god was madeit was at once the god and contained part of his life. Primitive manhad no idea of an imitation or an image nor of a lifeless object, andtherefore could not conceive of the representation being anything elsethan the god. Only in later times was some ceremony of conveying lifeto the image considered requisite. The prohibition of sculpture amongthe Jews and of painting among the Muhammadans was based on this view, [134] because sculptures and paintings were not considered as images orrepresentations, but as living beings or gods, and consequently falsegods. The world-wide custom of making an image of a man with intentto injure him arises from the same belief. Since primitive man couldconceive neither of an imitation nor of an inanimate object, the imageof a man was to his view the man; there was nothing else which it couldbe. And thus it contained part of the man's life, just as every idol ofa god was the god himself and contained part of the god's life. Sincethe man's life was common to himself and the image, by injuring ordestroying the image it was held that the man's life would similarlybe injured or destroyed, on the analogy already explained of injuryto life being frequently observed to follow a hurt or wound of anypart of the body. Afterwards the connection between the man and theimage was strengthened by working into the material of the latter somefraction of his body, such as severed hair or the earth pressed by hisfoot. But this was not necessary to the original belief. The objectionoften raised by savages to having their photographs taken or picturespainted may be explained in the same manner. Here the photograph orpicture cannot be realised as a simple imitation; it is held to bethe man himself, and must therefore contain part of his life. Henceany one in whose possession it is can do him harm by injuring ordestroying the photograph or picture, according to the method ofreasoning already explained. The superstitions against looking in amirror, especially after dark, or seeing one's reflection in water, are analogous cases. Here the reflection in the mirror or water is heldto be the person himself, because savages do not understand the natureof the reflected image. It is the person himself, but has no corporealsubstance; therefore the reflection must be his ghost or spirit. Butif the spirit appears once it is an omen that it will appear again;and in order that it may do so the man will have to die so that thespirit may be set free from the body in order to appear. The specialreason for not looking into a mirror at night would thus be becausethe night is the usual time for the appearance of spirits. The fableof Narcissus, who fell in love with his own image reflected in thewater and was drowned, probably arose from the superstition againstseeing one's image reflected in water. And similarly the belief wasthat a man's clothes and other possessions contained part of his lifeby contact; this is the explanation of the custom of representing aperson by some implement or article of clothing, such as performingthe marriage ceremony with the bridegroom's sword instead of himself, and sending the bride's shoes home with the bridegroom to representher. A barren woman will try to obtain a piece of a pregnant woman'sbreast-cloth and will burn it and eat the ashes, thinking thereby totransfer the pregnant woman's quality of fertility to herself. Whena Hindu widow is remarried her clothes and ornaments are sometimesburied on the boundary of her second husband's village and she putson new clothes, because it is thought that her first husband's spiritwill remain in the old clothes and give trouble. 

62. The recurrence of events. 

A brief digression may be made here in order to suggest an explanationof another important class of primitive ideas. These arise from thebelief that when something has happened, that same event, or someother resembling it, will again occur, or, more briefly, the beliefin the recurrence of events. This view is the origin of a large classof omens, and appears to have been originally evolved simply from therecurring phenomena of day and night and of the months and climaticseasons. For suppose that one was in the position of primitive man, knowing absolutely nothing of the nature and constitution of the earthand the heavenly bodies, or of the most elementary facts of astronomy;then, if the question were asked why one expected the sun to riseto-morrow, the only possible answer, and the answer which one wouldgive, would be because it had risen to-day and every day as long as onecould remember. The reason so stated might have no scientific value, but would at any rate establish a strong general probability. Butprimitive man could not have given it in this form, because he had nomemory and could not count. Even now comparatively advanced tribes likethe Gonds have a hopelessly inaccurate memory for ordinary incidents;and, as suggested subsequently, the faculty of memory was probablyacquired very slowly with the development of language. And since hecould not count, the continuous recurrence of natural phenomena hadno cumulative force with him, so that he might distinguish them fromother events. His argument was thus simply "the sun will rise againbecause it rose before; the moon will wax and wane again because shewaxed and waned before"; grass and leaves and fruit would grow againbecause they did so before; the animals which gave him food would comeagain as before; and so on. But these were the only events which hisbrain retained at all, and that only because his existence dependedupon them and they continually recurred. The ordinary incidents of lifewhich presented some variation passed without record in his mind, asthey still do very largely in those of primitive savages. And since hemade no distinction between the different classes of events, holdingthem all to be the acts of volitional beings, he applied this law ofthe recurrence of events to every incident of life, and thought thatwhenever anything happened, reason existed for supposing that the samething or something like it would happen again. It was sufficient thatthe second event should be like the first, since, as already seen, he did not distinguish between similarity and identity. Thus, to giveinstances, the Hindus think that if a man lies full length inside abed, he is lying as if on a bier and will consequently soon be deadon a real bier; hence beds should be made so that one's feet projectuncomfortably over the end. By a similar reasoning he must not lie withhis feet to the south because corpses are laid in this direction. AHindu married woman always wears glass bangles as a sign of her state, and a widow may not wear them. A married woman must therefore neverlet her arms be without bangles or it is an omen that she will becomea widow. She must not wear wholly white clothes, because a widow wearsthese. If a man places one of his shoes over the other in the house, it is an omen that he will go on a journey when the shoes will be ina similar position as he walks along. A Kolta woman who desires toascertain whether she will have a son, puts a fish into a pot full ofwater and spreads her cloth by it. If the fish jumps into her lap, it is thought that her lap will shortly hold another living being, that is a son. At a wedding, in many Hindu castes, the bride andbridegroom perform the business of their caste or an imitation ofit. Among the Kuramwar shepherds the bride and bridegroom are seatedwith the shuttle which is used for weaving blankets between them. Aminiature swing is put up and a doll is placed in it in imitationof a child and swung to and fro. The bride then takes the doll outand gives it to the bridegroom, saying:--"Here, take care of it, I am now going to cook food"; while, after a time, the boy returnsthe doll to the girl saying, "I must now weave the blanket and goto tend the flock. " Thus, having performed their life's business attheir wedding, it is thought that they will continue to do so happilyas long as they live. Many castes, before sowing the real crop, makea pretence of sowing seed before the shrine of the god, and hope thusto ensure that the subsequent sowing will be auspicious. The commonstories of the appearance of a ghost, or other variety of apparition, before the deaths of members of a particular family, are based partlyon the belief in the recurrence of associated events. The well-knownsuperstition about sitting down thirteen to dinner, on the ground thatone of the party may die shortly afterwards, is an instance of thesame belief, being of course based on the Last Supper. But the numberthirteen is generally unlucky, being held to be so by the Hindus, Muhammadans and Persians, as well as Europeans, and the superstitionperhaps arose from its being the number of the intercalary month inthe soli-lunar calendar, which is present one year and absent thenext year. Thirteen is one more than twelve, the auspicious numberof the months of the year. Similarly seven was perhaps lucky orsacred as being the number of the planets which gave their namesto the days of the week, and three because it represented the sun, moon and earth. When a gambler stakes his money on a number such asthe date of his birth or marriage, he acts on the supposition that anumber which has been propitious to him once will be so again, and thisappears to be a survival of the belief in the recurrence of events. 

63. Controlling the future. 

But primitive man was not actuated by any abstract love of knowledge, and when he had observed what appeared to him to be a law of nature, heproceeded to turn it to advantage in his efforts for the preservationof his life. Since events had the characteristic of recurrence, all hehad to do in order to produce the recurrence of any particular eventwhich he desired, was to cause it to happen in the first instance; andsince he did not distinguish between imitation and reality, he thoughtthat if he simply enacted the event he would thus ensure its beingbrought to pass. And so he assiduously set himself to influence thecourse of nature to his own advantage. When the Australian aboriginesare performing ceremonies for the increase of witchetty grubs, a longnarrow structure of boughs is made which represents the chrysalis ofthe grub. The men of the witchetty grub totem enter the structureand sing songs about the production and growth of the witchettygrub. Then one after another they shuffle out of the chrysalis, and glide slowly along for a distance of some yards, imitating theemergence and movements of the witchetty grubs. By thus enacting theproduction of the grubs they think to cause and multiply the realproduction. [135] When the men of the emu totem wish to multiply thenumber of emus, they allow blood from their arms, that is emu blood, to fall on the ground until a certain space is covered. Then on thisspace a picture is drawn representing the emu; two large patches ofyellow indicate lumps of its fat, of which the natives are very fond, but the greater part shows, by means of circles and circular patches, the eggs in various stages of development, some before and some afterlaying. Then the men of the totem, placing on their heads a stick witha tuft of feathers to represent the long neck and small head of thebird, stand gazing about aimlessly after the manner of the emu. Herethe picture itself is held to be a living emu, perhaps the source orcentre from which all emus will originate, and the men, pretendingto be emus, will cause numbers of actual emus to be produced. [136]Before sowing the crops, a common practice is to sow small quantitiesof grain in baskets or pots in rich soil, so that it will sprout andgrow up quickly, the idea being to ensure that the real crop will havea similarly successful growth. These baskets are the well-known Gardensof Adonis fully described in _The Golden Bough_. They are grown fornine days, and on the tenth day are taken in procession by the womenand deposited in a river. The women may be seen carrying the basketsof wheat to the river after the nine days' fasts of Chait and Kunwar(March and September) in many towns of the Central Provinces, as theAthenian women carried the Gardens of Adonis to the sea on the daythat the expedition under Nicias set sail for Syracuse. [137] Thefire kindled at the Holi festival in spring is meant, as explainedby Sir J. G. Frazer, to increase the power of the sun for the growthof vegetation. By the production of fire the quantity and strengthof the heavenly fire is increased. He remarks: [138]--"The custom ofthrowing blazing discs, shaped like suns, into the air, is probablyalso a piece of imitative magic. In these, as in so many cases, themagic force is supposed to take effect through mimicry or sympathy; byimitating the desired result you actually produce it; by counterfeitingthe sun's progress through the heavens you really help the luminary topursue his celestial journey with punctuality and despatch. The name'fire of heaven, ' by which the midsummer fire is sometimes popularlyknown, clearly indicates a consciousness of the connection between theearthly and the heavenly flame. " The obscene songs of the Holi appearto be the relic of a former period of promiscuous sexual debauchery, which, through the multiplied act of reproduction, was intended toensure that nature should also reproduce on a generous scale. The redpowder thrown over everybody at the Holi is said to represent the seedof life. The gifts of Easter eggs seem to be the vestige of a ritehaving the same object. At a wedding in the Lodhi caste the brideis seated before the family god while an old woman brings a stonerolling-pin wrapped up in a piece of cloth, which is supposed to be ababy, and the old woman imitates a baby crying. She puts the rollerin the bride's lap, saying, "Take this and give it milk. " The brideis abashed and throws it aside. The old woman picks it up and showsit to the assembled women, saying, "The bride has just had a baby, "amid loud laughter. Then she gives the stone to the bridegroom, whoalso throws it aside. This ceremony is meant to induce fertility, and it is supposed that by making believe that the bride has hada baby she will quickly have one. Similar rites are performed inseveral other castes, and when a girl becomes adult her lap is filledwith fruits with the idea that this will cause it subsequently to befilled with the fruit of her womb. The whole custom of giving dollsto girls to play with, perhaps originated in the belief that by doingso they would afterwards come to play with children. 

The dances of the Kol tribe consist partly of symbolical enactmentsof events which they desired to be successfully accomplished. Somevariations of the dance, Colonel Dalton states, represent thedifferent seasons and the necessary acts of cultivation that eachbrings with it. In one the dancers, bending down, make a motion withtheir hands, as though they were sowing the grain, keeping step withtheir feet all the time. Then comes the reaping of the crop andthe binding of the sheaves, all done in perfect time and rhythm, and making, with the continuous droning of the voices, a quaintand picturesque performance. [139] The Karma dance of the Gondsand Oraons is also connected with the crops, and probably was oncean enactment of the work of cultivation. [140] The Bhils danced attheir festivals and before battles. The men danced in a ring, holdingsticks and striking them against one another. Before a battle theyhad a war-dance in which the performers were armed and imitated acombat. To be carried on the shoulders of one of the combatants wasa great honour, perhaps because it symbolised being on horseback. Theobject was to obtain success in battle by going through an imitationof a successful battle beforehand. This was also the common customof the Red Indians, whose war-dances are well known; they brandishedtheir weapons and killed their foe in mimicry in order that theymight soon do so in reality. The Sela dance of the Gonds and Baigas, in which they perform the figure of the grand chain of the lancers, only that they strike their sticks together instead of clasping handsas they pass, was probably once an imitation of a combat. It is stillsometimes danced before their communal hunting and fishing parties. Inthese mimetic rehearsals of events with the object of causing themto occur we may perhaps discern the origin of the arts both of actingand dancing. Another, and perhaps later form, was the reproduction ofimportant events, or those which had influenced history. For to theprimitive mind, as already seen, the results were not conceived of asinstrumentally caused by the event, but as part of the event itselfand of its life and personality. Hence by the re-enactment of the eventthe beneficial results would be again obtained or at least preserved inundiminished potency and vigour. This was perhaps the root idea of thedrama and the representation of sacred or heroic episodes on the stage. 

64. The common life. 

Thus, resuming from paragraph 61, primitive man had no difficultyin conceiving of a life as shared between two or more persons orobjects, and it does not seem impossible that he should have atfirst conceived it to extend through a whole species. [141] A goodinstance of the common life is afforded by the gods of the Hinduand other pantheons. Each god was conceived of as performing somedivine function, guiding the chariot of the sun, manipulating thethunder and so on; but at the same time thousands of temples existedthroughout the country, and in each of these the god was alive andpresent in his image or idol, able to act independently, receiveand consume sacrifices and offerings, protect suppliants and punishtransgressors. No doubt at all can be entertained that each idol wasin itself held to be a living god. In India food is offered to theidol, it goes through its ablutions, is fanned, and so on, exactlylike a human king. The ideas of sanctuary and sacrilege appear todepend primarily on the belief in the actual presence of the godin his shrine. And in India no sanctity at all attaches to a templefrom which the idol has been removed. Thus we see the life of the goddistributed over a multitude of personalities. Again, the same god, as Vishnu or the sun, is held to have had a number of incarnations, as the boar, the tortoise, a man-lion, a dwarf, Rama and Krishna, and these are venerated simultaneously as distinct deities. Thewhole Brahman caste considered itself divine or as partaking in thelife of the god, the original reason for this perhaps being thatthe Brahmans obtained the exclusive right to perform sacrifices, and hence the life of the sacrificial animal or food passed tothem, as in other societies it passed to the king who performed thesacrifice. A Brahman further holds that the five gods, Indra, Brahma, Siva, Vishnu and Ganesh, are present in different parts of his body, [142] and here again the life of the god is seen to be divided intoinnumerable fragments. The priests of the Vallabhacharya sect, theGokulastha Gosains, were all held to be possessed by the god Krishna, so that it was esteemed a high privilege to perform the most menialoffices for them, because to touch them was equivalent to touchingthe god, and perhaps assimilating by contact a fragment of his divinelife and nature. [143] The belief in a common life would also explainthe veneration of domestic animals and the prohibition against killingthem, because to kill one would injure the whole life of the species, from which the tribe drew its subsistence. Similarly in a number ofcases the first idea of seasonal fasts is that the people abstainfrom the grain or fruit which is growing or sown in the ground. Thusin India during the rains the vegetables growing at this period arenot eaten, and are again partaken of for the first time after thesacrificial offering of the new crop. This rule could not possibly beobserved in the case of grain, but instead certain single fast-days areprescribed, and on these days no cultivated grain or fruit, but onlythose growing wild, should be eaten. These rules seem to indicate thatthe original motive of the fast was to avoid injuring the common lifeof the grain or fruit, which injury would be caused by a consumptionof any part of it, at a time when the whole of the common life andvigour was required for its reproduction and multiplication. Thisidea may have operated to enable the savage to restrain himself fromdigging up and eating the grain sown in the ground, or slaughtering hisdomestic animals for food, and a taboo on the consumption of grain andfruits during their period of ripening may have first begun in theirwild state. The Intichiuma ceremonies of the Australian natives arecarried out with the object of increasing the supply of the totem forfood purposes. In the Ilpirla or Manna totem the members of the clan goto a large boulder surrounded by stones, which are held to representmasses of Ilpirla or the manna of the _mulga_ tree. A Churinga stoneis dug up, which is supposed to represent another mass of manna, andthis is rubbed over the boulder, and the smaller stones are also rubbedover it. While the leader does this, the others sing a song which is aninvitation to the dust produced by the rubbing of the stones to go outand produce a plentiful supply of Ilpirla on the _mulga_ trees. [144]Then the dust is swept off the surface of the stones with twigs ofthe _mulga_ tree. Here apparently the large boulder and other stonesare held to be the centre or focus of the common life of the manna, and from them the seed issues forth which will produce a crop of mannaon all the _mulga_ trees. The deduction seems clear that the trees arenot conceived of individually, but are held to have a common life. Inthe case of the _hakea_ flower totem they go to a stone lying beneathan old tree, and one of the members lets his blood flow on to the stoneuntil it is covered, while the others sing a song inciting the _hakea_tree to flower much and to the blossoms to be full of honey. [145]The blood is said to represent a drink prepared from the _hakea_flowers, but probably it was originally meant to quicken the stonewith the blood of a member of the totem, that is its own blood orlife, in order that it might produce abundance of flowers. Here againthe stone seems to be the centre of the common life of the _hakea_flower. The songs are sung with the idea that the repetition of wordsconnoting a state of facts will have the effect of causing that stateof facts to exist, in accordance with the belief already explainedin the concrete virtue of words. 

Sir E. B. Tylor states: "In Polynesia, if a village god were accustomedto appear as an owl, and one of his votaries found a dead owl bythe roadside, he would mourn over the sacred bird and bury it withmuch ceremony, but the god himself would not be thought to be dead, for he remains incarnate in all existing owls. According to FatherGeronimo Boscana, the Acagchemen tribe of Upper California furnish acurious parallel to this notion. They worshipped the _panes_ bird, which seems to have been an eagle or vulture, and each year, inthe temple of each village, one of them was solemnly killed withoutshedding blood, and the body buried. Yet the natives maintained andbelieved that it was the same individual bird they sacrificed eachyear, and more than this, that the same bird was slain by each ofthe villages. " [146] An account of the North American Indians quotedby the same author states that they believe all the animals of eachspecies to have an elder brother, who is as it were the principle andorigin of all the individuals, and this elder brother is marvellouslygreat and powerful. According to another view each species has itsarchetype in the land of souls; there exists, for example, a _manitu_or archetype of all oxen, which animates all oxen. [147]

Generally in the relations between the totem-clan and itstotem-animal, and in all the fables about animals, one animal istaken as representing the species, and it is tacitly assumed thatall the animals of the species have the same knowledge and qualitiesand would behave in the same manner as the typical one. Thus whenthe Majhwar says that the tiger would run away if he met a memberof the tiger-clan who was free from sin, but would devour any memberwho had been put out of caste for an offence, he assumes that everytiger would know a member of the clan on meeting him, and also whetherthat member was in or out of caste. He therefore apparently supposes acommon knowledge and intelligence to exist in all tigers as regards theclan, as if they were parts of one mind or intelligence. And since thetigers know instinctively when a member of the clan is out of caste, the mind and intelligence of the tigers must be the same as thatof the clan. The Kols of the tiger clan think that if they were tosit up for a tiger over a kill the tiger would not come and would bedeprived of his food, and that they themselves would fall ill. Herethe evil effects of the want of food on one tiger are apparently heldto extend to all tigers and also to all members of the tiger clan. 

65. The common life of the clan. 

The totem-clan held itself to partake of the life of its totem, andon the above hypothesis one common life would flow through all theanimals and plants of the totem and all the members of the clan. AnAustralian calls his totem his Wingong (friend) or Tumang (flesh), and nowadays expresses his sorrow when he has to eat it. [148] If aman wishes to injure any man of a certain totem, he kills any animalof that man's totem. [149] This clearly shows that one common life isheld to bind together all the animals of the totem-species and all themembers of the totem-clan, and the belief seems to be inexplicable onany other hypothesis. The same is the case with the sex-totems of theKurnai tribe. In addition to the clan-totems all the boys have theSuperb Warbler bird as a sex-totem, and call it their elder brother;and all the girls the Emu-wren, and call it their elder sister. Ifthe boys wish to annoy the girls, or vice versa, each kills or injuresthe other's totem-bird, and such an act is always followed by a freefight between the boys and girls. [150] Sex-totems are a peculiardevelopment which need not be discussed here, but again it would appearthat a common life runs through the birds of the totem and the membersof the sex. Professor Robertson Smith describes the clan or kin asfollows: "A kin was a group of persons whose lives were so bound uptogether, in what must be called a physical unity, that they couldbe treated as parts of one common life. The members of one kindredlooked on themselves as one living whole, one single animated mass ofblood, flesh and bones, of which no member could be touched withoutall the members suffering. This point of view is expressed in theSemitic tongue in many familiar forms of speech. In case of homicideArabian tribesmen do not say, 'The blood of M. Or N. Has been spilt'(naming the man): they say, 'Our blood has been spilt. ' In Hebrewthe phrase by which one claims kinship is, 'I am your bone and yourflesh. ' Both in Hebrew and in Arabic flesh is synonymous with 'clan'or kindred group. " [151] The custom of the blood-feud appears to havearisen from the belief in a common life of the clan. "The blood-feudis an institution not peculiar to tribes reckoning descent throughfemales; and it is still in force. By virtue of its requirementsevery member of a kin, one of whom had suffered at the hands of amember of another kin, was bound to avenge the wrong upon the latterkin. Such is the solidarity between members of a kin that vengeancemight be taken upon any member of the offending kin, though he mightbe personally quite innocent. In the growth of civilisation vengeancehas gradually come to be concentrated upon the offender only. " [152]Thus the blood-feud appears to have originated from the idea of primaryretributive justice between clan and clan. When a member of a clan hadbeen killed, one of the offending clan must be killed in return. Whohe might be, and whether the original homicide was justifiable or not, were questions not regarded by primitive man; motives were abstractideas with which he had no concern; he only knew that a piece of thecommon life had been lopped off, and the instinct of self-preservationof the clan demanded that a piece of the life of the offending clanshould be cut off in return. And the tie which united the kin waseating and drinking together. "According to antique ideas those whoeat and drink together are by this very act tied to one another bya bond of friendship and mutual obligation. " [153] This was the bondwhich first united the members of the totem-clan both among themselvesand with their totem. And the relationship with the totem could onlyhave arisen from the fact that they ate it. The belief in a commonlife could not possibly arise in the totem-clan towards any animal orplant which they did not eat or otherwise use. These they would simplydisregard. Nor would savages, destitute at first of any moral ideas, and frequently on the brink of starvation, abstain from eating anyedible animal from sentimental considerations; and, as already seen, the first totems were generally edible. They could not either havein the first place eaten the totem ceremonially, as there wouldbe no reason for such a custom. But the ceremonial eating of thedomestic animal, which was the tie subsequently uniting the membersof the tribe, [154] cannot be satisfactorily explained except onthe hypothesis that it was evolved from the customary eating of thetotem-animal. Primitive savages would only feel affection towards theanimals which they ate, just as the affection of animals is gainedby feeding them. The objection might be made that savages could notfeel affection and kinship for an animal which they killed and ate, but no doubt exists that they do. 

"In British Columbia, when the fishing season commenced and thefish began coming up the rivers, the Indians used to meet themand speak to them. They paid court to them and would address themthus: 'You fish, you fish; you are all chiefs, you are; you are allchiefs. ' Among the Northas when a bear is killed, it is dressed in abonnet, covered with fine down, and solemnly invited to the chiefspresence. " [155] And there are many other instances. [156] Savageshad no clear realisation of death, and they did not think that thelife of the animal was extinguished but that it passed to them withthe flesh. Moreover they only ate part of the life. In many casesalso the totem-animal only appeared at a certain season of the year, in consequence of the habit of hibernation or migration in searchof food, while trees only bore fruit in their season. The savage, regarding all animals and plants as possessed of self-conscious lifeand volition, would think that they came of their own accord to givehim subsistence or life. Afterwards, when they had obtained the ideaof a soul or spirit, and of the survival of the soul after death, and when, on the introduction of personal names, the personalityof individuals could be realised and remembered after death, theyfrequently thought that the spirits of ancestors went back to thetotem-animal, whence they derived their life. The idea of descentfrom the totem would thus naturally arise. As the means of subsistenceincreased, and especially in those communities which had domesticatedanimals or cultivated plants, the conception of the totem as thechief source of life would gradually die away and be replaced by thebelief in descent from it; and when they also thought that the spiritsof ancestors were in the totem, they would naturally abstain fromeating it. Perhaps also the Australians consider that the membersof the totem-clan should abstain from eating the totem for fear ofinjuring the common life, as more advanced communities abstained fromeating the flesh of domestic animals. This may be the ground for therule that they should only eat sparingly of the totem. To the laterperiod may be ascribed the adoption of carnivorous animals as totems;when these animals came to be feared and also venerated for theirqualities of strength, ferocity and courage, warriors would naturallywish to claim kinship with and descent from them. 

66. Living and eating together. 

When the members of the totem-clan who lived together recognised thatthey owed something to each other, and that the gratification of theinstincts and passions of the individual must to a certain degree berestrained if they endangered the lives and security of other membersof the clan, they had taken the first step on the long path of moraland social progress. The tie by which they supposed themselves to beunited was quite different from those which have constituted a bond ofunion between the communities who have subsequently lived together inthe tribe, the city-state and the country. These have been a commonreligion, common language, race, or loyalty to a common sovereign;but the real bond has throughout been the common good or the publicinterest. And the desire for this end on the part of the majorityof the members of the community, or the majority of those who wereable to express their opinions, though its action was until recentlynot overt nor direct, and was not recognised, has led to the gradualevolution of the whole fabric of law and moral feeling, in order togovern and control the behaviour and conduct of the individual inhis relations with his family, neighbours and fellow-citizens forthe public advantage. The members of the totem-clan would have beenquite unable to understand either the motives by which they werethemselves actuated or the abstract ideas which have united moreadvanced communities; but they devised an even stronger bond thanthese, in supposing that they were parts or fractions of one commonbody or life. This was the more necessary as their natural impulseswere uncontrolled by moral feeling. They conceived the bond of unionin the concrete form of eating together. As language improved andpassing events were recorded in speech and in the mind, the faculty ofmemory was perhaps concurrently developed. Then man began to realisethe insecurity of his life, the dangers and misfortunes to which hewas subject, the periodical failure or irregularity of the supplyof food, and the imminent risks of death. Memory of the past madehim apprehensive for the future, and holding that every event was theresult of an act of volition, he began to assume an attitude either ofveneration, gratitude, or fear towards the strongest of the beings bywhom he thought his destinies were controlled--the sun, moon, sky, windand rain, the ocean and great rivers, high mountains and trees, andthe most important animals of his environment, whether they destroyedor assisted to preserve his life. The ideas of propitiation, atonementand purification were then imparted to the sacrifice, and it became anoffering to a god. [157] But the primary idea of eating or drinkingtogether as a bond of union was preserved, and can be recognised inreligious and social custom to an advanced period of civilisation. 

67. The origin of exogamy. 

Again, Dr. Westermarck shows that the practice of exogamy orthe avoidance of intermarriage did not at first arise betweenpersons recognised as blood relations, but between those who livedtogether. "Facts show that the extent to which relatives are notallowed to intermarry is nearly connected with their close livingtogether. Generally speaking the prohibited degrees are extendedmuch further among savage and barbarous peoples than in civilisedsocieties. As a rule the former, if they have not remained in themost primitive social condition of man, live not in separate familiesbut in large households or communities, all the members of whichdwell in very close contact with each other. " [158] And later, afteradducing the evil results of self-fertilisation in plants and closeinterbreeding in animals, Dr. Westermarck continues: "Taking all thesefacts into consideration, I cannot but believe that consanguineousmarriages, in some way or other, are more or less detrimental to thespecies. And here I think we may find a quite sufficient explanationof the horror of incest; not because man at an early stage recognisedthe injurious influence of close intermarriage, but because the law ofnatural selection must inevitably have operated. Among the ancestorsof man, as among other animals, there was no doubt a time when bloodrelationship was no bar to sexual intercourse. But variations here, as elsewhere, would naturally present themselves; and those of ourancestors who avoided in-and-in breeding would survive, while theothers would gradually decay and ultimately perish. Thus an instinctwould be developed, which would be powerful enough as a rule toprevent injurious unions. Of course it would display itself simply asan aversion on the part of individuals to union with others with whomthey lived; but these as a matter of fact would be blood relations, so that the result would be the survival of the fittest. "

68. Promiscuity and female descent. 

The instinct of exogamy first developed in the totem-clan when itwas migratory and lived by hunting, at least among the Australiansand probably the American Indians. 

The first condition of the clan was one of sexual promiscuity, and in_Totemism and Exogamy_ Sir J. G. Frazer has adduced many instances ofperiodical promiscuous debauchery which probably recall this state ofthings. [159] The evil results which would accrue from in-breedingin the condition of promiscuity may have been modified by suchincidents as the expulsion of the young males through the spasmodicjealousy of the older ones, the voluntary segregation of the oldmales, fights and quarrels leading to the rearrangement of groups, and the frequent partial destruction of a group, when the survivorsmight attach themselves to a new group. Primitive peoples attached theutmost importance to the rule of exogamy, and the punishments for thebreach of it were generally more severe than those for the violationof the laws of affinity in civilised countries. The Australians saythat the good spirit or the wise men prescribed to them the rule thatthe members of each totem-clan should not marry with each other. [160]Similarly the Gonds say that their divine hero, Lingo, introduced therule of exogamy and the division into clans before he went to the gods. 

At first, however, the exogamous clan was not constituted by descentthrough males, but through females. The hypothesis that femaleeverywhere preceded male descent is strongly supported by naturalprobability. In the first instance, the parentage of children was nomore observed and remembered than that of animals. When first observed, it was necessarily through the mother, the identity of the fatherbeing wholly uncertain. The mother would also be the first parentto remember her children, her affection for them being based on oneof the strongest natural instincts, whereas the father neither knewnor cared for his children until long afterwards. Sir J. G. Frazerhas further shown that even now some of the Australian aboriginesare ignorant of the physical fact of paternity and its relationto sexual intercourse. That such ignorance could have survived solong is the strongest evidence in favour of the universal priorityof female to male descent. It is doubtful, however, whether even themother could remember her children after they had become adult, priorto the introduction of personal names. Mr. M'Lennan states: "The tiebetween mother and child, which exists as a matter of necessity duringinfancy, is not infrequently found to be lost sight of among savageson the age of independence being reached. " [161] Personal names wereprobably long subsequent to clan-names, and when they were firstintroduced the name usually had some reference to the clan. The RedIndians and other races have totem-names which are frequently somevariant of the name of the totem. [162] When personal names came tobe generally introduced, the genesis of the individual family mightsoon follow, but the family could scarcely have come into existencein the absence of personal names. As a rule, in the exogamous clanwith female descent no regard was paid to the chastity of women, andthey could select their partners as they pleased. Mr. Hartland hasshown in _Primitive Paternity_ that in a large number of primitivecommunities the chastity of women was neither enforced nor desired bythe men, this state of things being probably a relic of the periodof female descent. Thus exogamy first arose through the women ofthe clan resorting to men outside it. When we consider the extremerigour of life and the frequent danger of starvation to which thesmall clans in the hunting stage must have been exposed, it doesnot seem impossible that the evil effects of marriage within theclan may have been noticed. At that time probably only a minorityeven of healthy children survived, and the slight congenital weaknessproduced by in-breeding might apparently be fatal to a child's chanceof life. Possibly some dim perception may have been obtained of thedifferent fates of the children of women who restricted their sexualrelations to men within the clan and those who resorted to strangers, even though the nature of paternity may not have been understood. Thestrength of the feeling and custom of exogamy seems to demand somesuch recognition for its satisfactory explanation, though, on theother hand, the lateness of the recognition of the father's share inthe production of children militates against this view. The suggestionmay be made also that the belief that the new life of a child must beproduced by a spirit entering the woman, or other extraneous source, does not necessarily involve an ignorance of the physical fact ofpaternity; the view that the spirits of ancestors are reborn inchildren is still firmly held by tribes who have long been whollyfamiliar with the results of the commerce of the sexes. The practiceof exogamy was no doubt, as shown by Dr. Westermarck, favoured andsupported by the influence of novelty in sexual attraction, sinceaccording to common observation and experience sexual love or desireis more easily excited between strangers or slight acquaintances thanbetween those who have long lived together in the same household orin familiar intercourse. In the latter case the attraction is dulledby custom and familiarity. 

69. Exogamy with female descent. 

The exogamous clan, with female descent, was, however, an unstablesocial institution, in that it had no regular provision for marriagenor for the incorporation of married couples. The men who associatedwith the women of the clan were not necessarily, nor as a rule, admitted to it, but remained in their own clans. How this associationtook place is not altogether clear. At a comparatively late period inArabia, according to Professor Robertson Smith, [163] the woman wouldhave a tent, and could entertain outside men for a shorter or longerperiod according to her inclination. The practice of serving for a wifealso perhaps dates from the period of female descent. The arrangementwould have been that a man went and lived with a woman's familyand gave his services in return for her conjugal society. Whetherthe residence with the wife's family was permanent or not is perhapsuncertain. When Jacob served for Leah and Rachel, society seems to havebeen in the early patriarchal stage, as Laban was their father andhe was Laban's sister's son. But it seems doubtful whether his rightwas then recognised to take his wives away with him, for even afterhe had served fourteen years Laban pursued him, and would have takenthem back if he had not been warned against doing so in a vision. Theepisode of Rachel's theft of the images also seems to indicate thatshe intended to take her own household gods with her and not to adoptthose of her husband's house. And Laban's chief anxiety was for therecovery of the images. A relic of the husband's residence with hiswife's family during the period of female descent may perhaps be foundin the Banjara caste, who oblige a man to go and live with his wife'sfather for a month without seeing her face. Under the patriarchalsystem this rule of the Banjaras is meaningless, though the generalpractice of serving for a wife survives as a method of purchase. 

Among the Australian aborigines apparently the clans, or sectionsof them, wander about in search of food and game, and meet eachother for more or less promiscuous intercourse. This may perhapsbe supposed to have been the general primitive condition of societyafter the introduction of exogamy combined with female descent. Andits memory is possibly preserved in the tradition of the Golden Age, golden only in the sense that man was not troubled either by memoryor anticipation, and lived only for the day. The entire insecurityof life and its frequent end by starvation or a violent death did nottherefore trouble him any more than is the case with animals. He tookno thought for the morrow, nor did the ills of yesterday oppresshis mind. As when one of a herd of deer is shot by a hunter andthe others stand by it pityingly as it lies dying on the ground, uncertain of its mishap, though they would help it if they could;yet when they perceive the hunter they make quickly off and in a fewminutes are again grazing happily a mile or two away: little or nomore than this can primitive man be supposed to have been affected bythe deaths of his fellows. But possibly, since he was carnivorous, the sick and old may have been killed for food, as is still thepractice among some tribes of savages. In the natural course, however, more or less permanent unions, though perhaps not regularmarriages, must have developed in the female exogamous clan, whichwould thus usually have men of other clans living with it. And sinceidentification of individuals would be extremely difficult beforethe introduction of personal names, there would be danger that whentwo clans met, men and women belonging to the same totem-clan wouldhave sexual intercourse. This offence, owing to the strength of thefeeling for exogamy, was frequently held to entail terrible evilsfor the community, and was consequently sometimes punished withdeath as treason. Moreover, if we suppose a number of small clans, A, B, C, D and E, to meet each other again and again, and the men andwomen to unite promiscuously, it is clear that the result would be amixture of relationships of a very incestuous character. The incestof brothers and sisters by the same father would be possible and ofalmost all other relations, though that of brothers and sisters by thesame mother would not be caused. This may have been the reason forthe introduction of the class system among the Australians and RedIndians, by which all the clans of a certain area were divided intotwo classes, and the men of any clan of one class could only marry orhave intercourse with the women of a clan of the other class. By such adivision the evil results of the mixture of totems in exogamous clanswith female descent would be avoided. The class system was sometimesfurther strengthened by the rule, in Australia, that different classesshould, when they met, encamp on opposite sides of a creek or othernatural division [164]; whilst among the Red Indians, the classes campon opposite sides of the road, or live on different sides of the samehouse or street. [165] In Australia, and very occasionally elsewhere, the class system has been developed into four and eight sub-classes. Aman of one sub-class can only marry a woman of one other, and theirchildren belong to one of those different from either the father's ormother's. This highly elaborate and artificial system was no doubt, as stated by Sir J. G. Frazer, devised for the purpose of preventingthe intermarriage of parents and children belonging to different clanswhere there are four sub-classes, and of first cousins where there areeight sub-classes. [166] The class system, however, would not appear tohave been the earliest form of exogamy among the Australian tribes. Itsvery complicated character, and the fact that the two principal classessometimes do not even have names, seem to preclude the idea of itshaving been the first form of exogamy, which is a strong naturalfeeling, so much so that it may almost be described as an instinct, though of course not a primitive animal instinct. And just as thetotem clan, which establishes a sentiment of kinship between peoplewho are not related by blood, was prior to the individual family, soexogamy, which forbids the marriage of people who are not related byblood, must apparently have been prior to the feeling simply againstconnections of persons related by blood or what we call incest. If thetwo-class system was introduced in Australia to prohibit the marriageof brothers and sisters at a time when they could not recognise eachother in adult life, then on the introduction of personal names whichwould enable brothers and sisters to recognise and remember each other, the two-class system should have been succeeded by a modern table ofprohibited degrees, and not by clan exogamy at all. It is suggestedthat the two-class system was a common and natural form of evolutionof a society divided into exogamous totem clans with female descent, when a man was not taken into the clan of the woman with whom helived. The further subdivision into four and eight sub-classes isalmost peculiar to the Australian tribes; its development may perhapsbe attributed to the fact that these tribes have retained the systemof female descent and the migratory hunting method of life for anabnormally long period, and have evolved this special institutionto prevent the unions of near relatives which are likely to occurunder such conditions. The remains of a two-class system appear tobe traceable among the Gonds of the Central Provinces. In one part ofBastar all the Gond clans are divided into two classes without names, and a man cannot marry a woman belonging to any clan of his own class, but must take one from a clan of the other class. Elsewhere the Gondsare divided into two groups of six-god and seven-god worshippers amongwhom the same rule obtains. Formerly the Gonds appear in some placesto have had seven groups, worshipping different numbers of gods fromone to seven, and each of these groups was exogamous. But after thecomplete substitution of male for female kinship in the clan, and thesettlement of clans in different villages, the classes cease to fulfilany useful purpose. They are now disappearing, and it is very difficultto obtain any reliable information about their rules. The system ofcounting kinship through the mother, or female descent, has long beenextinct in the Central Provinces and over most of India. Some survivalof it, or at least the custom of polyandry, is found among the Nairsof southern India and in Thibet. Elsewhere scarcely a trace remains, and this was also the condition of things with the classical races ofantiquity; so much so, indeed, that even great thinkers like Sir HenryMaine and M. Fustel de Coulanges, with the examples only of India, Greece and Rome before them, did not recognise the system of femaledescent, and thought that the exogamous clan with male descent wasan extension of the patriarchal family, this latter having been theoriginal unit of society. The wide distribution of exogamy and theprobable priority of the system of female to that of male descent werefirst brought prominently to notice by Mr. M'Lennan. Still a distincttrace of the prior form survives here in the special relationshipsometimes found to exist between a man and his sister's children. Thisis a survival of the period when a woman's children, under the rule offemale descent, belonged to her own family and her husband or partnerin sexual relations had no proprietary right or authority over them, the place and authority of a father belonging in such a conditionof society to the mother's brother or brothers. Among the Halbas amarriage is commonly arranged when practicable between a brother'sdaughter and a sister's son. And a man always shows a special regardand respect for his sister's son, touching the latter's feet as to asuperior, while whenever he desires to make a gift as an offering ofthanks and atonement, or as a meritorious action, the sister's son isthe recipient. At his death he usually leaves a substantial legacy, such as one or two buffaloes, to his sister's son, the remainder ofthe property going to his own family. Similarly among the Kamars themarriage of a man's children with his sister's children is consideredthe most suitable union. If a man's sister is poor, he will arrangefor the weddings of her children. He will never beat his sister'schildren however much they may deserve it, and he will not permit hissister's son or daughter to eat from the dish from which he eats. Thelast rule, it is said, also applies to the maternal aunt. The Kunbis, and other Maratha castes, have a saying: 'At the sister's housethe brother's daughter is a daughter-in-law. ' The Gonds call thewedding of a brother's daughter to a sister's son _Dudh lautana_, or'bringing back the milk. ' The reason why a brother was formerly anxiousto marry his daughter to his sister's son was that the latter wouldbe his heir under the matriarchal system; but now that inheritance isthrough males, and girls are at a premium for marriage, a brother isusually more anxious to get his sister's daughter for his son, and onthe analogy of the opposite union it is sometimes supposed, as amongthe Gonds, that he also has a right to her. Many other instances ofthe special relation between a brother and his sister's children aregiven by Sir J. G. Frazer in _Totemism and Exogamy_. In some localitiesalso the Korkus build their villages in two long lines of houses oneach side of the road, and it may be the case that this is a relicof the period when two or more clans with female descent lived in thesame village, and those belonging to each class who could not marry orhave sexual relations among themselves occupied one side of the road. 

70. Marriage. 

The transfer of the reckoning of kinship and descent from themother's to the father's side may perhaps be associated with the fullrecognition of the physical fact of paternity. Though they may nothave been contemporaneous in all or even the majority of societies, it would seem that the former was in most cases the logical outcomeof the latter, regard being had also to the man's natural functionas protector of the family and provider of its sustenance. But thistransition from female to male kinship was a social revolution of thefirst importance. Under the system of female descent there had beengenerally no transfer of clanship; both the woman and her partner orhusband retained their own clans, and the children belonged to theirmother's clan. In the totemic stage of society the totem-clan was thevital organism, and the individual scarcely realised his own separateexistence, but regarded himself as a member of his totem-clan, beinga piece or fraction of a common life which extended through all themembers of the clan and all the totem animals of the species. Theymay have thought also that each species of animals and plants had adifferent kind of life, and consequently also each clan whose lifewas derived from, and linked to, that of its totem-species. For thename, and life, and qualities, and flesh and blood were not separateconceptions, but only one conception; and since the name and qualitieswere part of the life, the life of one species could not be the sameas that of another, and every species which had a separate name musthave been thought to have a different kind of life. Nor would man havebeen regarded as a distinct species in the early totem-stage, and therewould be no word for man; but each totem-clan would regard itself ashaving the same life as its totem-species. With the introduction of thesystem of male kinship came also the practice of transferring a womanfrom her own clan to that of her husband. It may be suggested thatthis was the origin of the social institution of marriage. Primitivesociety had no provision for such a procedure, which was opposedto its one fundamental idea of its own constitution, and involved achange of the life and personality of the woman transferred. 

71. Marriage by capture. 

The view seems to have been long held that this transfer could onlybe effected by violence or capture, the manner in which presumablyit was first practised. Marriage by capture is very widely prevalentamong savage races, as shown by Mr. M'Lennan in _Primitive Marriage_, and by Dr. Westermarck in _The History of Human Marriage_. Where thecustom has given place to more peaceable methods of procuring a wife, survivals commonly occur. In Bastar the regular capture of the girl isstill sometimes carried out, though the business is usually arrangedby the couple beforehand, and the same is the case among the Kolams ofWardha. A regular part of the marriage procedure among the Gonds andother tribes is that the bride should weep formally for some hours, or a day before the wedding, and she is sometimes taught to cry in theproper note. At the wedding the bride hides somewhere and has to befound or carried off by the bridegroom or his brother. This ritualisticdisplay of grief and coyness appears to be of considerable interest. Itcannot be explained by the girl's reluctance to marriage as involvingthe loss of her virginity, inasmuch as she is still frequently not avirgin at her wedding, and to judge from the analogy of other tribes, could seldom or never have been one a few generations back. Nor isaffection for her family or grief at the approaching separation fromthem a satisfactory motive. This would not account for the hidingat all, and not properly for the weeping, since she will after allonly live a few miles away and will often return home; and sometimesshe does not only weep at her own house but at all the houses ofthe village. The suggestion may be made that the procedure reallyindicates the girl's reluctance to be severed from her own clan andtransferred to another; and that the sentiment is a survival of theresistance to marriage by capture which was at first imposed on thewomen by the men from loyalty to the clan totem and its common life, and had nothing to do with the conjugal relationship of marriage. Butout of this feeling the sexual modesty of women, which had beennon-existent in the matriarchal condition of society, was perhapsgradually developed. The Chamars of Bilaspur have sham fights on theapproach of the wedding party, and in most Hindu castes the bridegroomon his arrival performs some militant action, such as striking themarriage-shed or breaking one of its festoons. After the marriagethe bride is nearly always sent home with the bridegroom's party fora few days, even though she may be a child and the consummation ofthe marriage impossible. This may be in memory of her having formerlybeen carried off, and some analogous significance may attach to ourhoneymoon. When the custom of capture had died down it was succeededby the milder form of elopement, or the bride was sold or exchangedagainst a girl from the bridegroom's family or clan, but there isusually a relic of a formal transfer, such as the Hindu _Kanyadan_ orgift of the virgin, the Roman _Traditio in manum_ or her transfer fromher father's to her husband's power, and the giving away of the bride. 

72. Transfer of the bride to her husband's clan. 

These customs seem to mark the transfer of the woman from herfather's to her husband's clan, which was in the first instanceeffected forcibly and afterwards by the free gift of her father orguardian, and the change of surname would be a relic of the change ofclan. Among the Hindus a girl is never called by her proper name inher husband's house, but always by some other name or nickname. Thiscustom seems to be a relic of the period when the name denoted theclan, though it no longer has any reference either to the girl'sclan or family. Another rite portraying the transfer in India is themarking of the bride's forehead with vermilion, which is no doubt asubstitute for blood. The ceremony would be a relic of participationin the clan sacrifice when the bride would in the first place drinkthe blood of the totem animal or tribal god with the bridegroom insign of her admission to his clan and afterwards be marked with theblood as a substitute. This smear of vermilion a married woman alwayscontinues to wear as a sign of her state, unless she wears pink powderor a spangle as a substitute. [167] Where this pink powder _(kunku)_or spangles are used they must always be given by the bridegroom tothe bride as part of the _Sohag_ or trousseau. At a Bhaina wedding thebride's father makes an image in clay of the bird or animal of thegroom's sept and places it beside the marriage-post. The bridegroomworships the image, lighting a sacrificial fire before it, or offersto it the vermilion which he afterwards smears upon the forehead ofthe bride. The Khadals at their marriages worship their totem animalor tree, and offer to it flowers, sandalwood, vermilion, uncooked rice, and the new clothes and ornaments intended for the bride, which she maynot wear until this ceremony has been performed. Again, the sacramentof the Meher or marriage cakes is sometimes connected with the clantotem in India. These cakes are cooked and eaten sacramentally by allthe members of the family and their relatives, the bride and bridegroomcommencing first. Among the Kols the relatives to whom these cakes aredistributed cannot intermarry, and this indicates that the eating ofthem was formerly a sacrament of the exogamous clan. The association ofthe totem with the marriage cakes is sometimes clearly shown. Thus inthe Dahait caste members of the clans named after certain trees, go tothe tree at the time of their weddings and invite it to be present atthe ceremony. They offer the marriage cakes to the tree. Those of theNagotia or cobra clan deposit the cakes at a snake's hole. Members ofthe Singh (lion) and Bagh (tiger) clans draw images of these animals onthe wall at the time of their weddings and offer the cakes to them. TheBasors of the Kulatia or somersault clan do somersaults at the time ofeating the cakes; those of the Karai Nor clan, who venerate a well, eat the cakes at a well and not at home. Basors of the Lurhia clan, who venerate a grinding-stone, worship this implement at the timeof eating the marriage cakes. M. Fustel de Coulanges states thatthe Roman Confarreatio, or eating of a cake together by the brideand bridegroom in the presence of the family gods of the latter, constituted their holy union or marriage. By this act the wife wastransferred to the gods and religion of her husband. [168] Here thegods referred to are clearly held to be the family gods, and in thehistorical period it seems doubtful whether the Roman _gens_ was stillexogamous. But if the patriarchal family developed within the exogamousclan tracing descent through males, and finally supplanted the clan asthe most important social unit, then it would follow that the familygods were only a substitute for the clan gods, and the bride came tobe transferred to her husband's family instead of to his clan. Themarriage ceremony in Greece consisted of a common meal of a preciselysimilar character, [169] and the English wedding cake seems to be asurvival of such a rite. At their weddings the Bhils make cakes ofthe large millet juari, calling it Juari Mata or Mother Juari. Thesecakes are eaten at the houses of the bride and bridegroom by themembers of their respective clans, and the remains are buried insidethe house as sacred food. Dr. Howitt states of the Kurnai tribe: "Byand by, when the bruises and perhaps wounds received in these fights(between the young men and women) had healed, a young man and a youngwoman might meet, and he, looking at her, would say, for instance, 'Djiitgun! [170] What does the Djiitgun eat?' The reply would be'She eats kangaroo, opossum, ' or some other game. This constituted aformal offer and acceptance, and would be followed by the elopement ofthe couple as described in the chapter on Marriage. " [171] There isno statement that the question about eating refers to the totem, butthis must apparently have been the original bearing of the question, which otherwise would be meaningless. Since this proposal of marriagefollowed on a fight between the boys and girls arising from the factthat one party had injured the other party's sex-totem, the fightmay perhaps really have been a preliminary to the proposal and haverepresented a symbolic substitute for or survival of marriage bycapture. Among the Santals, Colonel Dalton says, "the social mealthat the boy and girl eat together is the most important part of theceremony, as by the act the girl ceases to belong to her father's tribeand becomes a member of the husband's family. " Since the terms tribeand family are obviously used loosely in the above statement, we mayperhaps substitute clan in both cases. Many other instances of the riteof eating together at a wedding are given by Dr. Westermarck. [172]If, therefore, it be supposed that the wedding ceremony consistedoriginally of the formal transfer of the bride to the bridegroom'sclan, and further that the original tie which united the totem-clanwas the common eating of the totem animal, then the practice of thebride and bridegroom eating together as a symbol of marriage can befully understood. When the totem animal had ceased to be the principalmeans of subsistence, bread, which to a people in the agriculturalstage had become the staff or chief support of life, was substitutedfor it, as argued by Professor Robertson Smith in _The Religion of theSemites_. If the institution of marriage was thus originally based onthe forcible transfer of a woman from her own to her husband's clan, certain Indian customs become easily explicable in the light of thisview. We can understand why a Brahman or Rajput thought it essential tomarry his daughter into a clan or family of higher status than his own;because the disgrace of having his daughter taken from him by whathad been originally an act of force, was atoned for by the superiorrank of the captor or abductor. And similarly the terms father-in-lawand brother-in-law would be regarded as opprobrious because theyoriginally implied not merely that the speaker had married the sisteror daughter of the person addressed, but had married her forcibly, thereby placing him in a position of inferiority. A Rajput formerlyfelt it derogatory that any man should address him either as father-orbrother-in-law. And the analogous custom of a man refusing to take foodin the house of his son-in-law's family and sometimes even refusingto drink water in their village would be explicable on precisely thesame grounds. This view of marriage would also account for the wideprevalence of female infanticide. Because in the primitive conditionof exogamy with male descent, girls could not be married in theirown clan, as this would transgress the binding law of exogamy, andthey could not be transferred from their own totem-clan and marriedin another except by force and rape. Hence it was thought better tokill girl children than to suffer the ignominy of their being forciblycarried off. Both kinds of female infanticide as distinguished by SirH. Risley [173] would thus originally be due to the same belief. TheKhond killed his daughter because she could not be married otherwisethan by forcible abduction; not necessarily because he was unable toprotect her, but because he could not conceive of her being transferredfrom one totem-clan to another by any other means; and he was bound toresist the transfer because by acquiescing in it, he would have beenguilty of disloyalty to his own totem, whose common life was injuredby the loss of the girl. The Rajput killed his daughter because itwas a disgrace to him to get her married at all outside his clan, and she could not be married within it. Afterwards the disgrace wasremoved by marrying her into a higher clan than his own and by lavishexpenditure on the wedding; and the practice of female infanticidewas continued to avoid the ruinous outlay which this primitive view ofmarriage had originally entailed. The Hindu custom of the Swayamvaraor armed contest for the hand of a Rajput princess, and the curiousrecognition by the Hindu law-books of simple rape as a legitimateform of marriage would be explained on the same ground. 

73. The exogamous clan with male descent and the village. 

It has been seen that the exogamous clan with female descent containedno married couples, and therefore it was necessary either that outsidemen should live with it, or that the clans should continually meet eachother, or that two or more should live in the same village. With thechange to male descent and the transfer of women to their husbands'clans, this unstable characteristic was removed. Henceforth the clanwas self-contained, having its married couples, both members of it, whose children would also be born in and belong to it. Since theclan was originally a body of persons who wandered about and huntedtogether, its character would be maintained by living together, andthere is reason to suppose that the Indian exogamous clan with maledescent took its special character because its members usually livedin one or more villages. This fact would account for the large numberand multiplication of clans in India as compared with other places. Asalready seen one of the names of a clan is _khera_, which also meansa village, and a large number of the clan names are derived from, orthe same, as those of villages. Among the Khonds all the members ofone clan live in the same locality about some central village. Thusthe Tupa clan are collected about the village of Teplagarh in PatnaState, the Loa clan round Sindhekala, the Borga clan round Bangomundaand so on. The Nunias of Mirzapur, Mr. Crooke remarks, [174] havea system of local subdivisions called _dih_, each subdivision beingnamed after the village which is supposed to be its home. The word_dih_ itself means a site or village. Those who have the same _dih_do not intermarry. In the villages first settled by the Oraons, FatherDehon states, [175] the population is divided into three _khunts_or branches, the founders of the three branches being held to havebeen sons of the first settler. Members of each branch belong tothe same clan or _got_. Each _khunt_ or branch has a share of thevillage lands. The Mochis or cobblers have forty exogamous sectionsor _gotras_, mostly named after Rajput clans, and they also have anequal number of _kheras_ or groups named after villages. The limits ofthe two groups seem to be identical; and members of each group have anancestral village from which they are supposed to have come. Marriageis now regulated by the Rajput sept-names, but the probability is thatthe _kheras_ were the original divisions, and the Rajput _gotras_have been more recently adopted in support of the claims alreadynoticed. The Parjas have totemistic exogamous clans and marriage isprohibited in theory between members of the same clan. But as thenumber of clans is rather small, the rule is not adhered to, andmembers of the same clan are permitted to marry so long as they donot come from the same village. The Minas of Rajputana are dividedinto twelve exogamous _pals_ or clans; the original meaning of theword _pal_ was a defile or valley suitable for defence, where themembers of the clan would live together as in a Scotch glen. 

Thus among the cultivating castes apparently each exogamous clanconsisted originally of the residents of one village, though theyafterwards spread to a number of villages. The servile labouringcastes may also have arranged their clans by villages as the primitiveforest-tribes did. How the menial castes formed exogamous clans isnot altogether clear, as the numbers in one village would be onlysmall. But it may be supposed that as they gradually increased, clans came into existence either in one large village or a numberof adjacent ones, and sometimes traced their descent from a singlefamily or from an ancestor with a nickname. As a rule, the artisancastes do not appear to have formed villages of their own in India, asthey did in Russia, though this may occasionally have happened. Whenamong the cultivating castes the lands were divided, separate jointfamilies would be constituted; the head only of each family would beits representative in the clan, as he would hold the share of thevillage land assigned to the family, which was their joint meansof subsistence, and the family would live in one household. Thusperhaps the Hindu joint family came into existence as a subdivisionof the exogamous clan with male descent, on which its constitutionwas modelled. In Chhattisgarh families still live together in largeenclosures with separate huts for the married couples. A humanancestor gradually took the place of the totem as the giver of lifeto the clan. The members thought themselves bound together by the tieof his blood which flowed through all their veins, and frequently, as in Athens, Rome and Scotland, every member of the clan bore hisname. In this capacity, as the source of the clan's life, the originalancestor was perhaps venerated, and on the development of the familysystem within the clan, the ancestors of the family were held ina similar regard, and the feeling extended to the living ancestoror father, who is treated with the greatest deference in the earlypatriarchal family. Even now Hindu boys, though they may be bettereducated and more intelligent than their father, will not as a ruleaddress him at meals unless he speaks to them first, on account oftheir traditional respect for him. The regard for the father may bestrengthened by his position as the stay and support of the family, but could scarcely have arisen solely from this cause. 

Dr. Westermarck's view that the origin of exogamy lay in the feelingagainst the marriage of persons who lived together, receives supportfrom the fact that a feeling of kinship still subsists between Hindusliving in the same village, even though they may belong to differentcastes and clans. It is commonly found that all the households of avillage believe themselves in a manner related. A man will addressall the men of the generation above his own as uncle, though they maybe of different castes, and the children of the generation below hisown as niece and nephew. When a girl is married, all the old men ofthe village call her husband 'son-in-law. ' This extends even to theimpure castes who cannot be touched. Yet owing to the fact that theylive together they are considered by fiction to be related. The Gowaricaste do not employ Brahmans for their weddings, but the ceremony isperformed by the _bhanja_ or sister's son either of the girl's fatheror the boy's father. If he is not available, any one whom either thegirl's father or the boy's father addresses as _bhanja_ or nephewin the village, even though he may be no relation and may belong toanother caste, may perform the ceremony as a substitute. Among theOraons and other tribes prenuptial intercourse between boys and girlsof the same village is regularly allowed. It is not considered right, however, that these unions should end in marriage, for which partnersshould be sought from other villages. [176] In the Maratha countrythe villagers have a communal feast on the occasion of the Dasahrafestival, the Kunbis or cultivators eating first and the members ofthe menial and labouring castes afterwards. 

74. The large exogamous clans of the Brahmans and Rajputs. TheSapindas, the _gens_ and the g'enoc. 

The Brahmans and Rajputs, however, and one or two other militarycastes, as the Marathas and Lodhis, do not have the small exogamousclans (which probably, as has been seen, represented the personswho lived together in a village), but large ones. Thus the Rajputswere divided into thirty-six royal races, and theoretically all theseshould have been exogamous, marrying with each other. Each great clanwas afterwards, as a rule, split into a number of branches, and it isprobable that these became exogamous; while in cases where a communityof Rajputs have settled on the land and become ordinary cultivators, they have developed into an endogamous subcaste containing smallclans of the ordinary type. It seems likely that the Rajput clanoriginally consisted of those who followed the chief to battle andfought together, and hence considered themselves to be related. Thiswas, as a matter of fact, the case. Colonel Tod states that the greatRathor clan, who said that they could muster a hundred thousand swords, spoke of themselves as the sons of one father. The members of theScotch clans considered themselves related in the same manner, andthey were probably of similar character to the Rajput clans. [177]I do not know, however, that there is any definite evidence as tothe exogamy of the Scotch clans, which would have disappeared withtheir conversion to Christianity. The original Rajput clan may perhapshave lived round the chiefs castle or headquarters and been supportedby the produce of his private fief or demesne. The regular Brahman_gotras_ are also few in number, possibly because they were limitedby the paucity of eponymous saints of the first rank. The word _gotra_means a stall or cow-pen, and would thus originally signify those wholived together in one place like a herd of cattle. But the _gotras_are now exceedingly large, the same ones being found in most or all ofthe Brahman subcastes, and it is believed that they do not regulatemarriage as a rule. Sometimes ordinary surnames have taken the placeof clan names, and persons with the same surname consider themselvesrelated and do not marry. But usually Brahmans prohibit marriagebetween Sapindas or persons related to each other within seven degreesfrom a common ancestor. The word Sapinda signifies those who partaketogether of the _pindas_ or funeral cakes offered to the dead. TheSapindas are also a man's heirs in the absence of closer relations;the group of the Sapindas is thus an exact replica within the _gotra_of the primitive totem clan which was exogamous and constituted bythe tie of living and eating together. Similarly marriage at Romewas prohibited to seven degrees of relationship through males withinthe _gens_, [178] and this exogamous group of kinsmen appear to havebeen the body of agnatic kinsmen within the _gens_ who are referredto by Sir H. Maine as a man's ultimate heirs. [179] At Athens, whena contest arose upon a question of inheritance, the proper legalevidence to establish kinship was the proof that the alleged ancestorand the alleged heir observed a common worship and shared in thesame repast in honour of the dead. [180] The distant heirs were thusa group within the Athenian g'enoc corresponding to the Sapindas andbound by the same tie of eating together. Professor Hearn states thatthere is no certain evidence that the Roman _gens_ and Greek g'enocwere originally exogamous, but we find that of the Roman matrons whosenames are known to us none married a husband with her own Gentile name;and further, that Plutarch, in writing of the Romans, says that informer days men did not marry women of their own blood or, as in thepreceding sentence he calls them, kinswomen suggen'idac, just as inhis own day they did not marry their aunts or sisters; and he addsthat it was long before they consented to wed with cousins. [181]Professor Hearn's opinion was that the Hindu _gotra_, the Roman_gens_ and the Greek g'enoc were originally the same institution, the exogamous clan with male descent, and all the evidence available, as well as the close correspondence in other respects of early Hinduinstitutions with those of the Greek and Latin cities would tend tosupport this view. 

75. Comparison of Hindu society with that of Greece and Rome. The_gens_. 

In the admirable account of the early constitution of the city-statesof Greece and Italy contained in the work of M. Fustel de Coulanges, _La Cité Antique_, a close resemblance may be traced with the mainstrata of Hindu society given earlier in this essay. The Roman statewas composed of a number of _gentes_ or clans, each _gens_ tracingits descent from a common ancestor, whose name it usually bore. Thetermination of the Gentile name in _ius_ signified descendant, asClaudius, Fabius, and so on. Similarly the names of the Atheniang'enh or clans ended in _ides_ or _ades_, as Butades, Phytalides, which had the same signification. [182] The Gentile or clan namewas the _nomen_ or principal name, just as the personal names ofthe members of the totem-clans were at first connected with thetotems. The members of the _gens_ lived together on a section ofthe city land and cultivated it under the control of the head of the_gens_. The original _ager Romanus_ is held to have been 115 squaremiles or about 74, 000 acres, [183] and this was divided up among theclans. The heads of clans originally lived on their estates and wentin to Rome for the periodical feasts and other duties. The principalfamily or eldest branch of the _gens_ in the descent from a commonancestor ranked above the others, and its head held the position ofa petty king in the territory of the _gens_. In Greece he was called>'anax or basile'uc. [184] Originally the Roman Senate consistedsolely of the heads of _gentes, _ and the consuls, flamens and augurswere also chosen exclusively from them; they were known as _patres_;after the expulsion of the kings, fresh senators were added fromthe junior branches of the _gentes_, of which there were at thisperiod 160, and these were known as _patres conscripti_ [185]. Thedistinction between the eldest and junior branches of the _gentes_may have corresponded to the distinction between the Kshatriyas andVaishyas, though as practically nothing is known of the constitutionof the original Kshatriyas, this can only be hypothetical. 

76. The clients. 

Within the _gens_, and living in the household or households of itsmembers, there existed a body of slaves, and also another class ofpersons called clients. [186] The client was a servant and dependant;he might be assigned a plot of land by his patron, but at first couldnot transmit it nor hold it against his patron. It is probable thatoriginally he had no right of property of his own, but he graduallyacquired it. First he obtained a right of occupancy in his land andof its devolution to his son if he had one. Finally he was given thepower of making a will. But he was still obliged to contribute to suchexpenses of the patron as ransom in war, fines imposed by the courts, or the dowry of a daughter. [187] The client was considered as amember of the family and bore its name. [188] But he was not a propermember of the family or _gens_, because his pedigree never ascendedto a _pater_ or the head of a _gens_. [189] It was incumbent on thepatron to protect the client, and guard his interests both in peace andwar. The client participated in the household and Gentile sacrificesand worshipped the gods of the _gens_. [190] At first the peopleof Rome consisted of three classes, the patricians, the clients andthe plebeians. In course of time, as the rights and privileges of theplebeians increased after the appointment of tribunes, their position, from having originally been much inferior, became superior to that ofthe clients, and the latter preferred to throw off the tie uniting themto their patrons and become merged in the plebeians. In this manner theintermediate class of clients at length entirely disappeared. [191]These clients must not be confused with the subsequent class of thesame name, who are found during the later period of the republicand the empire, and were the voluntary supporters or hangers-on ofrich men. It would appear that these early clients corresponded veryclosely to the household servants of the Indian cultivators, fromwhom the village menial castes were developed. The Roman client wassometimes a freed slave, but this would not have made him a memberof the family, even in a subordinate position. Apparently the classof clients may have to a great extent originated in mixed descent, asthe Indian household and village menials probably did. This view wouldaccount satisfactorily for the client's position as a member of thefamily but not a proper one. From the fact that they were consideredone of the three principal divisions of the people it is clear thatthe clients must at one time have been numerous and important. 

77. The plebeians. 

Below the clients came the plebeians, whose position, as M. Fustelde Coulanges himself points out, corresponded very closely to thatof the Sudras. The plebeians had no religion and no ancestors;they did not belong to a family or a _gens_. [192] They were adespised and abject class, who lived like beasts outside the properboundary of the city. The touch of the plebeian was impure. [193]"When tribunes were created a special law was necessary to protecttheir life and liberty, and it was promulgated as follows: 'It isforbidden to strike or kill a tribune, as if he was an ordinaryplebeian. ' It would appear then that a patrician had the right tostrike or kill an ordinary plebeian, or at least that he was amenableto no legal punishment for doing so. " [194] Similarly in the ancientGreek cities the citizens were known as >agajo'i or good, and theplebeians as kako'i or bad. This latter class is described by thepoet Theognis as having had aforetime neither tribunals nor laws;they were not allowed even to enter the town, but lived outside likewild beasts. They had no part in the religious feasts and could notintermarry with the proper citizens. [195]

This position corresponds exactly with that of the Sudras and theexisting impure castes, who have to live outside the village andcannot enter or even approach Hindu temples. 

M. De Coulanges considers that the plebeians were to a largeextent made up of conquered and subjected peoples. An asylum wasalso established at Rome for broken men and outlaws from othercities, with a view to increasing the population and strength ofthe state. Subsequently the class of clients became absorbed amongthe plebeians. 

78. The binding social tie in the city-states. 

Thus the gradation of society in the city-states of Greece andItaly, the account given above being typical of them all, is seen tocorrespond fairly closely with that of the Hindus, as exemplified inthe Hindu classics and the microcosm of Hindu society, the villagecommunity. It is desirable, therefore, to inquire what was the tiewhich united the members of the _gens_, the _curia_ or _phratry_, and the city, and which distinguished the patricians from theplebeians. On this point M. Fustel de Coulanges leaves us in nodoubt at all. The bond of union among all these bodies was a commonsacrifice or sacrificial meal, at which all the members had to bepresent. "The principal ceremony of the religion of the household wasa meal, which was called a sacrifice. To eat a meal prepared on analtar was, according to all appearance, the first form of religiousworship. " [196] "The principal ceremony of the religion of the citywas also a public feast; it had to be partaken of communally by allthe citizens in honour of the tutelary deities. The custom of holdingthese public feasts was universal in Greece; and it was believedthat the safety of the city depended on their accomplishment. " [197]M. De Coulanges quotes from the _Odyssey_ an account of one of thesesacred feasts at which nine long tables were set out for the peopleof Pylos; five hundred citizens were seated and nine bulls wereslaughtered for each table. When Orestes arrived at Athens after themurder of his mother, he found the people, assembled round their king, about to hold the sacred feast. Similar feasts were held and numerousvictims were slaughtered in Xenophon's time. [198] At these meals theguests were crowned with garlands and the vessels were of a specialform and material, such as copper or earthenware, no doubt datingfrom the antique past. [199] As regards the importance and necessityof being present at the Gentile sacrificial feast, the same authorstates: "The Capitol was blockaded by the Gauls; but Fabius leftit and passed through the hostile lines, clad in religious garb, and carrying in his hand the sacred objects; he was going to offera sacrifice on the altar of his _gens_ which was situated on theQuirinal. In the second Punic war another Fabius, he who was calledthe buckler of Rome, was holding Hannibal in check; it was assuredlyof the greatest importance to the Republic that he should not leavehis army; he left it, however, in the hands of the imprudent Minucius;it was because the anniversary day of the sacrifice of his _gens_ hadcome and it was necessary that he should hasten to Rome to perform thesacred rite. " In Greece the members of the _gens_ were known by thefact that they performed communal sacrifices together from a remoteperiod. [200] As already seen, a communal sacrifice meant the eatingtogether of the sacred food, whether the flesh of a victim or grain. 

79. The Suovetaurilia. 

The Roman city sacrifice of the Suovetaurilia, as described by M. DeCoulanges, is of the greatest interest. The magistrate whose duty itwas to accomplish it, that is in the first place the king, after himthe consul, and after him the censor, had first to take the auspicesand ascertain that the gods were favourable. Then he summoned thepeople through a herald by a consecrated form of words. On theappointed day all the citizens assembled outside the walls; andwhile they stood silent the magistrate proceeded three times roundthe assembly, driving before him three victims--a pig, a ram and abull. The combination of these three victims constituted with theGreeks as well as the Romans an expiatory sacrifice. Priests andattendants followed the procession: when the third round had beenaccomplished, the magistrate pronounced a prayer and slaughteredthe victims. From this moment all sins were expiated, and neglect ofreligious duties effaced, and the city was at peace with its gods. 

There were two essential features of this ceremony: the first, thatno stranger should be present at it; and the second, that no citizenshould be absent from it. In the latter case the whole city might nothave been freed from impurity. The Suovetaurilia was therefore precededby a census, which was conducted with the greatest care both at Romeand Athens. The citizen who was not enrolled and was not present atthe sacrifice could no longer be a member of the city. He could bebeaten and sold as a slave, this rule being relaxed only in the lasttwo centuries of the Republic. Only male citizens were present atthe sacrifice, but they gave a list of their families and belongingsto the censor, and these were considered to be purified through thehead of the family. [201]

This sacrifice was called a _lustratio_ or purification, and in thehistorical period was considered to be expiatory. But it does notseem probable that this was its original significance. For there wouldnot in that case have been the paramount necessity for every citizento be present. All females and children under power were purifiedthrough the list given to the censor, and there seems no reason whyabsent citizens could not have been purified in the same manner. Butparticipation in this sacrifice was itself the very test and essenceof citizenship. And it has been seen that a public meal was theprincipal religious rite of the city. The conclusion therefore seemsreasonable that the Suovetaurilia was originally also a sacrificialmeal of which each citizen partook, and that the eating of the deifieddomestic animals in common was the essence of the rite and the actwhich conferred the privilege of citizenship. The driving of thesacrificial animals round the citizens three times might well be asubstitute for the previous communal meal, if for any reason, such asthe large number of citizens, the practice of eating them had falleninto abeyance. The original ground for the taking of a census was toensure that all the citizens were present at the communal sacrifice;and it was by the place which a man occupied on this day that his rankin the city was determined till the next sacrifice. If the censorcounted him among the senators, he remained a senator; if among theequites, he remained a knight; if as a simple member of a tribe, he belonged henceforward to the tribe in which he was counted. If thecensor refused to enumerate him, he was no longer a citizen. [202] Suchwas the vital importance of the act of participation in the sacrifice. 

80. The sacrifice of the domestic animal. 

The Roman sacrifice of the Suovetaurilia was in no way peculiar, similar rites being found in other Greek and Latin cities. Someinstances are recorded in the article on Kasai, and in _Themis_[203] Miss Jane Harrison gives an account of a sacrifice at Magnesiain which a bull, ram and he- and she-goats were sacrificed to thegods and partaken of communally by the citizens. As already seen, the act of participation in the sacrifice conferred the status ofcitizenship. The domestic animals were not as a rule eaten, but theirmilk was drunk, and they were used for transport, and clothes wereperhaps sometimes made from their hair and skins. Hence they were theprincipal source of life of the tribe, as the totem had been of theclan, and were venerated and deified. One common life was held to runthrough all the members of the tribe and all the domestic animals ofthe species which was its principal means of support. In the totemor hunting stage the clan had necessarily been small, because alarge collection of persons could not subsist together by huntingand the consumption of roots and fruits. When an additional meansof support was afforded by the domestication of an important animal, a much larger number of persons could live together, and apparentlyseveral clans became amalgamated into a tribe. The sanctity of thedomestic animals was much greater than that of the totem because theylived with man and partook of his food, which was the strongest tieof kinship; and since he still endowed them with self-consciousnessand volition, he thought they had come voluntarily to aid him insustaining life. Both on this account and for fear of injuring thecommon life they were not usually killed. But it was necessary toprimitive man that the tie should take a concrete form and that heshould actually assimilate the life of the sacred animal by eatingits flesh, and this was accordingly done at a ceremonial sacrifice, which was held annually, and often in the spring, the season of therenewal and increase of life. Since this renewal of the communal lifewas the concrete tie which bound the tribe together, any one who wasabsent from it could no longer be a member of the tribe. The whole ofthis rite and the intense importance attached to it are inexplicableexcept on the supposition that the tie which had originally constitutedthe totem-clan was the eating of the totem-animal, and that this tiewas perpetuated in the tribe by the communal eating of the domesticanimal. The communal sacrifice of the domestic animal was, as alreadyseen, typical of society in the tribal or pastoral stage. But one veryimportant case, in addition to those given above and in the articleon Kasai, remains for notice. The Id-ul-Zoha or Bakr-Id festival ofthe Muhammadans is such a rite. In pre-Islamic times this sacrificewas held at Mecca and all the Arab tribes went to Mecca to celebrateit. The month in which the sacrifice was held was one of those oftruce, when the feuds between the different clans were in abeyanceso that they could meet at Mecca. Muhammad continued the sacrifice ofthe Id-ul-Zoha and it is this sacrifice which a good Muhammadan takesthe pilgrimage to Mecca to perform. He must be at Mecca on the tenthday of the month of Z'ul Hijjah and perform the sacrifice there, andunless he does this there is no special merit in making the journeyto Mecca. It is incumbent on every Muhammadan who can afford it tomake the pilgrimage to Mecca or the Hajj once in his life and performthe sacrifice there; and though as a matter of fact only a very smallminority of Muhammadans now carry out the rule, the pilgrimage andsacrifice may yet be looked upon as the central and principal riteof the Muhammadan religion. All Muhammadans who cannot go to Meccanevertheless celebrate the sacrifice at home at the Indian festivalof the Id-ul-Zoha and the Turkish and Egyptian Idu-Bairam. At theId-ul-Zoha any one of four domestic animals, the camel, the cow, the sheep or the goat, may be sacrificed; and this rule makes it aconnecting link between the two great Semitic sacrifices described inthe article on Kasai, the camel sacrifice of the Arabs in pre-Islamictimes and the Passover of the Jews. At the present time one-thirdof the flesh of the sacrificial animal should be given to the poor, one-third to relations, and the remainder to the sacrificer's ownfamily. [204] Though it has now become a household sacrifice, thecommunal character thus still partly survives. 

81. Sacrifices of the _gens_ and phratry. 

Both in Athens and Rome there was a division known as phratry or_curia_. This apparently consisted of a collection of _gentes_, g'enh, or clans, and would correspond roughly to a Hindu subcaste. Theevidence does not show, however, that it was endogamous. The bondwhich united the phratry or _curia_ was precisely the same as that ofthe _gens_ or clan and the city. It consisted also in a common meal, which was prepared on the altar, and was eaten with the recitationof prayers, a part being offered to the god, who was held to bepresent. At Athens on feast-days the members of the phratry assembledround their altar. A victim was sacrificed and its flesh cooked onthe altar, and divided among the members of the phratry, great carebeing taken that no stranger should be present. A young Athenianwas presented to the phratry by his father, who swore that the boywas his son. A victim was sacrificed and cooked on the altar in thepresence of all the members of the phratry; if they were doubtfulof the boy's legitimacy, and hence wished to refuse him admittance, as they had the right to do, they refused to remove the flesh fromthe altar. If they did not do this, but divided and partook of theflesh with the candidate, he was finally and irrevocably admitted tothe phratry. The explanation of this custom, M. De Coulanges states, is that food prepared on an altar and eaten by a number of personstogether, was believed to establish between them a sacred tie whichendured through life. [205] Even a slave was to a certain degreeadmitted into the family by the same tie of common eating of food. AtAthens he was made to approach the hearth; he was purified by pouringwater on his head, and ate some cakes and fruit with the members ofthe family. This ceremony was analogous to those of marriage andadoption. It signified that the new arrival, hitherto a stranger, was henceforth a member of the family and participated in the familyworship. [206]

82. The Hindu caste-feasts. 

The analogy of Greece and Rome would suggest the probability thatthe tie uniting the members of the Indian caste or subcaste is alsoparticipation in a common sacrificial meal, and there is a considerableamount of evidence to support this view. The Confarreatio or eatingtogether of the bride and bridegroom finds a close parallel in thefamily sacrament of the _Meher_ or marriage cakes, which has alreadybeen described. This would appear formerly to have been a clan rite, and to have marked the admission of the bride to the bridegroom'sclan. It is obligatory on relations of the families to attend a weddingand they proceed from great distances to do so, and clerks and otherofficials are much aggrieved if the exigencies of Government businessprevent them from obtaining leave. The obligation seems to be ofthe same character as that which caused Fabius to leave the army inorder to attend his Gentile sacrifice at Rome. If he did not attendthe Gentile sacrifice he was not a member of the _gens_, and if aHindu did not attend the feast of his clan in past times perhaps hedid not remain a member of the clan. Among the Maratha Brahmans thegirl-bride eats with her husband's relations on this day only to markher admission into their clan, and among the Bengali Brahmans, whenthe wedding guests are collected, the bride comes and puts a littlesugar on each of their leaf-plates, which they eat in token of theirrecognition of her in her new status of married woman. The membersof the caste or subcaste also assemble and eat together on threeoccasions: at a marriage, which will have the effect of bringingnew life into the community; at a death, when a life is lost; andat the initiation of a new member or the readmission of an offendertemporarily put out of caste. It is a general rule of the caste feaststhat all members of the subcaste in the locality must be invited, andif any considerable number of them do not attend, the host's positionin the community is impugned. For this reason he has to incur lavishexpenditure on the feast, so as to avoid criticism or dissatisfactionamong his guests. These consider themselves at liberty to commentfreely on the character and quality of the provisions offered tothem. In most castes the feast cannot begin until all the guestshave assembled; the Maheshri Banias and one or two other castes aredistinguished by the fact that they allow the guests at the _pangat_or caste feast to begin eating as they arrive. Those who bear the hosta grudge purposely stay away, and he has to run to their houses and begthem to come, so that his feast can begin. When the feast has begunit was formerly considered a great calamity if any accident shouldnecessitate the rising of the guests before its conclusion. Even ifa dog or other impure animal should enter the assembly they would notrise. The explanation of this rule was that it would be disrespectfulto Um Deo, the food-god, to interrupt the feast. At the feast each mansits with his bare crossed knees actually touching those of the menon each side of him, to show that they are one brotherhood and onebody. If a man sat even a few inches apart from his fellows, peoplewould say he was out of caste; and in recent times, since those outof caste have been allowed to attend the feasts, they sit a littleapart in this manner. The Gowaris fine a man who uses abusive languageto a fellow-casteman at a caste feast, and also one who gets up andleaves the feast without the permission of the caste headman. TheHatkars have as the names of two exogamous groups _Wakmar_, or onewho left the Pangat or caste feast while his fellows were eating; and_Polya_, or one who did not take off his turban at the feast. It hasbeen seen also [207] that in one or two castes the exogamous sectionsare named after the offices which their members hold or the dutiesthey perform at the caste feast. Among the Halbas the illegitimatesubcaste Surait is also known as Chhoti Pangat or the inferior feast, with the implication that its members cannot be admitted to the properfeast of the caste, but have an inferior one of their own. 

83. Taking food at initiation. 

When an outsider is admitted to the caste the rite is usuallyconnected with food. A man who is to be admitted to the Dahait castemust clean his house, break his earthen cooking-vessels and buy newones, and give a feast to the caste-fellows in his house. He sitsand takes food with them, and when the meal is over he takes a grainof rice from the leaf-plate of each guest and eats it, and drinks adrop of water from his leaf-cup. After this he cannot be readmittedto his own caste. A new Mehtar or sweeper gives water to and takesbread from each casteman. In Mandla a new convert to the Panka castevacates his house and the caste _panchayat_ or committee go and livein it, in order to purify it. He gives them a feast inside the house, while he himself stays outside. Finally he is permitted to eat withthe _panchayat_ in his own house in order to mark his admission intothe caste. A candidate for admission in the Mahli caste has to eata little of the leavings of the food of each of the castemen at afeast. The community of robbers known as Badhak or Baoria formerlydwelt in the Oudh forests. They were accustomed to take omens fromthe cry of the jackal, and they may probably have venerated it asrepresenting the spirit of the forest and as a fellow-hunter. Theywere called jackal-eaters, and it was said that when an outsider wasadmitted to one of their bands he was given jackal's flesh to eat. 

Again, the rite of initiation or investiture with the sacred threadappears to be the occasion of the admission of a boy to the castecommunity. Before this he is not really a member of the caste and mayeat any kind of food. The initiation is called by the Brahmans thesecond birth, and appears to be the birth of the soul or spirit. Afterit the boy will eat the sacrificial food at the caste feasts and beunited with the members of the caste and their god. The bodies ofchildren who have not been initiated are buried and not burnt. Thereason seems to be that their spirits will not go to the god norbe united with the ancestors, but will be born again. Formerly suchchildren were often buried in the house or courtyard so that theirspirits might be born again in the same family. The lower castessometimes consider the rite of ear-piercing as the initiation andsometimes marriage. Among the Panwar Rajputs a child is initiated whenabout two years old by being given cooked rice and milk to eat. Theinitiation cannot for some reason be performed by the natural father, but must be done by a _guru_ or spiritual father, who should thereafterbe regarded with a reverence equal to or even exceeding that paid tothe natural father. 

84. Penalty feasts. 

When a man is readmitted to caste after exclusion for some offence, the principal feature of the rite is a feast at which he is againpermitted to eat with his fellows. There are commonly two feasts, oneknown as the _Maili Roti_ or impure meal, and the other as _Chokhi_or pure, both being at the cost of the offender. The former is eatenby the side of a stream or elsewhere on neutral ground, and by itthe offender is considered to be partly purified; the latter is inhis own house, and by eating there the castemen demonstrate that noimpurity attaches to him, and he is again a full member. Some castes, as the Dhobas, have three feasts: the first is eaten at the bankof a stream, and at this the offender's hair is shaved and throwninto the stream; the second is in his yard; and the third in hishouse. The offender is not allowed to partake of the first two mealshimself, but he joins in the third, and before it begins the headof the _panchayat_ gives him water to drink in which gold has beendipped as a purificatory rite. Among the Gonds the flesh of goats isprovided at the first meal, but at the second only grain cooked withwater, which they now, in imitation of the Hindus, consider as thesacred sacrificial food. Frequently the view obtains that the headof the caste _panchayat_ takes the offender's sins upon himself bycommencing to eat, and in return for this a present of some rupeesis deposited beneath his plate. Similarly among some castes, as theBahnas, exclusion from caste is known as the stopping of food andwater. The Gowaris readmit offenders by the joint drinking of opium andwater. One member is especially charged with the preparation of this, and if there should not be enough for all the castemen to partake ofit, he is severely punished. Opium was also considered sacred by theRajputs, and the chief and his kinsmen were accustomed to drink ittogether as a pledge of amity. [208]

85. Sanctity of grain-food. 

Grain cooked with water is considered as sacred food by theHindus. It should be eaten only on a space within the house called_chauka_ purified with cowdung, and sometimes marked out with whitequartz-powder or flour. Before taking his meal a member of the highercastes should bathe and worship the household gods. At the meal heshould wear no sewn clothes, but only a waist-cloth made of silk orwool, and not of cotton. The lower castes will take food cooked withwater outside the house in the fields, and are looked down upon fordoing this, so that those who aspire to raise their social positionabandon the practice, or at least pretend to do so. Sir J. G. Frazerquotes a passage showing that the ancient Brahmans considered thesacrificial rice-cakes cooked with water to be transformed into humanbodies. [209] The Urdu word _bali_ means a sacrifice or offering, and is applied to the portion of the daily meal which is offered tothe gods and to the hearth-fire. Thus all grain cooked with water isapparently looked upon as sacred or sacramental food, and it is forthis reason that it can only be eaten after the purificatory ritesalready described. The grain is venerated as the chief means ofsubsistence, and the communal eating of it seems to be analogous tothe sacrificial eating of the domestic animals, such as the camel, horse, ox and sheep, which is described above and in the article onKasai. Just as in the hunting stage the eating of the totem-animal, which furnished the chief means of subsistence, was the tie whichunited the totem-clan: and in the pastoral stage the domestic animalwhich afforded to the tribe its principal support, not usually asan article of food, but through its milk and its use as a means oftransport, was yet eaten sacrificially owing to the persistence of thebelief that the essential bond which united the tribe was the communaleating of the flesh of the animal from which the tribe obtained itssubsistence: so when the community reaches the agricultural stagethe old communal feast is retained as the bond of union, but it nowconsists of grain, which is the principal support of life. 

86. The corn-sprit. 

The totem-animal was regarded as a kinsman, and the domesticanimal often as a god. [210] But in both these cases the life ofthe kinsman and god was sacrificed in order that the communitymight be bound together by eating the body and assimilating thelife. Consequently, when grain came to be the sacrificial food, itwas often held that an animal or human being must be sacrificed inthe character of the corn-god or spirit, whether his own flesh waseaten or the sacred grain was imagined to be his flesh. Numerousinstances of the sacrifice of the corn-spirit have been adduced bySir J. G. Frazer in _The Golden Bough_, and it was he who broughtthis custom prominently to notice. One of the most important casesin India was the Meriah-sacrifice of the Khonds, which is describedin the article on that tribe. 

Two features of the Khond sacrifice of a human victim as a corn-spiritappear to indicate its derivation from the sacrifice of the domesticanimal and the eating of the totem-animal, the ties uniting the clanand tribe: first, that the flesh was cut from the living victim, and, second, that the sacrifice was communal. When the Meriah-victim wasbound the Khonds hacked at him with their knives while life remained, leaving only the head and bowels untouched, so that each man mightsecure a strip of flesh. This rite appears to recall the earliestperiod when the members of the primitive group or clan tore their preyto pieces and ate and drank the raw flesh and blood. The reason forits survival was apparently that it was the actual life of the divinevictim, existing in concrete form in the flesh and blood which theydesired to obtain, and they thought that this end was more certainlyachieved by cutting the flesh off him while he was still alive. Inthe sacrifice of the camel in Arabia the same procedure was followed;the camel was bound on an altar and the tribesmen cut the flesh fromthe body with their knives and swallowed it raw and bleeding. [211]M. Salomon Reinach shows how the memory of similar sacrifices in Greecehas been preserved in legend: [212] "Actaeon was really a great stagsacrificed by women devotees, who called themselves the great hindand the little hinds; he became the rash hunter who surprised Artemisat her bath and was transformed into a stag and devoured by his owndogs. The dogs are a euphemism; in the early legend they were thehuman devotees of the sacred stag who tore him to pieces and devouredhim with their bare teeth. These feasts of raw flesh survived in thesecret religious cults of Greece long after uncooked food had ceasedto be consumed in ordinary life. Orpheus (_ophreus, _ the haughty), who appears in art with the skin of a fox on his head, was originallya sacred fox devoured by the women of the fox totem-clan; these womencall themselves Bassarides in the legend, and _bassareus_ is oneof the old names of the fox. Hippolytus in the fable is the son ofTheseus who repels the advances of Phaedra, his stepmother, and waskilled by his runaway horses because Theseus, deceived by Phaedra, invoked the anger of a god upon him. But Hippolytus in Greek means'one torn to pieces by horses. ' Hippolytus is himself a horse whom theworshippers of the horse, calling themselves horses and disguised assuch, tore to pieces and devoured. " All such sacrifices in which theflesh was taken from the living victim may thus perhaps be derivedfrom the common origin of totemism. The second point about the Khondsacrifice is that it was communal; every householder desired a pieceof the flesh, and for those who could not be present at the sacrificerelays of messengers were posted to carry it to them while it wasstill fresh and might be supposed to retain the life. They did noteat the strips of flesh, but each householder buried his piece in hisfield, which they believed would thereby be fertilised and caused toproduce the grain which they would eat. The death of the victim wasconsidered essential to the life of the tribe, which would be renewedand strengthened by it as in the case of the sacrifice of the domesticanimal. Lord Avebury gives in _The Origin of Civilisation_ [213] analmost exact parallel to the Khond sacrifice in which the flesh of thevictim actually was eaten. This occurred among the Marimos, a tribe ofSouth Africa much resembling the Bechuanas. The ceremony was called'the boiling of the corn. ' A young man, stout but of small stature, was usually selected and secured by violence or by intoxicating himwith _yaala_. "They then lead him into the fields, and sacrifice him inthe fields, according to their own expression, _for seed_. His blood, after having been coagulated by the rays of the sun, is burned alongwith the frontal bone, the flesh attached to it and the brain. Theashes are then scattered over the fields to fertilise them and theremainder of the body is eaten. " In other cases quoted by the sameauthor an image only was made of flour and eaten instead of a humanbeing: [214] "In Mexico at a certain period of the year the priest ofQuetzalcoatl made an image of the Deity, of meal mixed with infants'blood, and then, after many impressive ceremonies, killed the imageby shooting it with an arrow, and tore out the heart, which was eatenby the king, while the rest of the body was distributed among thepeople, every one of whom was anxious to procure a piece to eat, however small. " Here the communal sacrificial meal, the remaininglink necessary to connect the sacrifice of the corn-spirit with thatof the domestic animal and clan totem, is present. Among cases ofanimals sacrificed as the corn-spirit in India that of the buffaloat the Dasahra festival is the most important. The rite extendsover most of India, and a full and interesting account of it hasrecently been published by Mr. W. Crooke. [215] The buffalo isprobably considered as the corn-spirit because it was the animalwhich mainly damaged the crops in past times. Where the sacrificestill survives the proprietor of the village usually makes the firstcut in the buffalo and it is then killed and eaten by the inferiorcastes, as Hindus cannot now touch the flesh. In the Deccan afterthe buffalo is killed the Mahars rush on the carcase and each onesecures a piece of the flesh. This done they go in procession roundthe walls, calling on the spirits and demons, and asking them toaccept the pieces of meat as offerings, which are then thrown to thembackwards over the wall. [216] The buffalo is now looked upon in thelight of a scape-goat, but the procedure described above cannot besatisfactorily explained on the scape-goat theory, and would appearclearly to have been substituted for the former eating of the flesh. Inthe Maratha Districts the lower castes have a periodical sacrifice ofa pig to the sun; they eat the flesh of the pig together, and eventhe Panwar Rajputs of the Waringanga Valley join in the sacrificeand will allow the impure caste of Mahars to enter their houses andeat of this sacrifice with them, though at other times the entry ofa Mahar would defile a Panwar's house. [217] The pig is sacrificedeither as the animal which now mainly injures the crops or becauseit was the principal sacrificial animal of the non-Aryan tribes, or from a combination of both reasons. Probably it may be regardedas the corn-spirit because pigs are sacrificed to Bhanisasur or thebuffalo demon for the protection of the crops. 

87. The king. 

When the community reached the national or agricultural stage somecentral executive authority became necessary for its preservation. Thisauthority usually fell into the hands of the priest who performedthe sacrifice, and he became a king. Since the priest killed thesacrificial animal in which the common life of the community washeld to be centred, it was thought that the life passed to him andcentred in his person. For the idea of the extinction of life was notproperly understood, and the life of a human being or animal mightpass by contact, according to primitive ideas, to the person or eventhe weapon which killed it, just as it could pass by assimilationto those who ate the flesh. In most of the city-states of Greeceand Italy the primary function of the kings was the performance ofthe communal or national sacrifices. Through this act they obtainedpolitical power as representing the common life of the people, andits performance was sometimes left to them after their politicalpower had been taken away. [218] After the expulsion of the kingsfrom Rome the duty of performing the city sacrifices devolved onthe consuls. In India also the kings performed sacrifices. When aking desired to be paramount over his neighbours he sent a horse tomarch through their territories. If it passed through them withoutbeing captured they became subordinate to the king who owned thehorse. Finally the horse was sacrificed at the Ashva-medha, theking paramount making the sacrifice, while the other kings performedsubordinate parts at it. [219] Similarly the Raja of Nagpur killedthe sacrificial buffalo at the Dasahra festival. But the common lifeof the people was sometimes conveyed from the domestic animal to theking by other methods than the performance of a sacrifice. The kingof Unyoro in Africa might never eat vegetable food but must subsiston milk and beef. Mutton he might not touch, though he could drinkbeer after partaking of meat. A sacred herd was kept for the king'suse, and nine cows, neither more nor less, were daily brought to theroyal enclosure to be milked for his majesty. The boy who broughtthe cows from the pasture to the royal enclosure must be a member ofa particular clan and under the age of puberty, and was subject toother restrictions. The milk for the king was drawn into a sacredpot which neither the milkman nor anybody else might touch. Theking drank the milk, sitting on a sacred stool, three times a day, and any which was left over must be drunk by the boy who brought thecows from pasture. Numerous other rules and restrictions are detailedby Sir J. G. Frazer, and it may be suggested that their object was toensure that the life of the domestic animal and with it the life ofthe people should be conveyed pure and undefiled to the king throughthe milk. The kings of Unyoro had to take their own lives while theirbodily vigour was still unimpaired. When the period for his deatharrived the king asked his wife for a cup of poison and drank it. "Thepublic announcement of the death was made by the chief milkman. Takinga pot of the sacred milk in his hands he mounted the house-top andcried, 'Who will drink the milk?' With these words he dashed the poton the roof; it rolled off and falling to the ground was broken inpieces. That was the signal for war to the death between the princeswho aspired to the throne. They fought till only one was left alive. Hewas the king. " [220] After completing the above account, of whichonly the principal points have been stated, Sir J. G. Frazer remarks:"The rule which obliged the kings of Unyoro to kill themselves or bekilled before their strength of mind and body began to fail throughdisease or age is only a particular example of a custom which appearsto have prevailed widely among barbarous tribes in Africa and to someextent elsewhere. Apparently this curious practice rests on a beliefthat the welfare of the people is sympathetically bound up with thewelfare of their king, and that to suffer him to fall into bodily ormental decay would be to involve the whole kingdom in ruin. " [221]Other instances connecting the life of the king with the ox or otherdomestic animal are given in _Totemism and Exogamy_ and _The GoldenBough_ [222] Among the Hereros the body of a dead chief was wrappedup in the hide of an ox before being buried. [223] In the Vedichorse-sacrifice in India the horse was stifled in robes. The chiefqueen approached him; a cloak having been thrown over them both, she performed a repulsively obscene act symbolising the transmissionto her of his fructifying powers. [224] In other cases the king wasidentified with the corn-spirit, and in this manner he also, it maybe suggested, represented the common life of the people. 

The belief that the king was the incarnation of the common life of thepeople led to the most absurd restrictions on his liberty and conduct, a few instances of which from the large collection in _The GoldenBough_ have been quoted in the article on Nai. Thus in an old accountof the daily life of the Mikado it is stated: "In ancient times hewas obliged to sit on the throne for some hours every morning, withthe imperial crown on his head, but to sit altogether like a statue, without stirring either hands or feet, head or eyes, nor indeed anypart of his body, because, by this means, it was thought that he couldpreserve peace and tranquillity in his empire; for if, unfortunately, he turned himself on one side or the other, or if he looked a goodwhile towards any part of his dominions, it was apprehended that war, famine, fire or some great misfortune was near at hand to desolatethe country. " [225] Here it would appear that by sitting absolutelyimmobile the king conferred the quality of tranquillity on the commonlife of his people incarnate in his person; but by looking too long inany one direction he would cause a severe disturbance of the commonlife in the part to which he looked. And when the Israelites werefighting with the Amalekites, so long as Moses held up his handsthe Israelites prevailed; but when his hands hung down they gaveway before the enemy. Here apparently the common life was held tobe centred in Moses, and when he held his arms up it was vigorous, but declined as he let them down. Similarly it was often thought thatthe king should be killed as soon as his bodily strength showed signsof waning, so that the common life might be renewed and saved from asimilar decay. Even the appearance of grey hair or the loss of a toothwere sometimes considered sufficient reasons for putting the kingto death in Africa. [226] Another view was that any one who killedthe king was entitled to succeed him, because the life of the king, and with it the common life of the people, passed to the slayer, just as it had previously passed from the domestic animal to thepriest-king who sacrificed it. One or two instances of succession bykilling the king are given in the article on Bhil. Sometimes the viewwas that the king should be sacrificed annually, or at other intervals, like the corn-spirit or domestic animal, for the renewal of the commonlife. And this practice, as shown by Sir J. G. Frazer, tended to resultin the substitution of a victim, usually a criminal or slave, who wasidentified with the king by being given royal honours for a short timebefore his death. Sometimes the king's son or daughter was offered asa substitute for him, and such a sacrifice was occasionally made intime of peril, apparently as a means of strengthening or preservingthe common life. When Chitor, the home of the Sesodia clan of Rajputs, was besieged by the Muhammadans, the tradition is that the goddessof their house appeared and demanded the sacrifice of twelve chiefsas a condition of its preservation. Eleven of the chiefs sons werein turn crowned as king, and each ruled for three days, while on thefourth he sallied out and fell in battle. Lastly, the Rana offeredhimself in order that his favourite son, Ajeysi, might be spared andmight perpetuate the clan. In reality the chief and his sons seemto have devoted themselves in the hope that the sacrifice of theking might bring strength and victory to the clan. The sacrifice ofIphigenia and possibly of Jephthah's daughter appear to be parallelinstances. The story of Alcestis may be an instance of the substitutionof the king's wife. The position of the king in early society and thepeculiar practices and beliefs attaching to it were brought to noticeand fully illustrated by Sir J. G. Frazer. The argument as to the clanand the veneration of the domestic animal follows that outlined bythe late Professor Robertson Smith in _The Religion of the Semites_. 

88. Other instances of the common meal as a sacrificial rite. 

Some other instances of the communal eating of grain or otherfood as a sacramental rite and bond of union have been given in thearticles. Thus at a Kabirpanthi Chauka or religious service the priestbreaks a cocoanut on a stone, and the flesh is cut up and distributedto the worshippers with betel-leaf and sugar. Each receives it on hisknees, taking the greatest care that none falls on the ground. Thecocoanut is commonly regarded by the Hindus as a substituted offeringfor a human head. The betel-leaves which are distributed have beenspecially consecrated by the head priest of the sect, and are heldto represent the body of Kabir. [227]

Similarly, Guru Govind Singh instituted a _prasad_ or communion amongthe Sikhs, in which cakes of flour, butter and sugar are made andconsecrated with certain ceremonies while the communicants sit round inprayer, and are then distributed equally to all the faithful present, to whatever caste they may belong. At a Guru-Mata or great council ofthe Sikhs, which was held at any great crisis in the affairs of thestate, these cakes were laid before the Sikh scriptures and then eatenby all present, who swore on the scriptures to forget their internaldissensions and be united. Among the Rajputs the test of legitimacyof a member of the chief's family was held to depend on whetherhe had eaten of the chief's food. The rice cooked at the temple ofJagannath in Orissa may be eaten there by all castes together, and, when partaken of by two men together, is held to establish a bond ofindissoluble friendship between them. 

Members of several low castes of mixed origin will only take foodwith their relatives, and not with other families of the caste withwhom they intermarry. [228] The Chaukhutia Bhunjias will not eat foodcooked by other members of the same community, and will not take itfrom their own daughters after the latter are married. At a feastamong the Dewars uncooked food is distributed to the guests, whocook it for themselves; parents will not accept cooked food eitherfrom married sons or daughters, and each family with its childrenforms a separate commensal group. Thus the taking of food togetheris a more important and sacred tie than intermarriage. In most Hinducastes a man is not put out of caste for committing adultery with awoman of low caste, but for taking cooked food from her hands; thoughit is assumed that if he lives with her openly he must necessarilyhave accepted cooked food from her. Opium and alcoholic liquor orwine, being venerated on account of their intoxicating qualities, were sometimes regarded as substitutes for the sacrificial food andpartaken of sacramentally. [229]

89. Funeral feasts. 

An important class of communal meals remaining for discussionconsists in the funeral feasts. The funeral feast seems a peculiarand unseasonable observance, but several circumstances point tothe conclusion that it was originally held in the dead man's owninterest. He or his spirit was indeed held to participate in thefeast, and it seems to have been further thought that unless he didso and ate the sacred food, his soul would not proceed to the heavenor god, but would wander about as an unquiet spirit or meet withsome other fate. Many of the lower Hindu castes, such as the Kohlisand Bishnois, take food after a funeral, seated by the side of thegrave. This custom is now considered somewhat derogatory, perhaps inconsequence of a truer realisation of the fact of death. At a Baigafuneral the mourners take one white and one black fowl to a stream andkill and eat them there, setting aside a portion for the dead man. TheGonds also take their food and drink liquor at the grave. The Loharsthink that the spirit of the dead man returns to join in the funeralfeast. Among the Telugu Koshtis the funeral party go to the graveon the fifth day, and after the priest has worshipped the image ofVishnu on the grave, the whole party take their food there. After aPanka funeral the mourners bathe and then break a cocoanut over thegrave and distribute it among themselves. On the tenth day they goagain and break a cocoanut, and each man buries a little piece of itin the earth over the grave. Among the Tameras, at the feast withwhich mourning is concluded, a leaf-plate containing a portion forthe deceased is placed outside the house with a pot of water and aburning lamp to guide his spirit to the food. On the third day afterdeath the Kolhatis sometimes bring back the skull of a corpse and, placing it on the bed, offer to it powder, dates and betel-leaves, andafter a feast lasting for three days it is again buried. It is saidthat the members of the Lingayat sect formerly set up the corpse intheir midst at the funeral feast and sat round it, taking their food, but the custom is not known to exist at present. Among the Bangalas, an African negro tribe, at a great funeral feast lasting for threedays in honour of the chief's son, the corpse was present at thefestivities tied in a chair. [230]

90. The Hindu deities and the sacrificial meal. 

Thus there seems reason to suppose that the caste-tie of the Hindus isthe same as that which united the members of the city-states of Greeceand Italy, that is the eating of a sacramental food together. Amongthe Vedic Aryans that country only was considered pure and fit forsacrifice in which the Aryan gods had taken up their residence. [231]Hindustan was made a pure country in which Aryans could offersacrifices by the fact that Agni, the sacrificial god of fire, spreadhimself over it. But the gods have changed. The old Vedic deitiesIndra, the rain-god, Varuna, the heaven-god, the Maruts or winds, and Soma, the divine liquor, have fallen into neglect. These were theprincipal forces which controlled the existence of a nomad pastoralpeople, dependent on rain to make the grass grow for their herds, and guiding their course by the sun and stars. The Soma or liquorapparently had a warming, exhilarating effect in the cold climateof the Central Asian steppes, and was therefore venerated. Since inthe hot plains of India abstinence from alcoholic liquor has becomea principal religious tenet of high-caste Hindus, Soma is naturallyno more heard of. Agni, the fire-god, was also one of the greatestdeities to the nomads of the cold uplands, as the preserver of lifeagainst cold. But in India, except as represented by the hearth, for cooking, little regard is paid to him, since fires are notrequired for warmth. New gods have arisen in Hinduism. The sun wasan important Vedic deity, both as Mitra and under other names. Vishnuas the sun, or the spirit of whom the sun is the visible embodiment, has become the most important deity in his capacity of the universalgiver and preserver of life. He is also widely venerated in hisanthropomorphic forms of Rama, the hero-prince of Ajodhia and leaderof the Aryan expedition to Ceylon, and Krishna, the divine cowherd, perhaps some fabled hero sprung from the indigenous tribes. Sivais the mountain-god of the Himalayas and a moon-deity, and in hischaracter of god of destruction the lightning and cobra are associatedwith him. But he is really worshipped in his beneficent form of thephallic emblem as the agent of life, and the bull, the fertiliserof the soil and provider of food. Devi, the earth, is the greatmother goddess. Sprung from her are Hanuman, the monkey-god, andGanpati, the elephant-god, and in one of her forms, as the terriblegoddess Kali, she is perhaps the deified tiger. [232] Lachmi, thegoddess of wealth, and held to have been evolved from the cow, isthe consort of Vishnu. It was thus not the god to whom the sacrificewas offered, but the sacrifice itself that was the essential thing, and participation in the common eating of the sacrifice constitutedthe bond of union. In early times a sacrifice was the occasion forevery important gathering or festivity, as is shown both in Indianhistory and legend. And the caste feasts above described seem to bethe continuation and modern form of the ancient sacrifice. 

91. Development of the occupational caste from the tribe. 

The Roman population, as already seen, consisted of a set of clansor _gentes_. The clans were collected in tribal groups such as the_curia_, but it does not appear that these latter were endogamous. Therite which constituted a Roman citizen was participation in theSuovetaurilia, the communal sacrifice of the domestic animals, the pig, the ram, and the bull. Since all the Roman citizens at first livedin a comparatively small area, they were all able to be present atthe sacrifice. The other states of Greece and Italy had an analogousconstitution, as stated by M. Fustel de Coulanges. It may be supposedthat the Aryans were similarly divided into clans and tribes. Theword _visha, _ the substantive root of Vaishya, originally meanta clan. [233] But as pointed out by M. Senart, they did not formcity-states in India, but settled in villages over a large area ofcountry. Their method of government was by small states under kings, and probably they had a kind of national constitution, of which theking was the centre and embodiment. But these states gradually losttheir individuality, and were merged in large empires, where the kingcould no longer be the centre of the state or of the common lifeof his people, nor perform a sacrifice at which they could all bepresent, as the Roman kings did. This religious idea of nationality, based on participation in a common sacrifice, was the only one whichexisted in early times. Thus apparently the Aryans retained theirtribal constitution instead of expanding it into a national one, and the members of clans within a certain local area gathered for acommunal sacrifice. But there was a great class, that of the Sudrasor indigenous inhabitants, who could not join in the sacrifices atall. And between the Sudras and the Vaishyas or main body of theAryans there gradually grew up another mixed class, which also couldnot properly participate in them. The priests and rulers, Brahmansand Kshatriyas, tended to form exclusive bodies, and in this manner aclassification by occupation gradually grew up, the distinction beingmarked by participation in separate sacrificial feasts. The causewhich ultimately broke down the religious distinctions of the Romanand Greek states was the development of a feeling of nationality. Inthe common struggle for the preservation of the city the prejudicesof the patricians weakened, and after a long internal conflict, theplebeians were admitted to full rights of citizenship. The plebeianswere employed as infantry in the Roman armies, while the patriciansrode, and the increased importance of infantry in war was one greatcause of the improvement in the position of the plebeians. [234] InIndia, in the absence of any national feeling, and with the growth ofa large and powerful priestly order, religious barriers and prejudicesbecame accentuated rather than weakened. The class distinctions grewmore rigid, and gradually, as the original racial line of cleavage wasfused by intermarriage and the production of groups of varying status, these came to arrange themselves on a basis of occupation. This isthe inevitable and necessary rule in all societies whose activitiesand mode of life are at all complicated. Racial distinctions cannotbe preserved unless in the most exceptional cases, where they areaccentuated by the difference of colour, and such a moral and socialgulf as that which exists between the whites and negroes in NorthAmerica. In primitive society there is no such mental cleavage torender the idea of fusion abhorrent to the superior race; the bar isreligious, and while it places the inferior race in a despised andabject position, there is no prohibition of illicit unions nor anysuch moral feeling or principle as would tend to restrict them. Theideas of the responsibilities and duties of parentage in connectionwith heredity, or the science of eugenics, are entirely modern, andhave no place at all in ancient society. As racial and religiousdistinctions fade away, and social progress takes place, a freshset of divisions by wealth and occupation grows up. But though thishappened also in the Greek and Italian cities, the old religiousdivisions were not transferred to the new occupational groups, butfell slowly into abeyance, and the latter assumed the simply socialcharacter which they have in modern communities. The main reasonfor the obliteration of religious barriers, as already stated, wasthe growth of the idea of nationality and the public interest. Butin India the feeling of nationality never arose. The Hindu statesand empires had no national basis, since at the period in questionthe only way in which the idea of nationality could be conceived, was by participation of the citizens in a common sacrifice, and thisparticipation is only possible to persons living in a small localarea. Hence Hindu society developed on its own lines independentlyof the form of government to which it was subject, and in the newgrouping by occupation the old communal sacrifices were preservedand adapted to the fresh divisions. The result was the growth ofthe system of occupational castes which still exists. But sincethe basis of society was the participation of each social group ina communal meal, the group could not be extended to take in personsof the same occupation over a large area, and as a result the widelyramified system of subcastes came into existence. The subcaste orcommensal group was the direct evolutionary product of the pre-existingtribe. Its size was limited by the fact that its members had to meetat the periodical sacrificial feasts, by which their unity and thetie which bound them together was cemented and renewed. As alreadyseen, when members of a subcaste migrated to a fresh local area, and were cut off from communication with those remaining behind, they tended as a rule to form a fresh endogamous and commensalgroup. Since the tie between the members of the subcaste wasparticipation in a sacrificial meal of grain cooked with water, andas this food was held to be sacred, the members of the subcaste cameto refuse to eat it except with those who could join in the communalfeast; and as the idea gradually gained acceptance, that a legitimatechild must be the offspring of a father and mother both belongingto the commensal group, the practice of endogamy within the subcastebecame a rule. 

92. Veneration of the caste implements. 

Since all the citizens of the Roman State participated in acommon sacrifice, they might be considered as a single caste, or even a subcaste or commensal group. The Hindu castes have acommon ceremony which presents some analogy to that of the Romanstate. They worship or pay homage once or twice a year to theimplements of their profession. The occasions for this rite areusually the Dasahra festival in September and the fast after the Holifestival in March. Both these are festivals of the goddess Devi orMother Earth, when a fast is observed in her honour, first beforesowing the spring crops and secondly before reaping them. On eachoccasion the fast lasts for nine days and the Jawaras or pots ofwheat corresponding to the Gardens of Adonis are sown. The fasts andfestivals thus belong primarily to the agricultural castes, and theyworship the earth-mother, who provides them with subsistence. But theprofessional and artisan castes also take the occasion to venerate theimplements of their profession. Thus among the Kasars or brass-workers, at the festival of Mando Amawas or the new moon of Chait (March), every Kasar must return to the community of which he is a memberand celebrate the feast with them. And in default of this he willbe expelled from the caste until the next Amawas of Chait comesround. They close their shops and worship the implements of theirprofession on this day. The rule is thus the same as that of the RomanSuovetaurilia. He who does not join in the sacrificial feast ceases tobe a member of the community. And the object of veneration is the same;the Romans venerated and sacrificed the domestic animals which in thepastoral stage had been their means of subsistence. The Kasars andother occupational castes worship the implements of their professionwhich are also their means of livelihood, or that which gives themlife. Formerly all these implements were held to be animate, and toproduce their effect by their own power and volition. The Nats oracrobats of Bombay say that their favourite and only living godsare those which give them their bread: the drum, the rope and thebalancing-pole. The Murha or earth-digger invokes the implements of histrade as follows: "O, my lord the basket, my lord the pickaxe shapedlike a snake, and my lady the hod! Come and eat up those who do notpay me for my work!" Similarly the Dhimar venerates his fishing-net, and will not wear shoes of sewn leather, because he thinks that thesacred thread which makes his net is debased if used for shoes. TheChamar worships his currier's knife; the Ghasia or groom his horse andthe peg to which the horse is secured in the stable; the Rajput hishorse and sword and shield; the writer his inkpot, and so on. The Polafestival of the Kunbis has a feature resembling the Suovetaurilia. Onthis occasion all the plough-bullocks of the cultivators are musteredand go in procession to a _toran_ or arch constructed of branchesand foliage. The bullock of the village proprietor leads the way, and has flaming torches tied to his horns. The bullocks of the othercultivators follow according to the status of each cultivator inthe village, which depends upon hereditary right and antiquity oftenure, and not on mere wealth. A Kunbi feels bitterly insulted ifhis bullocks are not awarded the proper place in the procession. Astring across the arch is broken by the leading bullock, and thecattle are then all driven helter-skelter through the arch and backto the village. The rite would appear to be a relic of the communalsacrifice of a bullock, the torches tied to the proprietor's bullocksignifying that he was formerly killed and roasted. It is now saidthat this bullock is full of magic, and that he will die withinthree years. The rite may be compared to the needfire as practisedin Russia when all the horses of the village were driven between twofires, or through fire, and their bridles thrown into the fire andburnt. The burning of the bridles would appear to be a substitutefor the previous sacrifice of the horse. [235] The Pola ceremony ofthe Kunbis resembles the Roman Suovetaurilia inasmuch as all thecultivators participate in it according to their status, just asthe rank of Roman citizens was determined by their position at theceremony. Formerly, if a bull was sacrificed and eaten sacramentallyit would have been practically an exact parallel to the Roman rite. 

93. The caste _panchayat_ and its code of offences. 

The tribunal for the punishment of caste offences is known as the_panchayat_, because it usually consists of five persons (_panch_, five). As a rule a separate _panchayat_ exists for every subcaste overan area not too large for all the members of it to meet. In theory, however, the _panchayat_ is only the mouthpiece of the assembly, which should consist of all the members of the subcaste. Some castesfine a member who absents himself from the meeting. The _panchayat_may perhaps be supposed to represent the hand acting on behalf ofthe subcaste, which is considered the body. The _panchayat_, however, was not the original judge. It was at first the god before whom theparties pleaded their cause, and the god who gave judgment by themethod of trial by ordeal. This was probably the general characterof primitive justice, and in some of the lower castes the ordeal isstill resorted to for decisions. The tribe or subcaste attended asjurors or assessors, and carried out the proceedings, perhaps afterhaving united themselves to the god for the purpose by a sacrificialmeal. The _panchayat_, having succeeded the god as the judge, isheld to give its decisions by divine inspiration, according to thesayings: 'God is on high and the _panch_ on earth, ' and 'The voiceof the _panchayat_ is the voice of God. ' [236] The headship of the_panchayat_ and the subcaste commonly descends in one family, or didso till recently, and the utmost deference is shown to the personholding it, even though he may be only a boy for the above reason. Theoffences involving temporary or permanent excommunication from casteare of a somewhat peculiar kind. In the case of both a man and woman, to take food from a person of a caste from whom it is forbidden todo so, and especially from one of an impure caste, is a very seriousoffence, as is also that of being beaten by a member of an impurecaste, especially with a shoe. It is also a serious offence to besent to jail, because a man has to eat the impure jail food. To behandcuffed is a minor offence, perhaps by analogy with the major oneof being sent to jail, or else on account of the indignity involvedby the touch of the police. As regards sexual offences, there is nodirect punishment for a man as a rule, but if he lives with a low-castewoman he is temporarily expelled because it is assumed that he hastaken food from her hands. Sometimes a man and woman of the castecommitting adultery together are both punished. A married woman whocommits adultery should in the higher and middle castes, in theoryat least, be permanently expelled, but if her husband does not puther away she is sometimes readmitted with a severe punishment. A girlgoing wrong with an outsider is as a rule expelled unless the mattercan be hushed up, but if she becomes pregnant by a man of the caste, she can often be readmitted with a penalty and married to him or tosome other man. There are also some religious crimes, such as killinga cow or a cat or other sacred domestic animal; and in the case ofa woman it is a very serious offence to get the lobe of her ear tornapart at the large perforation usually made for earrings; [237] whilefor either a man or a woman to get vermin in a wound is an offence ofthe first magnitude, entailing several months' exclusion and largeexpenditure on readmission. Offences against ordinary morality arescarcely found in the category of those entailing punishment. Murdermust sometimes be expiated by a pilgrimage to the Ganges, but othercriminal offences against the person and property are not takencognisance of by the caste committee unless the offender is sentto jail. Both in its negative and positive aspects the categoryof offences affords interesting deductions on the basis of theexplanation of the caste system already given. The reason why thereis scarcely any punishment for offences against ordinary morality isthat the caste organisation has never developed any responsibilityfor the maintenance of social order and the protection of life andproperty. It has never exercised the function of government, becausein the historical Hindu period India was divided into large militarystates, while since then it has been subject to foreign domination. Thesocial organisation has thus maintained its pristine form, neitherinfluenced by the government nor affording to it any co-operation orsupport. And the aims of the caste tribunal have been restricted topreserving its own corporate existence free from injury or pollution, which might arise mainly from two sources. If a member's body wasrendered impure either by eating impure food or by contact with aperson of impure caste it became an unfit receptacle for the sacredfood eaten at the caste feast, which bound its members together inone body. This appears to be the object of the rules about food. Andsince the blood of the clan and of the caste is communicated by descentthrough the father under the patriarchal system, adultery on the partof a married woman would bring a stranger into the group and undermineits corporate existence and unity. Hence the severity of the punishmentfor the adultery of a married woman, which is a special feature ofthe patriarchal system. It has already been seen that under the ruleof female descent, as shown by Mr. Hartland in _Primitive Paternity_, the chastity of women was as a rule scarcely regarded at all or evenconceived of. After the change to the patriarchal system a similarlaxity seems to have prevailed for some period, and it was thoughtthat any child born to a man in his house or on his bed was his own, even though he might not be the father. This idea obtained among theArabs, as pointed out by Professor Robertson Smith in _Kinship andMarriage in Early Arabia_, and is also found in the Hindu classics, and to some extent even in modern practice. It was perhaps based onthe virtue assigned to concrete facts; just as the Hindus think that agirl is properly married by going through the ceremony with an arrowor a flower, and that the fact of two children being suckled by thesame woman, though she is not their mother, establishes a tie akinto consanguinity between them, so they might have thought that thefact of a boy being born in a man's house constituted him the man'sson. Subsequently, however, the view came to be held that the clanblood was communicated directly through the father, to whom the lifeof the child was solely assigned in the early patriarchal period. Andthe chastity of married women then became of vital importance to thecommunity, because the lack of it would cause strangers to be borninto the clan, which now based its tie of kinship on descent froma common male ancestor. Thus the adultery of women became a crimewhich would undermine the foundations of society and the state, and as such was sometimes punished with death among communitiesin the early patriarchal stage. It is this view, and not simplymoral principle, which has led to the severe caste penalties for theoffence. Some of the primitive tribes care nothing about the chastityof unmarried girls, but punish unfaithful wives rigorously. Among theMaria Gonds a man will murder his wife for infidelity, but girls arecommonly unchaste. Another rule sometimes found is that an unmarriedgirl becoming with child by an outsider is put out of caste for thetime. When her child, which does not belong to the caste, has beenborn, she must make it over to some outside family, and she herselfcan then be readmitted to the community. Out of the view of adulteryas a religious and social offence, a moral regard for chastity ishowever developing among the Hindus as it has in other societies. 

94. The status of impurity. 

It has been seen that the Sudras as well as the plebeians were regardedas impure, and the reason was perhaps that they were considered tobelong to a hostile god. By their participation in the sacrificeand partaking of the sacrificial food, the Indian Aryans and otherraces considered that they were not only in fellowship with, butactually a part of the god. And similarly their enemies were partof the substance of a hostile god, whose very existence and contactwere abhorrent to their own. Hence their enemies should as far aspossible be completely exterminated, but when this was impossiblethey must dwell apart and not pollute by contact of their persons, or in any other way, the sacred soil on which the gods dwelt, northe persons of those who became part of the substance of the god byparticipation in the sacrificial meal. For this reason the plebeianshad to live outside the Roman city, which was all sacred ground, andthe Sudras and modern impure castes have to live outside the village, which is similarly sacred as the abode of the earth-goddess in herform of the goddess of the land of that village. For the same reasontheir contact had to be avoided by those who belonged to the villageand were united to the goddess by partaking of the crops which shebrought forth on her land. As already seen, the belief existed that thelife and qualities could be communicated by contact, and in this casethe worshippers would assimilate by contact the life of a god hostileto their own. In the same manner, as shown by M. Salomon Reinach in_Cults, Myths and Religions_, all the weapons, clothes and materialpossessions of the enemy were considered as impure, perhaps becausethey also contained part of the life of a hostile god. As already seen, [238] a man's clothing and weapons were considered to contain partof his life by contact, and since the man was united to the god bypartaking of the sacrificial feast, all the possessions of the enemymight be held to participate in the life of the hostile god, and hencethey could not be preserved, nor taken by the victors into their ownhouses or dwellings. This was the offence which Achan committed whenhe hid in his tent part of the spoils of Jericho; and in consequenceJehovah ceased to be with the children of Israel when they went upagainst Ai, that is ceased to be in them, and they could not standbefore the enemy. Achan and his family were stoned and his propertydestroyed by fire and the impurity was removed. For the same reason theancient Gauls and Germans destroyed all the spoils of war or burnedthem, or buried them in lakes where they are still found. At a laterstage the Romans, instead of destroying the spoils of war, dedicatedthem to their own gods, perhaps as a visible sign of the conquest andsubjection of the enemy's gods; and they were hung in temples or onoak-trees, where they could not be touched except in the very direstneed, as when Rome was left without arms after Cannae. Subsequentlythe spoils were permitted to decorate the houses of the victoriousgenerals, where they remained sacred and inviolable heirlooms. [239]

95. Caste and Hinduism. 

In _The Religions of India_ M. Barth defined a Hindu as a manwho has a caste: 'The man who is a member of a caste is a Hindu;he who is not, is not a Hindu. ' His definition remains perhaps thebest. There is practically no dogma which is essential to Hinduism, nor is the veneration of any deity or sacred object either necessaryor heretical. As has often been pointed out, there is no assembly morecatholic or less exclusive than the Hindu pantheon. Another writerhas said that the three essentials of a Hindu are to be a memberof a caste, to venerate Brahmans, and to hold the cow sacred. Ofthe latter two, the veneration of Brahmans cannot be consideredindispensable; for there are several sects, as the Lingayats, theBishnois, the Manbhaos, the Kabirpanthis and others, who expresslydisclaim any veneration for Brahmans, and, in theory at least, makeno use of their services; and yet the members of these sects areby common consent acknowledged as Hindus. The sanctity of the bulland cow is a more nearly universal dogma, and extends practicallyto all Hindus, except the impure castes. These latter should notcorrectly be classed as Hindus; the very origin of their status is, as has been seen, the belief that they are the worshippers of godshostile to Hinduism. But still they must now practically be accountedas Hindus. They worship the Hindu gods, standing at a distance whenthey are not allowed to enter the temples, perform their ceremoniesby Hindu rites, and employ Brahmans for fixing auspicious days, writing the marriage invitation and other business, which the Brahmanis willing to do for a consideration, so long as he does not have toenter their houses. Some of the impure castes eat beef, while othershave abandoned it in order to improve their social position. At theother end of the scale are many well-educated Hindu gentlemen whohave no objection to eat beef and may often have done so in England, though in India they may abstain out of deference to the prejudicesof their relatives, especially the women. And Hindus of all castesare beginning to sell worn-out cattle to the butchers for slaughterwithout scruple--an offence which fifty years ago would have entailedpermanent expulsion from caste. The reverence for the cow is thus notan absolutely essential dogma of Hinduism, though it is the nearestapproach to one. As a definition or test of Hinduism it is, however, obviously inadequate. Caste, on the other hand, regulates the whole ofa Hindu's life, his social position and, usually, his occupation. Itis the only tribunal which punishes religious and social offences, and when a man is out of caste he has, for so long as this conditioncontinues, no place in Hinduism. Theoretically he cannot eat with anyother Hindu nor marry his child to any Hindu. If he dies out of castethe caste-men will not bury or burn his body, which is regarded asimpure. The binding tie of caste is, according to the argument givenabove, the communal meal or feast of grain cooked with water, and this, it would therefore seem, may correctly be termed the chief religiousfunction of Hinduism. Caste also obtains among the Jains and Sikhs, but Sikhism is really little more than a Hindu sect, while the Jains, who are nearly all Banias, scarcely differ from Vaishnava Hindu Banias, and have accepted caste, though it is not in accordance with the realtenets of their religion. The lower industrial classes of Muhammadanshave also formed castes in imitation of the Hindus. Many of theseare however the descendants of converted Hindus, and nearly all ofthem have a number of Hindu practices. 

96. The Hindu reformers. 

There have not been wanting reformers in Hinduism, and the ultimateobject of their preaching seems to have been the abolition of thecaste system. The totem-clans, perhaps, supposed that each speciesof animals and plants which they distinguished had a differentkind of life, the qualities of each species being considered aspart of its life. This belief may have been the original basis ofthe idea of difference of blood arising from nobility of lineageor descent, and it may also have been that from which the theory ofcaste distinctions was derived. Though the sacrificial food of eachcaste is the same, yet its members may have held themselves to bepartaking of a different sacrificial feast and absorbing a differentlife; just as the sacrificial feasts and the gods of the differentGreek and Latin city-states were held to be distinct and hostile, and a citizen of one state could not join in the sacrificial feastof another, though the gods and sacrificial animals might be as amatter of fact the same. And the earth-goddess of each village was aseparate form or part of the goddess, so that her land should only betilled by the descendants of the cultivators who were in communionwith her. The severe caste penalties attached to getting vermin ina wound, involving a long period of complete ostracism and the mostelaborate ceremonies of purification, may perhaps be explained by theidea that the man so afflicted has in his body an alien and hostilelife which is incompatible with his forming part of the common lifeof the caste or subcaste. The leading feature of the doctrines ofthe Hindu reformers has been that there is only one kind of life, which extends through the whole of creation and is all equallyprecious. Everything that lives has a spark of the divine life andhence should not be destroyed. The belief did not extend to vegetablelife, perhaps because the true nature of the latter was by thenpartly realised, while if the consumption of vegetable life had beenprohibited the sect could not have existed. The above doctrine willbe recognised as a comparatively simple and natural expansion of thebeliefs that animals have self-conscious volitional life and that eachspecies of animals consists of one common life distributed through itsmembers. If the true nature of individual animals and plants had beenrecognised from the beginning, it is difficult to see how the idea ofone universal life running through them all could have been conceivedand have obtained so large a degree of acceptance. As the effect ofsuch a doctrine was that all men were of the same blood and life, its necessary consequence was the negation of caste distinctions. Thetransmigration of souls followed as a moral rule apportioning rewardand punishment for the actions of men. The soul passed through a cycleof lives, and the location or body of its next life, whether an animalof varying importance or meanness, or a human being in differentclasses of society, was determined by its good or evil actions inprevious lives. Finally, those souls which had been purified of allthe gross qualities appertaining to the body were released from thecycle of existence and reabsorbed into the divine centre or focus oflife. In the case of the Buddhists and Jains the divine centre of lifeseems to have been conceived of impersonally. The leading authoritieson Buddhism state that its founder's doctrine was pure atheism, but onemay suggest that the view seems somewhat improbable in the case of areligion promulgated at so early a period. And on such a hypothesis itis difficult to understand either the stress laid on the escape fromlife as the highest aim or the sanctity held to attach to all kindsof animal life. But these doctrines follow naturally on the beliefin a divine centre or focus of life from which all life emanatesfor a time, to be ultimately reabsorbed. The Vaishnava reformers, who arose subsequently, took the sun or the spirit of the sun as thedivine source of all life. They also preached the sanctity of animallife, the transmigration of souls, and the final absorption of thepurified soul into the divine centre of life. The abolition of castewas generally a leading feature of their doctrine and may have beenits principal social aim. The survival of the individual soul was nota tenet of the earlier reformers, though the later ones adopted it, perhaps in response to the growing perception of individuality. Buteven now it is doubtful how far the separate existence of theindividual soul after it has finally left the world is a religiousdogma of the Hindus. The basis of Hindu asceticism is the necessityof completely freeing the soul or spirit from all the appetites andpassions of the body before it can be reabsorbed into the god. Thosewho have so mortified the body that the life merely subsists in it, almost unwillingly as it were, and absolutely unaffected by humandesires or affections or worldly events, have rendered their individualspark of life capable of being at once absorbed into the divine lifeand equal in merit to it, while still on earth. Thus Hindu asceticsin the last or perfect stage say, 'I am God, ' or 'I am Siva, ' and arerevered by their disciples and the people as divine. Both the Buddhistsand Jains lay the same stress on the value of asceticism as enablingthe soul to attain perfection through complete detachment from theappetites and passions of the body and the cares of the world; andthe deduction therefore seems warranted that the end of the perfectsoul would be a similar reabsorption in the divine soul. 

97. Decline of the caste system. 

The caste system has maintained its vigour unimpaired either bythe political vicissitudes and foreign invasions of India or byMuhammadan persecution. Except where it has been affected by Europeaneducation and inventions, Hindu society preserved until recentlya remarkably close resemblance to that of ancient Greece and Romein the classical period. But several signs point to the conclusionthat the decay of caste as the governing factor of Indian society isin sight. The freedom in selection of occupation which now obtainsappears to strike at the root of the caste system, because the relativesocial status and gradation of castes is based on their traditionaloccupations. When in a large number of the principal castes themajority of the members have abandoned their traditional occupationand taken freely to others, the relative status of castes becomes afiction, which, though it has hitherto subsisted, cannot apparently beindefinitely maintained. The great extension of education undertaken byGovernment and warmly advocated by the best Indian opinion exercisesan analogous influence. Education is free to all, and, similarly, in the careers which it opens to the most successful boys there isno account of caste. Thus members of quite low castes obtain a goodsocial position and, as regards them personally, the prejudices andcontempt for their caste necessarily fall into abeyance. The processmust, probably, in time extend to general social toleration. Theeducated classes are also coming to regard the restrictions on foodand drink, and on eating and drinking with others, as an irksome andunnecessary bar to social intercourse, and are gradually abandoningthem. This tendency is greatly strengthened by the example and socialcontact of Europeans. Finally, the facilities for travelling and thedemocratic nature of modern travel have a very powerful effect. Thegreat majority of Hindus of all castes are obliged by their comparativepoverty to avail themselves of the cheap third-class fares, and haveto rub shoulders together in packed railway carriages. Soon theybegin to realise that this does them no harm, and get accustomedto it, with the result that the prejudices about bodily contacttend to disappear. The opinion has been given that the decline ofsocial exclusiveness in England was largely due to the introductionof railway travelling. Taking account of all these influences, andassuming their continuance, the inference may safely be drawn thatthe life of the Indian caste system is limited, though no attemptcan be made to estimate the degree of its vitality, nor to predictthe form and constitution of the society which will arise on its decay. 

ARTICLES ON RELIGIONS AND SECTS

Arya Samaj

[_Bibliography_: Sir E. D. Maclagan's _Punjab Census Report of 1891_;Mr. R. Burn's _United Provinces Census Report of 1901_; ProfessorJ. C. Oman's _Cults, Customs and Superstitions of India_. ]

List of Paragraphs

 1. _The founder of the sect, Dayanand Saraswati_. 2. _His methods and the scientific interpretation of the Vedas_. 3. _Tenets of the Samaj_. 4. _Modernising tendencies_. 5. _Aims and educational institutions_. 6. _Prospects of the sect_. 

1. The founder of the sect, Dayanand Saraswati. 

_Arya Samaj Religion_. --This important reforming sect of Hinduismnumbered nearly 250, 000 persons in India in 1911, as against 92, 000 in1901. Its adherents belong principally to the Punjab and the UnitedProvinces. In the Central Provinces 974 members were returned. Thesect was founded by Pandit Dayanand Saraswati, a Gujarati Brahman, born in 1824. According to his own narrative he had been carefullyinstructed in the Vedas, which means that he had been made to commit agreat portion of them to memory, and had been initiated at an earlyage into the Saiva sect to which his family belonged; but whilestill a mere boy his mind had revolted against the practices ofidolatry. He could not bring himself to acknowledge that the imageof Siva seated on his bull, the helpless idol, which, as he himselfobserved in the watches of the night, allowed the mice to run over itwith impunity, ought to be worshipped as the omnipotent deity. [240]He also conceived an intense aversion to marriage, and fled from homein order to avoid the match which had been arranged for him. He wasattracted by the practice of Yoga, or ascetic philosophy, and studiedit with great ardour, claiming to have been initiated into the highestsecrets of _Yoga Vidya_. He tells in one of his books of his manyand extensive travels, his profound researches in Sanskritic lore, his constant meditations and his ceaseless inquirings. He tells how, by dissecting in his own rough way a corpse which he found floatingon a river, he finally discerned the egregious errors of the Hindumedical treatises, and, tearing up his books in disgust, flungthem into the river with the mutilated corpse. By degrees he foundreason to reject the authority of all the sacred books of the Hindussubsequent to the Vedas. Once convinced of this, he braced himselfto a wonderful course of missionary effort, in which he formulatedhis new system and attacked the existing orthodox Hinduism. [241]He maintained that the Vedas gave no countenance to idolatry, butinculcated monotheism, and that their contents could be reconciledwith all the results of modern science, which indeed he held to beindicated in them. The Arya Samaj was founded in Lahore in 1877, and during the remainder of his life Dayanand travelled over northernIndia continually preaching and disputing with the advocates of otherreligions, and founding branches of his sect. In 1883 he died at Ajmer, according to the story of his followers, from the effects of poisonadministered to him at the instigation of a prostitute against whoseprofession he had been lecturing. [242]

2. His methods and the scientific interpretation of the Vedas. 

Dayanand's attempt to found a sect which, while not going entirelyoutside Hinduism, should prove acceptable to educated Hindus desiringa purer faith, appears to have been distinctly successful. The leadersof the Brahmo Samaj were men of higher intelligence and ability thanhe, and after scrupulously fair and impartial inquiry were led todeny the infallibility of the Vedas, while they also declined torecognise caste. But by so doing they rendered it impossible for aman to become a Brahmo and remain a Hindu, and their movement hasmade little headway. By retaining the tenet of the divine authorityof the Vedas, Dayanand made it possible for educated Hindus to joinhis sect without absolutely cutting themselves adrift from their oldfaith. But Dayanand's contention that the Vedas should be figurativelyinterpreted, and are so found to foreshadow the discoveries of modernscience, will naturally not bear examination. The following instancesof the method are given by Professor Oman: "At one of the anniversarymeetings of the society a member gravely stated that the Vedasmentioned _pure_ fire, and as pure fire was nothing but electricity, it was evident that the Indians of the Vedic period were acquaintedwith electricity. A leading member of the sect, who had studiedscience in the Government college, discovered in two Vedic texts, made up of _only eighteen words in all_, that oxygen and hydrogenwith their characteristic properties were known to the writers of theRig Veda, who were also acquainted with the composition of water, the constitution of the atmosphere, and had anticipated the modernkinetic theory of gases. " [243] Mr. Burn gives the following parallelversions of a verse of the Rig Veda by Professor Max Müller and thelate Pandit Guru Datt, M. A. , of the Arya Samaj:

_Professor Max Müller_. --"May Mitra, Varuna, Aryaman, Ayu, Indra, the Lord of the Ribhus, and the Maruts not rebuke us because we shallproclaim at the sacrifice the virtues of the swift horse sprung fromthe Gods. "

_Pandit Guru Datt_. --"We shall describe the power-generating virtues ofthe energetic horses endowed with brilliant properties (or the virtuesof the vigorous force of heat) which learned or scientific men canevoke to work for purposes of appliances. Let not philanthropists, noble men, judges, learned men, rulers, wise men and practicalmechanics ever disregard these properties. " In fact, the learnedPandit has interpreted horse as horse-power. 

3. Tenets of the Samaj. 

Nevertheless the Arya Samaj does furnish a haven for educated Hinduswho can no longer credit Hindu mythology, but do not wish entirelyto break away from their religion; a step which, involving also theabandonment of caste, would in their case mean the cessation to aconsiderable extent of social and family intercourse. The presenttenets and position of the Arya Samaj as given to Professor Omanby Lala Lajpat Rai [244] indicate that, while tending towards thecomplete removal of the over-swollen body of Hindu ritual and theobstacles to social progress involved in the narrow restrictions ofthe caste system, the sect at present permits a compromise and doesnot require of its proselytes a full abjuration. In theory membersof any religion may be admitted to the Samaj, and a few Muhammadanshave been initiated, but unless they renounce Islam do not usuallyparticipate in social intercourse. Sikhs are freely admitted, andconverts from any religion who accept the purified Hinduism of theSamaj are welcome. Such converts go through a simple ceremony ofpurification, for which a Brahman is usually engaged, though notrequired by rule. Those who, as Hindus, wore the sacred thread areagain invested with it, and it has also been conferred on converts, but this has excited opposition. A few marriages between members ofdifferent subcastes have been carried out, and in the case of orphangirls adopted into the Samaj caste, rules have been set aside and theyhave been married to members of other castes. Lavish expenditure onweddings is discouraged. Vishnu and Siva are accepted as alternativenames of the one God; but their reputed consorts Kali, Durga, Devi, and so on, are not regarded as deities. Brahmans are usually employedfor ceremonies, but these may also, especially birth and funeralceremonies, be performed by non-Brahmans. In the Punjab members ofthe Samaj of different castes will take food together, but rarelyin the United Provinces. Dissension has arisen on the question ofthe consumption of flesh, and the Samaj is split into two parties, vegetarians and meat-eaters. In the United Provinces, Mr. Burn states, the vegetarian party would not object to employ men of low caste ascooks, excepting such impure castes as Chamars, Doms and sweepers, so long as they were also vegetarians. The Aryas still hold thedoctrine of the transmigration of souls and venerate the cow, butthey do not regard the cow as divine. In this respect their positionhas been somewhat modified from that of Dayanand, who was a vigoroussupporter of the Gaoraksha or cow-protection movement. 

4. Modernising tendencies. 

Again Dayanand enunciated a very peculiar doctrine on Niyoga or thecustom of childless women, either married or widows, resorting to menother than their husbands for obtaining an heir. This is permittedunder certain circumstances by the Hindu lawbooks. Dayanand laid downthat a Hindu widow might resort in succession to five men until shehad borne each of them two children, and a married woman might dothe same with the consent of her husband, or without his consent ifhe had been absent from home for a certain number of years, varyingaccording to the purpose for which he was absent. [245] Dayanand heldthat this rule would have beneficial results. Those who could restraintheir impulses would still be considered as following the best way;but for the majority who could not do so, the authorised methodand degree of intimacy laid down by him would prevent such evils asprostitution, connubial unfaithfulness, and the secret _liaisons_of widows, resulting in practices like abortion. The prevalence ofsuch a custom would, however, certainly do more to injure socialand family life than all the evils which it was designed to prevent, and it is not surprising to find that the Samaj does not now considerNiyoga an essential doctrine; instead of this they are trying in faceof much opposition to introduce the natural and proper custom of theremarriage of widows. The principal rite of the Samaj is the old Homsacrifice of burning clarified butter, grain, and various fragrantgums and spices on the sacred fire, with the repetition of Sanskrittexts. They now explain this by saying that it is a sanitary measure, designed to purify the air. 

The Samaj does not believe in any literal heaven and hell, butconsiders these as figurative expressions of the state of the soul, whether in this life or the life to come. The Aryas therefore do notperform the _shradhh_ ceremony nor offer oblations to the dead, andin abolishing these they reduce enormously the power and influenceof the priesthood. 

5. Aims and educational institutions. 

The above account indicates that the Arya Samaj is tending to becomea vaguely theistic sect. Its religious observances will probablyfall more and more into the background, and its members will aspireto observe in their conduct the code of social morality obtaining inEurope, and to regulate their habit of life by similar considerationsof comfort and convenience. Already the principal aims of theSamaj tend mainly to the social improvement of its members and theirfellow-Indians. It sets its face against child-marriage, and encouragesthe remarriage of widows. It busies itself with female education, with orphanages and schools, dispensaries and public libraries, andphilanthropic institutions of all sorts. [246] Its avowed aim is tounite and regenerate the peoples of Aryavarrta or India. 

As one of its own poets has said: [247]

 Ah! long have ye slept, Sons of India, too long! Your country degenerate, your morals all wrong. 

Its principal educational institutions are the Dayanand Anglo-VedicCollege at Lahore and the Anglo-Vedic School at Meerut, a largeorphanage at Bareilly, smaller ones at Allahabad and Cawnpore, and anumber of primary schools. It employs a body of travelling teachersor Upadeshaks to make converts, and in the famine of 1900 took chargeof as many famine orphans as the Local Governments would entrustto it, in order to prevent them from being handed over to Christianmissionaries. All members of the Samaj are expected to contribute oneper cent of their incomes to the society, and a large number of themdo this. The Arya Samaj has been accused of cherishing political aimsand of anti-British propaganda, but the writers quoted in this articleunite in acquitting it of such a charge as an institution, though someof its members have been more or less identified with the Extremistparty. From the beginning, however, and apparently up to the presenttime, its religious teaching has been directed to social and not topolitical reform, and so long as it adheres to this course its workmust be considered to be useful and praiseworthy. Nevertheless somedanger may perhaps exist lest the boys educated in its institutionsmay with youthful intemperance read into the instruction of theirteachers more than it is meant to convey, and divert exhortationsfor social improvement and progress to political ends. 

6. Prospects of the sect. 

The census of 1911 showed the Arya Samaj to be in a flourishingand progressive condition. There seems good reason to suppose thatits success may continue, as it meets a distinct religious andsocial requirement of educated Hindus. Narsinghpur is the principalcentre of the sect in the Central Provinces, and here an orphanage ismaintained with about thirty inmates; the local members have an _ata_fund, to which they daily contribute a handful of flour, and thisaccumulates and is periodically made over to the orphanage. There isalso a Vedic school at Narsinghpur, and a Sanskrit school has beenstarted at Drug. [248]

Brahmo Samaj

[_Bibliography:_ Professor J. C. Oman's _Brahmans, Theists and Muslimsof India_ (1907); _Cults, Customs and Superstitions of India_ (1908);Rev. F. Lillingston's _Brahmo Samaj and Arya Samaj_ (1901). Thefollowing brief account is simply compiled from the above works andmakes no pretence to be critical. ]

List of Paragraphs

 1. _Ram Mohan Roy, founder of the sect_. 2. _Much esteemed by the English_. 3. _Foundation of the Brahmo Samaj_. 4. _Debendra Nath Tagore_. 5. _Keshub Chandar Sen_. 6. _The Civil Marriage Act_. 7. _Keshub Chandar's relapse into mysticism_. 8. _Recent history of the Samaj_. 9. _Character of the movement_. 

1. Ram Mohan Roy, founder of the sect. 

_Brahmo Samaj Religion_. --This monotheistic sect of Bengal numberedonly thirty-two adherents in the Central Provinces in 1911, of whomall or nearly all were probably Bengalis. Nevertheless its historyis of great interest as representing an attempt at the reform andpurification of Hinduism under the influence of Christianity. Thefounder of the sect, Ram Mohan Roy, a Brahman, was born in 1772and died in England in 1833. He was sent to school at Patna, whereunder the influence of Muhammadan teachers he learnt to despisethe extravagant stories of the Puranas. At the age of sixteen hecomposed a tract against idolatry, which stirred up such a feeling ofanimosity against him that he had to leave his home. He betook himselffirst to Benares, where he received instruction in the Vedas from theBrahmans. From there he went to Tibet, that he might learn the tenetsof Buddhism from its adherents rather than its opponents; his genuinedesire to form a fair judgment of the merits of every creed beingfurther evidenced by his learning the language in which each of thesefinds its expression: thus he learnt Sanskrit that he might rightlyunderstand the Vedas, Pali that he might read the Buddhist Tripitaka, Arabic as the key to the Koran, and Hebrew and Greek for the Old andNew Testaments. [249] In 1819, after a diligent study of the Bible, he published a book entitled _The Precepts of Jesus, the Guide toPeace and Happiness. _ Although this work was eminently appreciative ofthe character and teaching of Christ, it gave rise to an attack fromthe missionaries of Serampore. Strange to say, Ram Mohan Roy so farconverted his tutor Mr. Adam (himself a missionary) to his own wayof thinking that that gentleman relinquished his spiritual office, became editor of the _Indian Gazette, _ and was generally known inCalcutta as 'The second fallen Adam. ' [250]

2. Much esteemed by the English. 

Ram Mohan Roy was held in great esteem by his English contemporariesin India. He dispensed in charities the bulk of his private means, living himself with the strictest economy in order that he might havethe more to give away. It was to a considerable extent due to hisefforts, and more especially to his demonstration that the practiceof Sati found no sanction in the Vedas, that this abominable rite wasdeclared illegal by Lord William Bentinck in 1829. The titular emperorof Delhi conferred the title of Raja upon him in 1830 and inducedhim to proceed to England on a mission to the Home Government. Hewas the first Brahman who had crossed the sea, and his distinguishedappearance, agreeable manners, and undoubtedly great ability, coupledwith his sympathy for Christianity, procured him a warm welcome inEngland, where he died in 1833. [251]

3. Foundation of the Brahmo Samaj. 

Ram Mohan Roy, with the help of a few friends and disciples, founded, in 1830, the Brahmo Samaj or Society of God. In the trust deed ofthe meeting-house it was laid down that the society was founded for"the worship and adoration of the eternal, unsearchable and immutableBeing who is the Author and Preserver of the Universe, but not byany other name, designation or title peculiarly used by any men orset of men; and that in conducting the said worship and adoration, noobject, animate or inanimate, that has been or is or shall hereafterbecome ... An object of worship by any men or set of men, shall bereviled or slightingly or contemptuously spoken of or alluded toeither in preaching, or in the hymns or other mode of worship thatmay be delivered or used in the said messuage or building. " [252]This well exemplifies the broad toleration and liberality of thesect. The service in the new theistic church consisted in the recitalof the Vedas by two Telugu Brahmans, the reading of texts from theUpanishads, and the expounding of the same in Bengali. The Samaj, thusconstituted, based its teaching on the Vedas and was at this time, though unorthodox, still a Hindu sect, and made no attempt at theabolition of caste. "Indeed, in establishing this sect, Ram Mohan Royprofessed to be leading his countrymen back to the pure, uncorrupted, monotheistic religion of their Vedic ancestors; but his monotheism, based, as it was, essentially upon the Vedanta philosophy, was inreality but a disguised Pantheism, enriched as regards its ethics byideas derived from Muslim and Christian literature and theology. " [253]

4. Debendra Nath Tagore. 

After the death of its founder the sect languished for a period of tenyears until it was taken in hand by Debendra Nath Tagore, whose fatherDwarka Nath had been a friend and warm admirer of Ram Mohan Roy, andhad practically maintained the society by paying its expenses duringthe interval. In 1843 Debendra drew up a form of initiation whichinvolved the renunciation of idolatry. He established branches ofthe Brahmo Samaj in many towns and villages of Bengal, and in 1845 hesent four Pandits to Benares to copy out and make a special study ofthe Vedas. On their return to Calcutta after two years Debendra Nathdevoted himself with their aid to a diligent and critical study of thesacred books, and eventually, after much controversy and even dangerof disruption, the Samaj, under his guidance, came to the importantdecision that the teaching of the Vedas could not be reconciled withthe conclusions of modern science or with the religious convictionsof the Brahmos, a result which soon led to an open and public denialof the infallibility of the Vedas. 

"There is nothing, " Professor Oman remarks, "in the Brahmic movementmore creditable to the parties concerned than this honest andcareful inquiry into the nature of the doctrines and precepts of theVedas. " [254]

5. Keshub Chandar Sen. 

The tenets of the Brahmo Samaj consisted at this time of a pure theism, without special reliance on the Hindu sacred books or recognition ofsuch Hindu doctrines as the transmigration of souls. But in theirordinary lives its members still conformed generally to the castepractices and religious usages of their neighbours. But a progressiveparty now arose under the leadership of Keshub Chandar Sen, a young manof the Vaidya caste, which desired to break altogether with Hinduism, abolish the use of sect marks and the prohibition of intermarriagebetween castes, and to welcome into the community converts from allreligions. Meanwhile Debendra Nath Tagore had spent three years inseclusion in the Himalayas, occupied with meditation and prayer; onhis return he acceded so far to the views of Keshub Chandar Sen as tocelebrate the marriage of his daughter according to a reformed theisticritual; but when his friend pressed for the complete abolition of allcaste restrictions, Debendra Nath refused his consent and retired oncemore to the hills. [255] The result was a schism in the community, and in 1866 the progressive party seceded and set up a Samaj oftheir own, calling themselves the Brahmo Samaj of India, while theconservative group under Debendra Nath Tagore was named the Adi ororiginal Samaj. In 1905 the latter was estimated to number only about300 persons. [256]

Keshub Chandar Sen had been educated in the Presidency College, Calcutta, and being more familiar with English and the Bible thanwith the Sanskrit language and Vedic literature, he was filled withdeep enthusiastic admiration of the beauty of Christ's characterand teaching. [257] He had shown a strong passion for the stage andloved nothing better than the plays of Shakespeare. He was fond ofperforming himself, and especially delighted in appearing in therole of a magician or conjurer before his family and friends. Thenew sect took up the position that all religions were true andworthy of veneration. At the inaugural meeting, texts from thesacred scriptures of the Christians, Hindus, Muhammadans, Parsisand Chinese were publicly read, in order to mark and to proclaim tothe world the catholicity of spirit in which it was formed. [258]Keshub by his writings and public lectures kept himself prominentlybefore the Indian world, enlisting the sympathies of the Viceroy(Sir John Lawrence) by his tendencies towards Christianity. 

6. The Civil Marriage Act. 

By this time several marriages had been performed according to therevised ritual of the Brahmic Church, which had given great offenceto orthodox Hindus and exposed the participators in these novel ritesto much obloquy. The legality of marriages thus contracted had evenbeen questioned. To avoid this difficulty Keshub induced Governmentin 1872 to pass the Native Marriage Act, introducing for the firsttime the institution of civil marriage into Hindu society. The Actprescribed a form of marriage to be celebrated before the Registrarfor persons who did not profess either the Hindu, the Muhammadan, the Parsi, the Sikh, the Jaina or the Buddhist religion, and whowere neither Christians nor Jews; and fixed the minimum age for abridegroom at eighteen and for a bride at fourteen. Only six yearslater, however, Keshub Chandar Sen committed the fatal mistake ofignoring the law which he had himself been instrumental in passing:he permitted the marriage of his daughter, below the age of fourteen, to the young Maharaja of Kuch Bihar, who was not then sixteen yearsof age. [259] This event led to a public censure of Keshub ChandarSen by his community and the secession of a section of the members, who formed the Sadharan or Universal Brahmo Samaj. The creed of thisbody consisted in the belief in an infinite Creator, the immortality ofthe soul, the duty and necessity of the spiritual worship of God, anddisbelief in any infallible book or man as a means of salvation. [260]

7. Keshub Chandar's relapse into mysticism. 

From about this period, or a little before, Keshub Chandar Sen appearsto have attempted to make a wider appeal to Indians by developing theemotional side of his religion. And he gradually relapsed from a pureunitarian theism into what was practically Hindu pantheism and themysticism of the Yogis. At the same time he came to consider himselfan inspired prophet, and proclaimed himself as such. The followinginstances of his extravagant conduct are given by Professor Oman. [261]

"In 1873 he brought forward the doctrine of Adesh or specialinspiration, declaring emphatically that inspiration is not onlypossible, but a veritable fact in the lives of many devout soulsin this age. The following years witnessed a marked development ofthat essentially Asiatic and perhaps more especially Indian form ofreligious feeling, which finds its natural satisfaction in solitaryecstatic contemplation. As a necessary consequence an order of devoteeswas established in 1876, divided into three main classes, which inascending gradation were designated Shabaks, Bhaktas and Yogis. Thelowest class, divided into two sections, is devoted to religious studyand the practical performance of religious duties, including doing goodto others. The aspiration of the Bhakta is ... 'Inebriation in God. Heis most passionately fond of God and delights in loving Him and allthat pertains to Him.... The very utterance of the divine name causeshis heart to overflow and brings tears of joy to his eyes. ' As for thehighest order of devotees, the Yogis, 'They live in the spirit-worldand readily commune with spiritual realities. They welcome whatever isa help to the entire subjugation of the soul, and are always employedin conquering selfishness, carnality and worldliness. They are happyin prayer and meditation and in the study of nature. '

"The new dispensation having come into the world to harmoniseconflicting creeds and regenerate mankind, must have its outwardsymbol, its triumphal banner floating proudly on the joyful airof highly-favoured India. A flag was therefore made and formallyconsecrated as 'The Banner of the New Dispensation. ' This emblem of'Regenerated and saving theism' the new prophet himself formed witha yak's tail and kissed with his own inspired lips. In orthodox Hindufashion his missionaries--apostles of the new Dispensation--went roundit with lights in their hands, while his less privileged followersrespectfully touched the sacred pole and humbly bowed down to it. Ina word, the banner was worshipped as Hindu idols are worshipped anyday in India. Carried away by a spirit of innovation, anxious to keephimself prominently before the world, and realising no doubt thatsince churches and sects do not flourish on intellectual pabulum only, certain mystic rites and gorgeous ceremonials were necessary to thesuccess of the new Dispensation, Keshub introduced into his Churchvarious observances which attracted a good deal of attention and didnot escape criticism. On one occasion he went with his disciplesin procession, singing hymns, to a stagnant tank in Calcutta, and made believe that they were in Palestine and on the side ofthe Jordan. Standing near the tank Keshub said, 'Beloved brethren, we have come into the land of the Jews, and we are seated on thebank of the Jordan. Let them that have eyes see. Verily, verily, here was the Lord Jesus baptised eighteen hundred years ago. Beholdthe holy waters wherein was the Son of God immersed. ' We learn alsothat Keshub and his disciples attempted to hold communication withsaints and prophets of the olden time, upon whose works and teachingthey had been pondering in retirement and solitude. On this subjectthe following notice appeared in the _Sunday Mirror_:

"'It is proposed to promote communion with departed saints amongthe more advanced Brahmos. With a view to achieve this objectsuccessfully ancient prophets and saints will be taken one afteranother on special occasions and made the subject of close study, meditation and prayer. Particular places will also be assigned towhich the devotees will resort as pilgrims. There for hours togetherthey will try to draw inspiration from particular saints. We believea spiritual pilgrimage to Moses will be shortly undertaken. Onlyearnest devotees ought to join. '"

8. Recent history of the Samaj. 

Keshub Chandar Sen died in 1884, and the Brahmo Samaj seemssubsequently to have returned more or less to its first position ofpure theism coupled with Hindu social reform. His successor in theleadership of the sect was Babu P. C. Mazumdar, who visited Americaand created a favourable impression at the Parliament of Religionsat Chicago. Under his guidance the Samaj seems to have graduallydrifted towards American Unitarianism, and to have been supported inno slight degree by funds from the United States of America. [262] Hedied in 1905, and left no one of prominent character and attainmentsto succeed to the leadership. In 1911 the adherents of the differentbranches of the Samaj numbered at the census only 5500 persons. 

9. Character of the movement. 

The history of the Brahmo Samaj is of great interest, because it wasthe first attempt at the reform and purification of Hinduism made underthe influence of Christianity, the long line of Vaishnavite reformerswho strove to abrogate Hindu polytheism and the deadening restrictionsof caste, having probably been inspired by the contemplation ofIslam. The Samaj is further distinguished by the admirable tolerationand broadness of view of its religious position, and by having had forits leaders three men of exceptional character and attainments, twoof whom, and especially Keshub Chandar Sen, made a profound impressionin England among all classes of society. But the failure of the Samajto attract any large number of converts from among the Hindus wasonly what might have been expected. For it requires its followerspractically to cut themselves adrift from family and caste ties andoffers nothing in return but an undefined theism, not calculatedto excite any enthusiasm or strong feeling in ordinary minds. Itsefforts at social reform have probably, however, been of substantialvalue in weakening the rigidity of Hindu rules on caste and marriage. 

Dadupanthi Sect. [263]

_Dadupanthi Sect. _--One of the sects founded by Vaishnava reformersof the school of Kabir; a few of its members are found in thewestern Districts of the Central Provinces. Dadu was a Pinjara orcotton-cleaner by caste. He was born at Ahmadabad in the sixteenthcentury, and died at Narayana in the Jaipur State shortly afterA. D. 1600. He is said to have been the fifth successor in spiritualinspiration from Kabir, or the sixth from Ramanand. Dadu preachedthe unity of God and protested against the animistic abuses whichhad grown up in Hinduism. "To this day, " writes Mr. Coldstream, "the Dadupanthis use the words Sat Ram, the True God, as a currentphrase expressive of their creed. Dadu forbade the worship of idols, and did not build temples; now temples are built by his followers, whosay they worship in them the Dadubani or Sacred Book. " This is what hasbeen done by other sects such as the Sikhs and Dhamis, whose founderseschewed the veneration of idols; but their uneducated followers couldnot dispense with some visible symbol for their adoration, and hencethe sacred script has been enthroned in a temple. The worship of theDadupanthis, Professor Wilson says, is addressed to Rama, but it isrestricted to the Japa or repetition of his name, and the Rama intendedis the deity negatively described in the Vedanta theology. The chiefplace of worship of the sect is Narayana, where Dadu died. A smallbuilding on a hill marks the place of his disappearance, and his bedand the sacred books are kept there as objects of veneration. 

Like other sects, the Dadupanthis are divided into celibate orpriestly and lay or householder branches. But they have also a thirdoffshoot, consisting in the Naga Gosains of Jaipur, nearly nakedascetics, who constituted a valuable part of the troops of Jaipurand other States. It is said that the Nagas always formed the vanof the army of Jaipur. The sect have white caps with four cornersand a flap hanging down at the back, which each follower has to makefor himself. To prevent the destruction of animal life entailed bycremation, the tenets of the sect enjoin that corpses should be laidin the forests to be devoured by birds and beasts. This rule, however, is not observed, and their dead are burnt at early dawn. 

Dhami, Prannathi Sect. 

_Dhami, Prannathi Sect. _--A small religious sect or order, havingits headquarters in the Panna State of Bundelkhand. A few members ofthe sect are found in the Saugor and Damoh Districts of the CentralProvinces. The name Dhami is simply a derivative from _dham_, amonastery, and in northern India they are called Prannathi after theirfounder. They are also known as Sathi Bhai, brothers in religion, or simply as Bhai or brothers. The sect takes its origin from onePrannath, a Rajput who lived in the latter part of Aurangzeb's reigntowards the end of the seventeenth century. He is said to have acquiredgreat influence with Chatra Sal, Raja of Panna, by the discovery of adiamond mine there, and on this account Panna was made the home of thesect. Prannath was well acquainted with the sacred books of Islam, and, like other Hindu reformers, he attempted to propagate a faith whichshould combine the two religions. To this end he composed a work inGujarati called the Kulzam Sarup, in which texts from the Koran andthe Vedas are brought together and shown not to be incompatible. Hiscreed also proclaimed the abolition of the worship of idols, andapparently of caste restrictions and the supremacy of Brahmans. Asa test of a disciple's assent to the real identity of the Hindu andMuhammadan creeds, the ceremony of initiation consists in eating inthe society of the followers of both religions; but the amalgamationappears to be carried no further, and members of the sect continueto follow generally their own religious practices. Theoretically theyshould worship no material objects except the Founder's Book of Faith, which lies on a table covered with gold cloth in the principal templeat Panna. But in fact they adore the boy Krishna as he was at Mathura, and in some temples there are images of Radha and Krishna, while inothers the decorations are so arranged as to look like an idol froma distance. All temples, however, contain a copy of the sacred book, round which a lighted lamp is waved in the morning and evening. TheDhamis now say also that their founder Prannath was an incarnationof Krishna, and they observe the Janam-Ashtami or Krishna's birthdayas their principal festival. They wear the Radha Vallabhi _tilak_or sect-mark, consisting of two white lines drawn down the foreheadfrom the roots of the hair, and curving to meet at the top of the nose, with a small red dot between them. On the cheeks and temples they makerosette-like marks by bunching up the five fingers, dipping them ina solution of sandalwood and then applying them to the face. [264]They regard the Jumna as a sacred river and its water as holy, nodoubt because Mathura is on its banks, but pay no reverence to theGanges. Their priests observe celibacy, but do not practise asceticism, and all the Dhamis are strict vegetarians. 

There is also a branch of the sect in Gujarat, where the founderis known as Meheraj Thakur. He appears to have been identical withPrannath, and instituted a local headquarters at Surat. [265] It isrelated by Mr. Bhimbhai Kirparam that Meheraj Thakur was himself thedisciple of one Deo Chand, a native of Amarkot in Sind. The latterwas devoted to the study of the Bhagwat Puran, and came to Jamnagar inKathiawar, where he founded a temple to Radha and Krishna. As there isa temple at Panna consecrated to Deo Chand as the Guru or preceptorof Prannath, and as the book of the faith is written in Gujarati, the above account would appear to be correct, and it follows thatthe sect originated in the worship of Krishna, and was refined byPrannath into a purer form of faith. A number of Cutchis in Suratare adherents of the sect, and usually visit the temple at Panna onthe full-moon day of Kartik (October). Curiously enough the sect hasalso found a home in Nepal, having been preached there, it is said, by missionary Dhamis in the time of Raja Ram Bahadur Shah of Nepal, about 150 years ago. Its members there are known as Pranami or Parnami, a corruption of Prannathi and they often come to Panna to study thesacred book. It is reported that there are usually about forty Nepalislodging in the premises of the great temple at Panna. [266]

Jain Religion

[_Bibliography: The Jainas_, by Dr. J. G. Bühler and J. Burgess, London, 1903; _The Religions of India_, Professor E. W. Hopkins; _TheReligions of India_, Professor A. Barth; _Punjab Census Report_(1891), Sir E. D. Maclagan; article on Jainism in Dr. Hastings'_Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics_. ]

List of Paragraphs

 1. _Numbers and distribution_. 2. _The Jain religion. Its connection with Buddhism_. 3. _The Jain tenets. The Tirthakars_. 4. _The transmigration of souls_. 5. _Strict rules against taking life_. 6. _Jain sects_. 7. _Jain ascetics_. 8. _Jain subcastes of Banias_. 9. _Rules and customs of the laity_. 10. _Connection with Hinduism_. 11. _Temples and car festival_. 12. _Images of the Tirthakars_. 13. _Religious observances_. 14. _Tenderness for animal life_. 15. _Social condition of the Jains_. 

1. Numbers and distribution. 

_Jain_. --The total number of Jains in the Central Provinces in 1911was 71, 000 persons. They nearly all belong to the Bania caste, andare engaged in moneylending and trade like other Banias. They resideprincipally in the Vindhyan Districts, Saugor, Damoh and Jubbulpore, and in the principal towns of the Nagpur country and Berar. 

2. The Jain religion. Its connection with Buddhism. 

The Jain tenets present marked features of resemblance to Buddhism, and it was for some time held that Jainism was merely a later offshootfrom that religion. The more generally accepted view now, however, isthat the Jina or prophet of the Jains was a real historical personage, who lived in the sixth century B. C. , being a contemporary of Gautama, the Buddha. Vardhamana, as he was commonly called, is said to havebeen the younger son of a small chieftain in the province of Videha orTirhut. Like Sakya-Muni the Buddha or enlightened, Vardhamana becamean ascetic, and after twelve years of a wandering life he appearedas a prophet, proclaiming a modification of the doctrine of his ownteacher Parsva or Parasnath. From this time he was known as Mahavira, the great hero, the same name which in its familiar form of Mahabiris applied to the god Hanuman. The title of Jina or victorious, from which the Jains take their name, was subsequently conferredon him, his sect at its first institution being called Nirgrantha orascetic. There are very close resemblances in the traditions concerningthe lives of Vardhamana and Gautama or Buddha. Both were of royalbirth; the same names recur among their relatives and disciples;and they lived and preached in the same part of the country, Biharand Tirhut. [267] Vardhamana is said to have died during Buddha'slifetime, the date of the latter's death being about 480 B. C. [268]Their doctrines also, with some important differences, present, on the whole, a close resemblance. Like the Buddhists, the Jainsclaim to have been patronised by the Maurya princes. While Asokawas mainly instrumental in the propagation of Buddhism over India, his grandfather Chandragupta is stated to have been a Jain, and hisgrandson Sampadi also figures in Jain tradition. A district which isa holy land for one is almost always a holy land for the other, andtheir sacred places adjoin each other in Bihar, in the peninsula ofGujarat, on Mount Abu in Rajputana and elsewhere. [269] The earliestof the Jain books belongs to the sixth century A. D. , the existence ofthe Nirgrantha sect in Buddha's lifetime being proved by the Cingalesebooks of the Buddhists, and by references to it in the inscriptionsof Asoka and others. [270] While then M. Barth's theory that Jainismwas simply a later sect of Buddhism has been discarded by subsequentscholars, it seems likely that several of the details of Vardhamana'slife now recorded in the Jain books are not really authentic, butwere taken from that of Buddha with necessary alterations, when thetrue facts about their own prophet had been irrevocably lost. 

3. The Jain tenets. The Tirthakars. 

Like the Buddhists, the Jains recognise no creator of the world, and suppose it to have existed from eternity. Similarly, they hadoriginally no real god, but the Jina or victor, like the Buddha orEnlightened One, was held to have been an ordinary mortal man, whoby his own power had attained to omniscience and freedom, and out ofpity for suffering mankind preached and declared the way of salvationwhich he had found. [271] This doctrine, however, was too abstrusefor the people, and in both cases the prophet himself graduallycame to be deified. Further, in order perhaps to furnish objects ofworship less distinctively human and to whom a larger share of theattributes of deity could be imputed, in both religions a successionof mythical predecessors of the prophet was gradually brought intoexistence. The Buddhists recognise twenty-five Buddhas or divineprophets, who appeared at long epochs of time and taught the samesystem one after another; and the Jains have twenty-four Tirthakarsor Tirthankars, who similarly taught their religion. Of these onlyVardhamana, its real founder, who was the twenty-fourth, and possiblyParsva or Parasnath, the twenty-third and the founder's preceptor, are or may be historical. The other twenty-two Tirthakars are purelymythical. The first, Rishaba, was born more than 100 billion years ago, as the son of a king of Ajodhya; he lived more than 8 million years, and was 500 bow-lengths in height. He therefore is as superhumanas any god, and his date takes us back almost to eternity. Theothers succeeded each other at shorter intervals of time, and showa progressive decline in stature and length of life. The images ofthe Tirthakars are worshipped in the Jain temples like those of theBuddhas in Buddhist temples. As with Buddhism also, the main featureof Jain belief is the transmigration of souls, and each successiveincarnation depends on the sum of good and bad actions or _karman_in the previous life. They hold also the primitive animistic doctrinethat souls exist not only in animals and plants but in stones, lumpsof earth, drops of water, fire and wind, and the human soul may passeven into these if its sins condemn it to such a fate. [272]

4. The transmigration of souls. 

The aim which Jainism, like Buddhism, sets before its disciplesis the escape from the endless round of successive existences, known as Samsara, through the extinction of the _karman_ or sum ofactions. This is attained by complete subjection of the passions anddestruction of all desires and appetites of the body and mind, thatis, by the most rigid asceticism, as well as by observing all themoral rules prescribed by the religion. It was the Jina or prophetwho showed this way of escape, and hence he is called Tirthakar or'The Finder of the Ford, ' through the ocean of existence. [273]But Jainism differs from Buddhism in that it holds that the soul, when finally emancipated, reaches a heaven and there continues forever a separate intellectual existence, and is not absorbed intoNirvana or a state of blessed nothingness. 

5. Strict rules against taking life. 

The moral precepts of the Jains are of the same type as those ofBuddhism and Vaishnavite Hinduism, but of an excessive rigidity, at any rate in the case of the Yatis or Jatis, the ascetics. Theypromise not to hurt, not to speak untruths, to appropriate nothing tothemselves without permission, to preserve chastity and to practiseself-sacrifice. But these simple rules are extraordinarily expandedon the part of the Jains. Thus, concerning the oath not to hurt, on which the Jains lay most emphasis: it prohibits not only theintentional killing or injuring of living beings, plants or the soulsexisting in dead matter, but requires also the utmost carefulness inthe whole manner of life, and a watchfulness also over all movementsand functions of the body by which anything living might be hurt. Itdemands, finally, strict watch over the heart and tongue, and theavoidance of all thoughts and words which might lead to disputesand quarrels, and thereby do harm. In like manner the rule ofsacrifice requires not only that the ascetic should have no houses orpossessions, but he must also acquire a complete unconcern towardsagreeable or disagreeable impressions, and destroy all feelingsof attachment to anything living or dead. [274] Similarly, death byvoluntary starvation is prescribed for those ascetics who have reachedthe Kewalin or brightest stage of knowledge, as the means of enteringtheir heaven. Owing to the late date of the Jain scriptures, any orall of its doctrines may have been adopted from Buddhism betweenthe commencement of the two religions and the time when they werecompiled. The Jains did not definitely abolish caste, and hence escapedthe persecution to which Buddhism was subjected during the period ofits decline from the fifth or sixth century A. D. On account of thistrouble many Buddhists became Jains, and hence a further fusion ofthe doctrines of the rival sects may have ensued. The Digambara sectof Jains agree with the Buddhists in holding that women cannot attainNirvana or heaven, while the Swetambara sect say that they can, andalso admit women as nuns into the ascetic order. The Jain scripture, the Yogashastra, speaks of women as the lamps that burn on the roadthat leads to the gates of hell. 

6. Jain sects. 

The Jains are divided into the above two principal sects, theDigambara and the Swetambara. The Digambara are the more numerousand the stricter sect. According to their tenets death by voluntarystarvation is necessary for ascetics who would attain heaven, thoughof course the rule is not now observed. The name Digambara signifiessky-clad, and Swetambara white-clad. Formerly the Digambara asceticswent naked, and were the gymnosophists of the Greek writers, but nowthey take off their clothes, if at all, only at meals. The theoryof the origin of the two sects is that Parasnath, the twenty-thirdTirthakar, wore clothes, while Mahavira the twenty-fourth did not, and the two sects follow their respective examples. The Digambaras nowwear ochre-coloured cloth, and the Swetambaras white. The principaldifference at present is that the images in Digambara temples are nakedand bare, while those of the Swetambaras are clothed, presumably inwhite, and also decorated with jewellery and ornaments. The Digambaraascetics may not use vessels for cooking or holding their food, butmust take it in their hands from their disciples and eat it thus;while the Swetambara ascetics may use vessels. The Digambara, however, do not consider the straining-cloth, brush, and gauze before themouth essential to the character of an ascetic, while the Swetambarainsist on them. There is in the Central Provinces another small sectcalled Channagri or Samaiya, and known elsewhere as Dhundia. These donot put images in their temples at all, but only copies of the Jainsacred books, and pay reverence to them. They will, however, worshipin regular Jain temples at places where there are none of their own. 

7. Jain ascetics. 

The initiation of a Yati or Jati, a Jain ascetic, is thus described:It is frequent for Banias who have no children to vow that theirfirst-born shall be a Yati. Such a boy serves a novitiate with a _guru_or preceptor, and performs for him domestic offices; and when he isold enough and has made progress in his studies he is initiated. Forthis purpose the novice is carried out of the tower with music andrejoicing in procession, followed by a crowd of Sravakas or Jainlaymen, and taken underneath the banyan, or any other tree the juice ofwhich is milky. His hair is pulled out at the roots with five pulls;camphor, musk, sandal, saffron and sugar are applied to the scalp;and he is then placed before his _guru, _ stripped of his clothes andwith his hands joined. A text is whispered in his ear by the _guru_, and he is invested with the clothes peculiar to Yatis; two cloths, ablanket and a staff; a plate for his victuals and a cloth to tie themup in; a piece of gauze to tie over his mouth to prevent the entryof insects; a cloth through which to strain his drinking-water tothe same end; and a broom made of cotton threads or peacock feathersto sweep the ground before him as he walks, so that his foot may notcrush any living thing. The duty of the Yati is to read and explainthe sacred books to the Sravakas morning and evening, such functionsbeing known as Sandhya. His food consists of all kinds of grain, vegetables and fruit produced above the earth; but no roots such asyams or onions. Milk and _ghi_ are permitted, but butter and honeyare prohibited. Some strict Yatis drink no water but what has beenfirst boiled, lest they should inadvertently destroy any insect, it being less criminal to boil them than to destroy them in thedrinker's stomach. A Yati having renounced the world and all civilduties can have no family, nor does he perform any office of mourningor rejoicing. [275] A Yati was directed to travel about begging andpreaching for eight months in the year, and during the four rainymonths to reside in some village or town and observe a fast. Therules of conduct to be observed by him were extremely strict, as hasalready been seen. Those who observed them successfully were believedto acquire miraculous powers. He who was a Siddh or victor, and hadovercome his Karma or the sum of his human actions and affections, could read the thoughts of others and foretell the future. He who hadattained Kewalgyan, or the state of perfect knowledge which precededthe emancipation of the soul and its absorption into paradise, wasa god on earth, and even the gods worshipped him. Wherever he wentall plants burst into flower and brought forth fruit, whether it wastheir season or not. In his presence no animal bore enmity to anotheror tried to kill it, but all animals lived peaceably together. Thiswas the state attained to by each Tirthakar during his last sojournon earth. The number of Jain ascetics seems now to be less thanformerly and they are not often met with, at least in the CentralProvinces. They do not usually perform the function of temple priest. 

8. Jain subcastes of Banias. 

Practically all the Jains in the Central Provinces are of the Baniacaste. There is a small subcaste of Jain Kalars, but these aresaid to have gone back to Hinduism. [276] Of the Bania subcasteswho are Jains the principal are the Parwar, Golapurab, Oswal andSaitwal. Saraogi, the name for a Jain layman, and Charnagar, asect of Jains, are also returned as subcastes of Jain Banias. Otherimportant subcastes of Banias, as the Agarwal and Maheshri, have aJain section. Nearly all Banias belong to the Digambara sect, but theOswal are Swetambaras. They are said to have been originally Rajputsof Os or Osnagar in Rajputana, and while they were yet Rajputs aSwetambara ascetic sucked the poison from the wound of an Oswal boywhom a snake had bitten, and this induced the community to join theSwetambara sect of the Jains. [277]

9. Rules and customs of the laity. 

The Jain laity are known as Shrawak or Saraogi, learners. Thereis comparatively little to distinguish them from their Hindubrethren. Their principal tenet is to avoid the destruction of allanimal, including insect life, but the Hindu Banias are practicallyall Vaishnavas, and observe almost the same tenderness for animal lifeas the Jains. The Jains are distinguished by their separate templesand method of worship, and they do not recognise the authority ofthe Vedas nor revere the _lingam_ of Siva. Consequently they do notuse the Hindu sacred texts at their weddings, but repeat some versesfrom their own scriptures. These weddings are said to be more in thenature of a civil contract than of a religious ceremony. The bride andbridegroom walk seven times round the sacred post and are then seatedon a platform and promise to observe certain rules of conduct towardseach other and avoid offences. It is said that formerly a Jain bridewas locked up in a temple for the first night and considered to bethe bride of the god. But as scandals arose from this custom, she isnow only locked up for a minute or two and then let out again. Jainboys are invested with the sacred thread on the occasion of theirweddings or at twenty-one or twenty-two if they are still unmarriedat that age. The thread is renewed annually on the day before thefull moon of Bhadon (August), after a ten days' fast in honour ofAnant Nath Tirthakar. The thread is made by the Jain priests oftree cotton and has three knots. At their funerals the Jains do notshave the moustaches off as a rule, and they never shave the _choti_or scalp-lock, which they wear like Hindus. They give a feast to thecaste-fellows and distribute money in charity, but do not perform theHindu _shraddh_ or offering of sacrificial cakes to the dead. TheAgarwal and Khandelwal Jains, however, invoke the spirits of theirancestors at weddings. Traces of an old hostility between Jains andHindus survive in the Hindu saying that one should not take refuge in aJain temple, even to escape from a mad elephant; and in the rule thata Jain beggar will not take alms from a Hindu unless he can performsome service in return, though it may not equal the value of the alms. 

10. Connection with Hinduism. 

In other respects the Jains closely resemble the Hindus. Brahmansare often employed at their weddings, they reverence the cow, worship sometimes in Hindu temples, go on pilgrimages to the Hindusacred places, and follow the Hindu law of inheritance. The AgarwalBania Jains and Hindus will take food cooked with water together andintermarry in Bundelkhand, although it is doubtful whether they dothis in the Central Provinces. In such a case each party pays a fineto the Jain temple fund. In respect of caste distinctions the Jainsare now scarcely less strict than the Hindus. The different Jainsubcastes of Banias coming from Bundelkhand will take food togetheras a rule, and those from Marwar will do the same. The Khandelwaland Oswal Jain Banias will take food cooked with water together whenit has been cooked by an old woman past the age of child-bearing, but not that cooked by a young woman. The spread of education hasawakened an increased interest among the Jains in their scripturesand the tenets of their religion, and it is quite likely that thetendency to conform to Hinduism in caste matters and ceremonies mayreceive a check on this account. [278]

11. Temple and car festival. 

The Jains display great zeal in the construction of temples in whichthe images of the Tirthakars are enshrined. The temples are commonly ofthe same fashion as those of the Hindus, with a short, roughly conicalspire tapering to a point at the apex, but they are frequently adornedwith rich carved stone and woodwork. There are fine collections oftemples at Muktagiri in Betul, Kundalpur in Damoh, and at Mount Abu, Girnar, the hill of Parasnath in Chota Nagpur, and other places inIndia. The best Jain temples are often found in very remote spots, and it is suggested that they were built at times when the Jainshad to hide in such places to avoid Hindu persecution. And wherevera community of Jain merchants of any size has been settled for ageneration or more several fine temples will probably be found. AJain Bania who has grown rich considers the building of one or moretemples to be the best method of expending his money and acquiringreligious merit, and some of them spend all their fortune in thismanner before their death. At the opening of a new temple the _rath_or chariot festival should be held. Wooden cars are made, sometimesas much as five stories high, and furnished with chambers for theimages of the Tirthakars. In these the idols of the hosts and allthe guests are placed. Each car should be drawn by two elephants, andthe procession of cars moves seven times round the temple or pavilionerected for the ceremony. For building a temple and performing thisceremony honorary and hereditary titles are conferred. Those who doit once receive the designation of Singhai; for carrying it out twicethey become Sawai Singhai; and on a third occasion Seth. In such aceremony performed at Khurai in Saugor one of the participators wasalready a Seth, and in recognition of his great liberality a newtitle was devised and he became Srimant Seth. It is said, however, that if the car breaks and the elephants refuse to move, the titlebecomes derisive and is either 'Lule Singhai, ' the lame one, or'Arku Singhai, ' the stumbler. If no elephants are available and thecar has to be dragged by men, the title given is Kadhore Singhai. 

12. Images of the Tirthakars. 

In the temples are placed the images of Tirthakars, either of brass, marble, silver or gold. The images may be small or life-size or larger, and the deities are represented in a sitting posture with their legscrossed and their hands lying upturned in front, the right over theleft, in the final attitude of contemplation prior to escape fromthe body and attainment of paradise. There may be several imagesin one temple, but usually there is only one, though a number oftemples are built adjoining each other or round a courtyard. Thefavourite Tirthakars found in temples are Rishab Deva, the first;Anantnath, the fourteenth; Santnath, the sixteenth; Nemnath, the twenty-second; Parasnath, the twenty-third; and Vardhamana orMahavira, the twenty-fourth. [279] As already stated only Mahaviraand perhaps Parasnath, his preceptor, were real historical personages, and the remainder are mythical. It is noticeable that to each of theTirthakars is attached a symbol, usually in the shape of an animal, and also a tree, apparently that tree under which the Tirthakar isheld to have been seated at the time that he obtained release fromthe body. And these animals and trees are in most cases those whichare also revered and held sacred by the Hindus. Thus the sacredanimal of Rishab Deva is the bull, and his tree the banyan; that ofAnantnath is the falcon or bear, and his tree the holy Asoka; [280]that of Santnath is the black-buck or Indian antelope, and his treethe _tun_ or cedar; [281] the symbol of Nemnath is the conch shell(sacred to Vishnu), but his tree, the _vetasa_, is not known; theanimal of Parasnath is the serpent or cobra and his tree the _dhataki_;[282] and the animal of Mahavira is the lion or tiger and his treethe teak tree. Among the symbols of the other Tirthakars are theelephant, horse, rhinoceros, boar, ape, the Brahmani duck, the moon, the pipal tree, the lotus and the _swastik_ figure; and among theirtrees the mango, the _jamun_ [283] and the _champak_. [284] Most ofthese animals and trees are sacred to the Hindus, and the elephant, boar, ape, cobra and tiger were formerly worshipped themselves, andare now attached to the principal Hindu gods. Similarly the asoka, pipal, banyan and mango trees are sacred, and also the Brahmani duckand the _swastik_ sign. It cannot be supposed that the Tirthakarssimply represent the deified anthropomorphic emanations from theseanimals, because the object of Vardhamana's preaching was perhapslike that of Buddha to do away with the promiscuous polytheism ofthe Hindu religion. But nevertheless the association of the sacredanimals and trees with the Tirthakars furnished a strong connectinglink between them and the Hindu gods, and considerably lessens theopposition between the two systems of worship. The god Indra is alsofrequently found sculptured as an attendant guardian in the Jaintemples. The fourteenth Tirthakar, Anantnath, is especially reveredby the people because he is identified with Gautama Buddha. 

13. Religious observances. 

The priest of a Jain temple is not usually a Yati or ascetic, butan ordinary member of the community. He receives no remunerationand carries on his business at the same time. He must know the Jainscriptures, and makes recitations from them when the worshippersare assembled. The Jain will ordinarily visit a temple and seethe god every morning before taking his food, and his wife oftengoes with him. If there is no temple in their own town or villagethey will go to another, provided that it is within a practicabledistance. The offerings made at the temple consist of rice, almonds, cocoanuts, betel-leaves, areca, dates, cardamoms, cloves and similararticles. These are appropriated by the Hindu Mali or gardener, whois the menial servant employed to keep the temple and enclosuresclean. The Jain will not take back or consume himself anythingwhich has been offered to the god. Offerings of money are alsomade, and these go into the _bhandar_ or fund for maintenance ofthe temple. The Jains observe fasts for the last week before thenew moon in the months of Phagun (February), Asarh (June) and Kartik(October). They also fast on the second, fifth, eighth, eleventh andfourteenth days in each fortnight of the four months of the rainsfrom Asarh to Kartik, this being in lieu of the more rigorous fastof the ascetics during the rains. On these days they eat only once, and do not eat any green vegetables. After the week's fast at theend of Kartik, at the commencement of the month of Aghan, the Jainsbegin to eat all green vegetables. 

14. Tenderness for animal life. 

The great regard for animal life is the most marked feature of theJain religion among the laity as well as the clergy. The former donot go to such extremes as the latter, but make it a practice notto eat food after sunset or before sunrise, owing to the danger ofswallowing insects. Now that their beliefs are becoming more rational, however, and the irksome nature of this rule is felt, they sometimesplace a lamp with a sieve over it to produce rays of light, andconsider that this serves as a substitute for the sun. Formerly theymaintained animal hospitals in which all kinds of animals and reptiles, including monkeys, poultry and other birds were kept and fed, and anywhich had broken a limb or sustained other injuries were admitted andtreated. These were known as _pinjrapol_ or places of protection. [285]A similar institution was named _jivuti_, and consisted of a smalldomed building with a hole at the top large enough for a man to creepin, and here weevils and other insects which the Jains might findin their food were kept and provided with grain. [286] In Rajputana, where rich Jains probably had much influence, considerable deferencewas paid to their objections to the death of any living thing. Thusa Mewar edict of A. D. 1693 directed that no one might carry animalsfor slaughter past their temples or houses. Any man or animal ledpast a Jain house for the purpose of being killed was thereby savedand set at liberty. Traitors, robbers or escaped prisoners who fledfor sanctuary to the dwelling of a Jain Yati or ascetic could not beseized there by the officers of the court. And during the four rainymonths, when insects were most common, the potter's wheel and Teli'soil-press might not be worked on account of the number of insectswhich would be destroyed by them. [287]

15. Social condition of the Jains. 

As they are nearly all of the Bania caste the Jains are usuallyprosperous, and considering its small size, the standard of wealth inthe community is probably very high for India, the total number ofJains in the country being about half a million. Beggars are rare, and, like the Parsis and Europeans, the Jains feeling themselves asmall isolated body in the midst of a large alien population, havea special tenderness for their poorer members, and help them in morethan the ordinary degree. Most of the Jain Banias are grain-dealersand moneylenders like other Banias. Cultivation is prohibited by theirreligion, owing to the destruction of animal life which it involves, but in Saugor, and also in the north of India, many of them havenow taken to it, and some plough with their own hands. Mr. Martennotes [288] that the Jains are beginning to put their wealth to amore practical purpose than the lavish erection and adornment oftemples. Schools and boarding-houses for boys and girls of theirreligion are being opened, and they subscribe liberally for thebuilding of medical institutions. It may be hoped that this movementwill continue and gather strength, both for the advantage of theJains themselves and the country generally. 

Kabirpanthi

[_Bibliography_: Right Reverend G. H. Westcott, _Kabir and theKabirpanth_, Cawnpore, 1907; _Asiatic Researches_, vol. Xvi. Pp. 53-75(Wilson's _Hindu Sects_); Mr. Crooke's _Tribes and Castes_, article Kabirpanthi; _Central Provinces Census Report_ (1891), SirB. Robertson. ]

List of Paragraphs

 1. _Life of Kabir_. 2. _Kabir's teachings_. 3. _His sayings_. 4. _The Kabirpanthi sect in the Central Provinces_. 5. _The religious service_. 6. _Initiation_. 7. _Funeral rites_. 8. _Idol worship_. 9. _Statistics of the sect_. 

1. Life of Kabir. 

_Kabirpanthi Sect_. --A well-known religious sect founded by thereformer Kabir, who flourished in the fifteenth century, and is calledby Dr. Hunter the Luther of India. The sect has now split into twobranches, the headquarters of one of these being at Benares, and ofthe other at Kawardha, or Damakheda in Raipur. Bishop Westcott givesthe date of Kabir's life as A. D. 1440--1518, while Mr. Crooke statesthat he flourished between 1488 and 1512. Numerous legends are nowtold about him; thus, according to one of these, he was the son of avirgin Brahman widow, who had been taken at her request to see thegreat reformer Ramanand. He, unaware of her condition, saluted herwith the benediction which he thought acceptable to all women, andwished her the conception of a son. His words could not be recalled, and the widow conceived, but, in order to escape the disgrace whichwould attach to her, exposed the child, who was Kabir. He was foundby a Julaha or Muhammadan weaver and his wife, and brought up bythem. The object of this story is probably to connect Kabir withRamanand as his successor in reformation and spiritual heir; becausethe Ramanandis are an orthodox Vaishnava sect, while the Kabirpanthis, if they adhered to all Kabir's preaching, must be considered as quiteoutside the pale of Hinduism. To make out that Kabir came into theworld by Ramanand's act provides him at any rate with an orthodoxspiritual lineage. For the same reason [289] the date of Kabir's birthis sometimes advanced as early as 1398 in order to bring it withinthe period of Ramanand's lifetime (_circa_ 1300-1400). Another storyis that the deity took mortal shape as a child without birth, and wasfound by a newly-married weaver's wife lying in a lotus flower on atank, like Moses in the bulrushes. Bishop Westcott thus describes theevent: "A feeling of thirst overcame Nima, the newly-wedded wife ofNiru, the weaver, as after the marriage ceremony she was making herway to her husband's house. She approached the tank, but was muchafraid when she there beheld the child. She thought in her heart, 'This is probably the living evidence of the shame of some virginwidow. ' Niru suggested that they might take the child to their house, but Nima at first demurred, thinking that such action might giverise to scandal. Women would ask, 'Who is the mother of a child sobeautiful that its eyes are like the lotus?' However, laying asideall fears, they took pity on the child. On approaching the housethey were welcomed with the songs of women, but when the women sawthe child dark thoughts arose in their heads, and they began to ask, 'How has she got this child?' Nima replied that she had got the childwithout giving birth to it, and the women then refrained from askingfurther questions. " It is at any rate a point generally agreed on thatKabir was brought up in the house of a Muhammadan weaver. It is saidthat he became the _chela_ or disciple of Ramanand, but this cannot betrue, as Ramanand was dead before his birth. It seems probable thathe was married, and had two children named Kamal and Kamali. BishopWestcott states [290] that the _Kabir Kasauti_ explains the storyof his supposed marriage by the fact that he had a girl disciplenamed Loi, a foundling brought up by a holy man; she followed hisprecepts, and coming to Benares, passed her time in the service ofthe saints. Afterwards Kabir raised two children from the dead andgave them to Loi to bring up, and the ignorant suppose that these werehis wife and children. Such a statement would appear to indicate thatKabir was really married, but after his sect had become important, this fact was felt to be a blot on his claim to be a divine prophet, and so was explained away in the above fashion. 

The plain speaking of Kabir and his general disregard for religiousconventions excited the enmity of both Hindus and Muhammadans, and hewas accused before the Emperor Sikandar Lodi, by whose orders variousattempts were made to kill him; but he was miraculously preserved ineach case, until at last the Emperor acknowledged his divine character, asked his forgiveness, and expressed his willingness to undergoany punishment that he might name. To this Kabir replied that a manshould sow flowers for those who had sown him thorns. Bishop Westcottcontinues:--"All accounts agree that the earthly life of Kabir cameto a close at Maghar, in the District of Gorakhpur. Tradition relatesthat Kabir died in extreme old age, when his body had become infirmand his hands were no longer able to produce the music with which hehad in younger days celebrated the praises of Rama. 

"A difficulty arose with regard to the disposal of his body afterdeath. The Muhammadans desired to bury it and the Hindus to cremateit. As the rival parties discussed the question with growing warmthKabir himself appeared and bade them raise the cloth in which thebody lay enshrouded. They did as he commanded, and lo! beneath thecloth there lay but a heap of flowers. Of these flowers the Hindusremoved half and burnt them at Benares, while what remained wereburied at Maghar by the Muhammadans. "

2. Kabir's teachings. 

The religion preached by Kabir was of a lofty character. He rejectedthe divine inspiration of the Vedas and the whole Hindu mythology. Hetaught that there was no virtue in outward observances such asshaving the head, ceremonial purity and impurity, and circumcisionamong Muhammadans. He condemned the worship of idols and the useof sect-marks and religious amulets, but in all ordinary mattersallowed his followers to conform to usage in order to avoid givingoffence. He abolished distinctions of caste. He enjoined a virtuouslife, just conduct and kindly behaviour and much meditation on thevirtues of God. He also condemned the love of money and gain. In fact, in many respects his creed resembles Christianity, just as the lifeof Kabir contains one or two episodes parallel to that of Christ. Heprescribed obedience to the Guru or spiritual preceptor in all mattersof faith and morals. His religion appears to have been somewhat of apantheistic character and his idea of the deity rather vague. But heconsidered that the divine essence was present in all human beings, andapparently that those who freed themselves from sin and the trammelsof worldly desires would ultimately be absorbed into the godhead. Itdoes not seem that Kabir made any exact pronouncement on the doctrineof the transmigration of souls and re-birth, but as he laid greatstress on avoiding the destruction of any animal life, a preceptwhich is to some extent the outcome of the belief in transmigration, he may have concurred in this tenet. Some Kabirpanthis, however, have discarded transmigration. Bishop Westcott states that they dobelieve in the re-birth of the soul after an intervening period ofreward or punishment, but always apparently in a human body. 

3. His sayings

He would seem never to have promulgated any definite account of hisown religion, nor did he write anything himself. He uttered a largenumber of Sakhis or apothegms which were recorded by his disciplesin the Bijak, Sukhanidhan and other works, and are very well knownand often quoted by Kabirpanthis and others. The influence of Kabirextended beyond his own sect. Nanak, the founder of the Nanakpanthisand Sikhs, was indebted to Kabir for most of his doctrine, and theAdi-Granth or first sacred book of the Sikhs is largely compiled fromhis sayings. Other sects such as the Dadupanthis also owe much tohim. A small selection of his sayings from those recorded by BishopWestcott may be given in illustration of their character:

1. Adding cowrie to cowrie he brings together lakhs and crores. 

At the time of his departure he gets nothing at all, even hisloin-cloth is plucked away. 

2. Fire does not burn it, the wind does not carry it away, no thiefcomes near it; collect the wealth of the name of Rama, that wealthis never lost. 

3. By force and love circumcision is made, I shall not agree to it, O brother. If God will make me a Turk by Him will I be circumcised;if a man becomes a Turk by being circumcised what shall be done witha woman? She must remain a Hindu. 

4. The rosaries are of wood, the gods are of stone, the Gangesand Jumna are water. Rama and Krishna are dead. The four Vedas arefictitious stories. 

5. If by worshipping stones one can find God, I shall worship amountain; better than these stones (idols) are the stones of theflour-mill with which men grind their corn. 

6. If by immersion in the water salvation be obtained, the frogsbathe continually. As the frogs so are these men, again and againthey fall into the womb. 

7. As long as the sun does not rise the stars sparkle; so long asperfect knowledge of God is not obtained, men practise rites andceremonies. 

8. Brahma is dead with Siva who lived in Kashi; the immortals aredead. In Mathura, Krishna, the cowherd, died. The ten incarnations(of Vishnu) are dead. Machhandranath, Gorakhnath, Dattatreya and Vyasare no longer living. Kabir cries with a loud voice, All these havefallen into the slip-knot of death. 

9. While dwelling in the womb there is no clan nor caste; from theseed of Brahm the whole of creation is made. 

Whose art thou the Brahman? Whose am I the Sudra? Whose blood amI? Whose milk art thou?

Kabir says, 'Who reflects on Brahm, he by me is made a Brahman. '

10. To be truthful is best of all if the heart be truthful. A manmay speak as much as he likes; but there is no pleasure apart fromtruthfulness. 

11. If by wandering about naked union with Hari be obtained; thenevery deer of the forest will attain to God. If by shaving the headperfection is achieved, the sheep is saved, no one is lost. 

If salvation is got by celibacy, a eunuch should be the firstsaved. Kabir says, 'Hear, O Man and Brother; without the name of Ramano one has obtained salvation. '

The resemblance of some of the above ideas to the teaching of theGospels is striking, and, as has been seen, the story of Kabir'sbirth might have been borrowed from the Bible, while the KabirpanthiChauka or religious service has one or two features in commonwith Christianity. These facts raise a probability, at any rate, that Kabir or his disciples had some acquaintance with the Bible orwith the teaching of Christian missionaries. If such a suppositionwere correct, it would follow that Christianity had influenced thereligious thought of India to a greater extent than is generallysupposed. Because, as has been seen, the Nanakpanthi and Sikh sectsare mainly based on the teaching of Kabir. Another interesting thoughaccidental resemblance is that the religion of Kabir was handed downin the form of isolated texts and sayings like the Logia of Jesus, andwas first reduced to writing in a connected form by his disciples. Thefact that Kabir called the deity by the name of Rama apparently doesnot imply that he ascribed a unique and sole divinity to the hero kingof Ajodhia. He had to have some name which might convey a definiteimage or conception to his uneducated followers, and may have simplyadopted that which was best known and most revered by them. 

4. The Kabirpanthi Sect in the Central Provinces. 

The two principal headquarters of the Kabirpanthi sect are at Benairesand at Kawardha, the capital of the State of that name, or Damakhedain the Raipur District. These appear to be practically independentof each other, the head Mahants exercising separate jurisdiction overmembers of the sect who acknowledge their authority. The Benares branchof the sect is known as Bap (father) and the Kawardha branch as Mai(mother). In 1901 out of 850, 000 Kabirpanthis in India 500, 000 belongedto the Central Provinces. The following account of the practices ofthe sect in the Province is partly compiled from local information, and it differs in some minor, though not in essential, points fromthat given by Bishop Westcott. The Benares church is called theKabirchaura Math and the Kawardha one the Dharam Das Math. 

One of the converts to Kabir's teaching was Dharam Das, a KasaundhanBania, who distributed the whole of his wealth, eighteen lakhs ofrupees, in charity at his master's bidding and became a mendicant. Inreward for this Kabir promised him that his family should endurefor forty-two generations. The Mahants of Kawardha claim to be thedirect descendants of Dharam Das. They marry among Kasaundhan Banias, and their sons are initiated and succeed them. The present MahantsDayaram and Ugranam are twelfth and thirteenth in descent from DharamDas. Kabir not only promised that there should be forty-two Mahants, but gave the names of each of them, so that the names of all futureMahants are known. [291] Ugranam was born of a Marar woman, and, though acclaimed as the successor of his father, was challenged byDhirajnam, whose parentage was legitimate. Their dispute led to a casein the Bombay High Court, which was decided in favour of Dhirajnam, and he accordingly occupied the seat at Kawardha. Dayaram is hissuccessor. But Dhirajnam was unpopular, and little attention was paidto him. Ugranam lives at Damakheda, near Simga, [292] and enjoys thereal homage of the followers of the sect, who say that Dhiraj wasthe official Mahant but Ugra the people's Mahant. Of the previousMahants, four are buried at Kawardha, two at Kudarmal in Bilaspur, the site of a Kabirpanthi fair, and two at Mandla. Under the headMahant are a number of subordinate Mahants or Gurus, each of whom hasjurisdiction over the members of the sect in a certain area. The Gurupays so much a year to the head Mahant for his letter of jurisdictionand takes all the offerings himself. These subordinate Mahants maybe celibate or married, and about two-thirds of them are married. Adissenting branch called Nadiapanthi has now arisen in Raipur, all ofwhom are celibate. The Mahants have a high peaked cap somewhat of theshape of a mitre, a long sleeveless white robe, a _chauri_ or whisk, _chauba_ or silver stick, and a staff called _kuari_ or _aska_. Itis said that on one occasion there was a very high flood at Puri andthe sea threatened to submerge Jagannath's temple, but Kabir planteda stick in the sand and said, 'Come thus far and no further, ' and theflood was stayed. In memory of this the Mahants carry the crutchedstaff, which also serves as a means of support. When officiating theywear a small embroidered cap. Each Mahant has a Diwan or assistant, and he travels about his charge during the open season, visiting themembers of the sect. A Mahant should not annoy any one by begging, but rather than do so should remain hungry. He must not touch anyflesh, fish or liquor. And if any living thing is hungry he shouldgive it of his own food. 

5. The religious service. 

A Kabirpanthi religious service is called Chauka, the name given to thespace marked out for it with lines of wheat-flour, 5 or 7 1/2 yardssquare. [293] In the centre is made a pattern of nine lotus flowersto represent the sun, moon and seven planets, and over this a bunch ofreal flowers is laid. At one corner is a small hollow pillar of doughserving as a candle-stick, in which a stick covered with cotton-woolburns as a lamp, being fed with butter. The Mahant sits at one end andthe worshippers sit round. _Bhajans_ or religious songs are sung to themusic of cymbals by one or two, and the others repeat the name of Kabircounting on their _kanthi_ or necklace of beads. The Mahant lights apiece of camphor and waves it backwards and forwards in a dish. Thisis called Arti, a Hindu rite. He then breaks a cocoanut on a stone, a thing which only a Mahant may do. The flesh of the cocoanut is cutup and distributed to the worshippers with betel-leaf and sugar. Eachreceives it on his knees, taking the greatest care that none fallon the ground. If any of the cocoanut remain, it is kept by theMahant for another service. The Hindus think that the cocoanut is asubstitute for a human head. It is supposed to have been created byViswamitra and the _buch_ or tuft of fibre at the end represents thehair. The Kabirpanthis will not eat any part of a cocoanut from otherHindus from which this tuft has been removed, as they fear that itmay have been broken off in the name of some god or spirit. Once the_buch_ is removed the cocoanut is not an acceptable offering, as itslikeness to a human head is considered to be destroyed. After thisthe Mahant gives an address and an interval occurs. Some little timeafterwards the worshippers reassemble. Meanwhile, a servant has takenthe dough candle-stick and broken it up, mixing it with fragments ofthe cocoanut, butter and more flour. It is then brought to the Mahant, who makes it into little _puris_ or wafers. The Mahant has also anumber of betel-leaves known as _parwana_ or message, which have beenblessed by the head _guru_ at Kawardha or Damakheda. These are cut upinto small pieces for delivery to each disciple and are supposed torepresent the body of Kabir. He has also brought _Charan Amrita_ orNectar of the Feet, consisting of water in which the feet of the head_guru_ have been washed. This is mixed with fine earth and made up intopills. The worshippers reassemble, any who may feel unworthy absentingthemselves, and each receives from the Mahant, with one hand foldedbeneath the other, a wafer of the dough, a piece of the _parwana_or betel-leaf, and a pill of the foot-nectar. After partaking of thesacred food they cleanse their hands, and the proceedings conclude witha substantial meal defrayed either by subscription or by a well-to-domember. Bishop Westcott states that the _parwana_ or betel-leaf isheld to represent Kabir's body, and the Kabirpanthis say that theflame of the candle is the life or spirit of Kabir, so that the doughof the candle-stick might also be taken to symbolise his body. Thecocoanut eaten at the preliminary service is undoubtedly offered byHindus as a substitute for a human body, though the Kabirpanthis maynow disclaim this idea. And the foot-nectar of the _guru_ might belooked upon as a substitute for the blood of Kabir. 

6. Initiation. 

The initiation of a proselyte is conducted at a similar service, and he is given cocoanut and betel-leaf. He solemnly vows to observethe rules of the sect, and the Mahant whispers a text into his earand hangs a necklace of wooden beads of the wood of the _tulsi_ orbasil round his neck. This _kanthi_ or necklace is the mark of theKabirpanthi, but if lost, it can be replaced by any other necklace, not necessarily of _tulsi_. One man was observed with a necklace ofpink beads bought at Allahabad. Sometimes only a single _tulsi_ beadis worn on a string. The convert is also warned against eating thefruit of the _gular_ [294] fig-tree, as these small figs are alwaysfull of insects. Kabir condemned sect-marks, but many Kabirpanthisnow have them, the mark usually being a single broad streak of whitesandalwood from the top of the forehead to the nose. 

7. Funeral rites. 

The Kabirpanthis are usually buried. Formerly, the bodies of marriedpeople both male and female were buried inside the compound ofthe house, but this is now prohibited on sanitary grounds. A clothis placed in the grave and the corpse laid on it and another clothplaced over it covering the face. Over the grave a little platform ismade on which the Mahant and two or three other persons can sit. Onthe twenty-first day after the death, if possible, the Mahant shouldhold a service for the dead. The form of the service is that alreadydescribed, the Mahant sitting on the grave and the _chauka_ beingmade in front of it. He lays a cocoanut and flowers on the grave andlights the lamp, afterwards distributing the cocoanut. The Kabirpanthisthink that the soul of the dead person remains in the grave up to thistime, but when the lamp is burnt the soul mingles with the flame, which is the soul of Kabir, and is absorbed into the deity. Whenbreaking a cocoanut over the grave of the dead the Kabirpanthis say, 'I am breaking the skull of Yama, ' because they think that the soul ofa Kabirpanthi is absorbed into the deity and therefore is not liableto be taken down to hell and judged by Chitragupta and punished byYama. From this it would appear that some of them do not believe inthe transmigration of souls. 

8. Idol worship. 

Ordinarily the Kabirpanthis have no regular worship except on theoccasion of a visit of the _guru_. But sometimes in the morning theyfold their hands and say '_Sat Sahib_, ' or the 'True God, ' two or threetimes. They also clean a space with cowdung and place a lighted lampon it and say '_Jai Kabir Ki_, ' or 'Victory to Kabir. ' They conceiveof the deity as consisting of light, and therefore it seems probablethat, like the other Vaishnava sects, they really take him to be theSun. Kabir prohibited the worship of all idols and visible symbols, but as might be expected the illiterate Kabirpanthis cannot adherestrictly to this. Some of them worship the Bijak, the principal sacredbook of their sect. At Rudri near Dhamtari on the Mahanadi one ofthe Gurus is buried, and a religious fair is held there. Recentlya platform has been made with a footprint of Kabir marked on it, and this is venerated by the pilgrims. Similarly, Kudarmal is heldto contain the grave of Churaman, the first _guru_ after Dharam Das, and a religious fair is held here at which the Kabirpanthis attend andvenerate the grave. Dharam Das himself is said to be buried at Puri, the site of Jagannath's temple, but it seems doubtful whether thisstory may not have been devised in order to give the Kabirpanthis avalid reason for going on pilgrimage to Puri. Similarly, an arch andplatform in the court of the temple of Rama at Ramtek is consideredto belong to the Kabirpanthis, though the Brahmans of the temple saythat the arch was really made by the daughter of a Surajvansi kingof the locality in order to fasten her swing to it. Once in threeyears the Mahar Kabirpanthis of Mandla make a sacrificial offeringof a goat to Dulha Deo, the bridegroom god, and eat the flesh, burying the remains beneath the floor. On this occasion they alsodrink liquor. Other Kabirpanthis venerate Brahma, Vishnu and Siva, and light a lamp and burn camphor in their names, but do not makeidols of them. They will accept the cooked food offered to Vishnu asSatnarayan and a piece of the cocoanut kernel offered to Devi, but notthe offerings to any other deities. And a number even of illiterateKabirpanthis appear to abstain from any kind of idol-worship. 

9. Statistics of the sect. 

About 600, 000 Kabirpanthis were returned in the Central Provincesin 1911, this being equivalent to an increase of 19 per cent sincethe previous census. As this was less than the increase in thetotal population the sect appears to be stationary or declining innumbers. The weaving castes are usually Kabirpanthis, because Kabir wasa weaver. The Brahmans call it 'The weaver's religion. ' Of the Pankacaste 84 per cent were returned as members of the sect, and this casteappears to be of sectarian formation, consisting of Pans or Gandaswho have become Kabirpanthis. Other weaving castes such as Balahis, Koris, Koshtis and Mahars belong to the sect in considerable numbers, and it is also largely professed by other low castes as the Telis oroilmen, of whom 16 per cent adhere to it, and by Dhobis and Chamars;and by some castes from whom a Brahman will take water, as the Ahirs, Kurmis, Lodhis and Kachhis. Though there seems little doubt that oneof the principal aims of Kabir's preaching was the abolition of thesocial tyranny of the caste system, which is the most real and to thelower classes the most hateful and burdensome feature of Hinduism, yet as in the case of so many other reformers his crusade has failed, and a man who becomes a Kabirpanthi does not cease to be a member ofhis caste or to conform to its observances. And a few Brahmans whohave been converted, though renounced by their own caste, have, itis said, been compensated by receiving high posts in the hierarchy ofthe sect. Formerly all members of the sect took food together at theconclusion of each Chauka or service conducted by a Mahant. But thisis no longer the case, and presumably different Chaukas are now heldfor communities of different castes. Only on the 13th day of Bhadon(August), which was the birthday of Kabir, as many Kabirpanthis ascan meet at the headquarters of the Guru take food together withoutdistinction of caste in memory of their Founder's doctrine. Otherwisethe Kabirpanthis of each caste make a separate group within it, butamong the lower castes they take food and marry with members of thecaste who are not Kabirpanthis. These latter are commonly known asSaktaha, a term which in Chhattisgarh signifies an eater of meat asopposed to a Kabirpanthi who refrains from it. The Mahars and Pankaspermit intermarriage between Kabirpanthi and Saktaha families, the wife in each case adopting the customs and beliefs of herhusband. Kabirpanthis also wear the _choti_ or scalp-lock and shavethe head for the death of a relative, in spite of Kabir's contempt ofthe custom. Still, the sect has in the past afforded to the uneducatedclasses a somewhat higher ideal of spiritual life than the chaoticmedley of primitive superstitions and beliefs in witchcraft and devilworship, from which the Brahmans, caring only for the recognition oftheir social supremacy, made no attempt to raise them. 

Lingayat Sect

_Lingayat Sect_. --A sect devoted to the worship of Siva which hasdeveloped into a caste. The Lingayat sect is supposed [295] to havebeen founded in the twelfth century by one Basava, a Brahman ministerof the king of the Carnatic. He preached the equality of all men andof women also by birth, and the equal treatment of all. Women were tobe treated with the same respect as men, and any neglect or incivilityto a woman would be an insult to the god whose image she wore and withwhom she was one. Caste distinctions were the invention of Brahmansand consequently unworthy of acceptance. The _Madras Census Report_[296] of 1871 further states that Basava preached the immortality ofthe soul, and mentions a theory that some of the traditions concerninghim might have been borrowed from the legends of the Syrian Christians, who had obtained a settlement in Madras at a period not later than theseventh century. The founder of the sect thus took as his fundamentaltenet the abolition of caste, but, as is usual in the history ofsimilar movements, the ultimate result has been that the Lingayats havethemselves become a caste. In Bombay they have two main divisions, Mr. Enthoven states: [297] the Panchamsalis or descendants of theoriginal converts from Brahmanism and the non-Panchamsalis or laterconverts. The latter are further subdivided into a number of groups, apparently endogamous. Converts of each caste becoming Lingayats forma separate group of their own, as Ahir Lingayats, Bania Lingayatsand so on, severing their connection with the parent caste. A thirddivision consists of members of unclean castes attached to theLingayat community by reason of performing to it menial service. Amarked tendency has recently been displayed by the community in Bombayto revert to the original Brahmanic configuration of society, fromwhich its founder sought to free it. On the occasion of the census acomplete scheme was supplied to the authorities professing to show thedivision of the Lingayats into the four groups of Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Sudra. 

In the Central Provinces Lingayats were not shown as a separate caste, and the only return of members of the sect is from the Bania caste, whose subcastes were abstracted. Lingayat was recorded as a subcaste by8000 Banias, and these form a separate endogamous group. But membersof other castes as Gaolis, Malis, Patwas and the Telugu Balijas arealso Lingayats and marry among themselves. A child becomes a Lingayatby being invested with the _lingam_ or phallic sign of Siva, sevendays after its birth, by the Jangam priest. This is afterwards carriedround the neck in a small casket of silver, brass or wood throughoutlife, and is buried with the corpse at death. The corpse of a Lingayatcannot be burnt because it must not be separated from the _lingam_, as this is considered to be the incarnation of Siva and must notbe destroyed in the fire. If it is lost the owner must be investedwith a fresh one by the Jangam in the presence of the caste. It isworshipped three times a day, being washed in the morning with theashes of cowdung cakes, while in the afternoon leaves of the _bel_tree and food are offered to it. When a man is initiated as a Lingayatin after-life, the Jangam invests him with the _lingam_, pours holywater on to his head and mutters in his ear the sacred text, '_Ahamso aham_, ' or 'I and you are now one and the same. ' The Lingayatsare strict vegetarians, and will not expose their drinking water tothe sun, as they think that by doing this insects would be bred in itand that by subsequently swallowing them they would be guilty of thedestruction of life. They are careful to leave no remains of a mealuneaten. Their own priests, the Jangams, officiate at their weddings, and after the conclusion of the ceremony the bride and bridegroombreak raw cakes of pulse placed on the other's back, the bride with herfoot and the bridegroom with his fist. Widow-marriage is allowed. Thedead are buried in a sitting posture with their faces turned towardsthe east. Water sanctified by the Jangam having dipped his toe intoit is placed in the mouth of the corpse. The Jangam presses down theearth over the grave and then stands on it and refuses to come offuntil he is paid a sum of money varying with the means of the man, the minimum payment being Rs. 1-4. In some cases a platform with animage of Mahadeo is made over the grave. When meeting each other theLingayats give the salutation _Sharnat_, or, 'I prostrate myself beforeyou. ' They address the Jangam as Maharaj and touch his feet with theirhead. The Lingayat Banias of the Central Provinces usually belong toMadras and speak Telugu in their houses. As they deny the authorityof Brahmans, the latter have naturally a great antipathy for them, and make various statements to their discredit. One of these is thatafter a death the Lingayats have a feast, and, setting up the corpsein the centre, arrange themselves round it and eat their food. Butthis is not authenticated. Similarly the Abbe Dubois stated: [298]"They do not recognise the laws relating to defilement which aregenerally accepted by other castes, such, for instance, as thoseoccasioned by a woman's periodical ailments, and by the death andfuneral of relations. Their indifference to all such prescriptivecustoms relating to defilement and cleanliness has given rise to aHindu proverb which says, 'There is no river for a Lingayat, ' meaningthat the members of the sect do not recognise, at all events on manyoccasions, the virtues and merits of ablutions. " The same author alsostates that they entirely reject the doctrine of migration of souls, and that, in consequence of their peculiar views on this point, theyhave no _tithis_ or anniversary festivals to commemorate the dead. ALingayat is no sooner buried than he is forgotten. In view of theseremarks it must be held to be doubtful whether the Lingayats havethe doctrine of the immortality of the soul. 

Muhammadan Religion

[_Bibliography_: Rev. T. P. Hughes, _Notes on Muhammadanism_, and_Dictionary of Islam_, London, W. H. Allen, 1895; _Bombay Gazetteer_, vol. Ix. Part II. _Muhammadans of Gujarat_, by Khan Bahadur FazalullahLutfullah Faridi; _Qaun-i-Islam, _ G. A. Herklots, Madras, Higginbotham, reprint 1895; _Muhammadanism and Early Developments of Muhammadanism_, by Professor D. S. Margoliouth; _Life of Mahomet_, by Sir. W. Muir;Mr. J. T. Marten's _Central Provinces Census Report_, 1911. Thisarticle is mainly compiled from the excellent accounts in the _BombayGazetteer_ and the _Dictionary of Islam_. ]

List of Paragraphs

 1. _Statistics and distribution_. 2. _Occupations_. 3. _Muhammadan castes_. 4. _The four tribal divisions_. 5. _Marriage_. 6. _Polygamy, divorce and widow-remarriage_. 7. _Devices for procuring children, and beliefs about them_. 8. _Pregnancy rites_. 9. _Childbirth and naming children_. 10. _The Ukika sacrifice_. 11. _Shaving the hair and ear-piercing_ 12. _Birthdays_. 13. _Circumcision, and maturity of girls_. 14. _Funeral rites_. 15. _Muhammadan sects. Shiah and Sunni_. 16. _Leading religious observations. Prayer. _ 17. _The fast Ramazan. _ 18. _The pilgrimage to Mecca. _ 19. _Festivals. The Muharram_. 20. _Id-ul-Fitr. _ 21. _Id-ul-Zoha. _ 22. _Mosques. _ 22. _Mosques_ 23. _The Friday service. _ 24. _Priest. Mulla and Maulvi. _ 25. _The Kazi. _ 26. _General features of Islam. _ 27. _The Koran. _ 28. _The Traditions_ 29. _The schools of law. _ 30. _Food. _ 31. _Dress. _ 32. _Social rules. Salutations. _ 33. _Customs. _ 34. _Position of women. _ 35. _Interest on money. _ 36. _Muhammadan education. _

1. Statistics and distribution. 

_Muhammadan Religion. _--The Muhammadans numbered nearly 600, 000persons in the Central Provinces in 1911, or about 3 per centof the population. Of these about two-fifths belong to Berar, the Amraoti and Akola Districts containing more than 70, 000 each;while of the 350, 000 returned from the Central Provinces proper, about 40, 000 reside in each of the Jubbulpore, Nagpur and NimarDistricts. Berar was for a long period governed by the MuhammadanBahmani dynasty, and afterwards formed part of the Mughal empire, passing to the Mughal Viceroy, the Nizam of Hyderabad, when he becamean independent ruler. Though under British administration, it is stilllegally a part of Hyderabad territory, and a large proportion of theofficial classes as well as many descendants of retired soldiers areMuhammadans. Similarly Nimar was held by the Muhammadan Faruki dynastyof Khandesh for 200 years, and was then included in the Mughal empire, Burhanpur being the seat of a viceroy. At this period a good deal offorcible conversion probably took place, and a considerable sectionof the Bhils nominally became Muhammadans. 

When the Gond Raja of Deogarh embraced Islam after his visit to Delhi, members of this religion entered his service, and he also brought backwith him various artificers and craftsmen. The cavalry of the BhonslaRaja of Nagpur was largely composed of Muhammadans, and in many casestheir descendants have settled on the land. In the ChhattisgarhDivision and the Feudatory States the number of Muhammadans isextremely small, constituting less than one per cent of the population. 

2. Occupations. 

No less than 37 per cent of the total number of Muhammadans livein towns, though the general proportion of urban population inthe Provinces is only 7 1/2 per cent. The number of Muhammadansin Government service excluding the police and army, is quitedisproportionate to their small numerical strength in the Provinces, being 20 per cent of all persons employed. In the garrison theyactually outnumber Hindus, while in the police they form 37 percent of the whole force. In the medical and teaching professionsalso the number of Muhammadans is comparatively large, while ofpersons of independent means a proportion of 29 per cent are of thisreligion. Of persons employed in domestic services nearly 14 per centof the total are Muhammadans, and of beggars, vagrants and prostitutes23 per cent. Muhammadans are largely engaged in making and sellingclothes, outnumbering the Hindus in this trade; they consist of twoentirely different classes, the Muhammadan tailors who work for hire, and the Bohra and Khoja shopkeepers who sell all kinds of cloth; butboth live in towns. Of dealers in timber and furniture 36 per centare Muhammadans, and they also engage in all branches of the retailtrade in provisions. The occupations of the lower-class Muhammadansare the manufacture of glass bangles and slippers and the dyeing ofcloth. [299]

3. Muhammadan castes. 

About 14 per cent of the Muhammadans returned caste names. Theprincipal castes are the Bohra and Khoja merchants, who are of theShiah sect, and the Cutchis or Memans from Gujarat, who are alsotraders; these classes are foreigners in the Province, and manyof them do not bring their wives, though they have now begun tosettle here. The resident castes of Muhammadans are the Bahnas orcotton-cleaners; Julahas, weavers; Kacheras, glass bangle-makers;Kunjras, greengrocers; Kasais, butchers; and the Rangrez casteof dyers who dye with safflower. As already stated, a section ofthe Bhils are at least nominally Muhammadans, and the Fakirs orMuhammadan beggars are also considered a separate caste. But no casteof good standing such as the Rajput and Jat includes any considerablenumber of Muhammadans in the Central Provinces, though in northernIndia large numbers of them belong to this religion, while retainingsubstantially their caste usages. The Muhammadan castes in the CentralProvinces probably consist to a large extent of the descendants ofHindu converts. Their religious observances present a curious mixtureof Hindu and Muhammadan rites, as shown in the separate articles onthese castes. Proper Muhammadans look down on them and decline totake food or intermarry with them. 

4. The four tribal divisions. 

The Muhammadans proper are usually divided into four classes, Shaikh, Saiyad, Mughal and Pathan. Of these the Shaikhs number nearly 300, 000, the Pathans nearly 150, 000, the Saiyads under 50, 000, and the Pathansabout 9000 in the Central Provinces. The term Saiyad properlymeans a descendant of Ali, the son-in-law, and the lady Fatimah, the daughter of the Prophet. They use the title Saiyad or Mir [300]before, and sometimes Shah after, their name, while women employthat of Begum. Many Saiyads act as Pirs or spiritual guides to otherMuhammadan families. The external mark of a Saiyad is the right towear a green turban, but this is of course no longer legally securedto them. The title Shaikh properly belongs only to three branches ofthe Quraish tribe or that of Muhammad: the Siddikis, who claim descentfrom Abu Bakr Siddik, [301] the father-in-law of the Prophet and thesecond Caliph; the Farukis claiming it from Umar ul Faruk, the thirdCaliph, and also the father-in-law of the Prophet; and the Abbasis, descended from Abbas, one of the Prophet's nine uncles. The Farukis aredivided into two families, the Chistis and Faridis. Both these titles, however, and especially Shaikh, are now arrogated by large numbersof persons who cannot have any pretence to the above descent. SirD. Ibbetson quotes a proverb, 'Last year I was a butcher; this year Iam a Shaikh; next year if prices rise I shall become a Saiyad. ' And SirH. M. Elliot relates that much amusement was caused in 1860 at Gujaratby the Sherishtadar or principal officer of the judicial departmentdescribing himself in an official return as Saiyad Hashimi Quraishi, that is, of the family and lineage of the Prophet. His father, who wasliving in obscurity in his native town, was discovered to be a Loharor blacksmith. [302] The term Shaikh means properly an elder, andis freely taken by persons of respectable position. Shaikhs commonlyuse either Shaikh or Muhammad as their first names. The Pathans wereoriginally the descendants of Afghan immigrants. The name is probablythe Indian form of the word Pushtun (plural Pushtanah), now given tothemselves by speakers of the Pushtu language. [303] The men add Khanto their names and the women Khatun or Khatu. It is not at all likelyeither that the bulk of the Muhammadans who returned themselves asPathans in the Central Provinces are really of Afghan descent. TheMughals proper are of two classes, Irani or Persian, who belong tothe Shiah sect, and Turani, Turkish or Tartar, who are Sunnis. Mughalsuse the title Mirza (short for Amirzada, son of a prince) before theirnames, and add Beg after them. It is said that the Prophet addresseda Mughal by the title of Beg after winning a victory, and since thenit has always been used. Mughal women have the designation Khanumafter their names. [304] Formerly the Saiyads and Mughals constitutedthe superior class of Muhammadan gentry, and never touched a ploughthemselves, like the Hindu Brahmans and Rajputs. These four divisionsare not proper subcastes as they are not endogamous. A man of onegroup can marry a woman of any other and she becomes a member of herhusband's group; but the daughters of Saiyads do not usually marryothers than Saiyads. Nor is there any real distinction of occupationbetween them, the men following any occupation indifferently. In fact, the divisions are now little more than titular, a certain distinctionattaching to the titles Saiyad and Shaikh when borne by families whohave a hereditary or prescriptive right to use them. 

5. Marriage. 

The census returns of 1911 show that three-fourths of Muhammadan boysnow remain unmarried till the age of 20; while of girls 31 per cent areunmarried between 15 and 20, but only 13 per cent above that age. Theage of marriage of boys may therefore be taken at 18 to 25 or later, and that of girls at 10 to 20. The age of marriage both of girls andboys is probably getting later, especially among the better classes. 

Marriage is prohibited to the ordinary near relatives, but not betweenfirst cousins. A man cannot marry his foster-mother or foster-sister, unless the foster-brother and sister were nursed by the same womanat intervals widely separated. A man may not marry his wife's sisterduring his wife's lifetime unless she has been divorced. A Muhammadancannot marry a polytheist, but he may marry a Jewess or a Christian. Nospecific religious ceremony is appointed, nor are any rites essentialfor the contraction of a valid marriage. If both persons are legallycompetent, and contract marriage with each other in the presence of twomale or one male and two female witnesses, it is sufficient. And theShiah law even dispenses with witnesses. As a rule the Kazi performsthe ceremony, and reads four chapters of the Koran with the professionof belief, the bridegroom repeating them after him. The parties thenexpress their mutual consent, and the Kazi, raising his hands, says, "The great God grant that mutual love may reign between this coupleas it existed between Adam and Eve, Abraham and Sarah, Joseph andZuleika, Moses and Zipporah, His Highness Muhammad and Ayesha, andHis Highness Ali and Fatimah. " [305] A dowry or _meher_ must be paidto the wife, which under the law must not be less than ten silver_dirhams_ or drachmas; but it is customary to fix it at Rs. 17, thedowry of Fatimah, the Prophet's favourite daughter, or at Rs. 750, that of the Prophet's wife, Ayesha. [306] The wedding is, however, usually accompanied by feasts and celebrations not less elaborateor costly than those of the Hindus. Several Hindu ceremonies arealso included, such as the anointing of the bride and bridegroomwith oil and turmeric, and setting out earthen vessels, which aremeant to afford a dwelling-place for the spirits of ancestors, atleast among the lower classes. [307] Another essential rite is therubbing of the hands and feet of the bridegroom with _mehndi_ or redhenna. The marriage is usually arranged and a ceremony of betrothalheld at least a year before it actually takes place. 

6. Polygamy, divorce and widow-remarriage. 

A husband can divorce his wife at pleasure by merely repeating theprescribed sentences. A wife can obtain divorce from her husband forimpotence, madness, leprosy or non-payment of the dowry. A woman whois divorced can claim her dowry if it has not been paid. Polygamy ispermitted among Muhammadans to the number of four wives, but it isvery rare in the Central Provinces. Owing to the fact that membersof the immigrant trading castes leave their wives at home in Gujarat, the number of married women returned at the census was substantiallyless than that of married men. A feeling in favour of the legalprohibition of polygamy is growing up among educated Muhammadans, and many of them sign a contract at marriage not to take a secondwife during the lifetime of the first. There is no prohibition onthe remarriage of widows in Muhammadan law, but the Hindu rule onthe subject has had considerable influence, and some Muhammadans ofgood position object to the marriage of widows in their family. Thecustom of the seclusion of women also, as Mr. Marten points out, operates as a bar to a widow finding a husband for herself. 

7. Devices for procuring children, and beliefs about them. 

Women who desire children resort to the shrines of saints, who aresupposed to be able to induce fertility. "Blochmann notes that thetomb of Saint Salim-i-Chishti at Fatehpur-Sikri, in whose housethe Emperor Jahangir was born, is up to the present day visited bychildless Hindu and Musalman women. A tree in the compound of thesaint Shaih Alam of Ahmedabad yields a peculiar acorn-like fruit, which is sought after far and wide by those desiring children; thewoman is believed to conceive from the moment of eating the fruit. Ifthe birth of a child follows the eating of the acorn, the man and womanwho took it from the tree should for a certain number of years come atevery anniversary of the saint and nourish the tree with a supply ofmilk. In addition to this, jasmine and rose-bushes at the shrines ofcertain saints are supposed to possess issue-giving properties. Todraw virtue from the saint's jasmine the woman who yearns for achild bathes and purifies herself and goes to the shrine, and seatsherself under or near the jasmine bush with her skirt spread out. Asmany flowers as fall into her lap, so many children will she have. Insome localities if after the birth of one child no other son is born, or being born does not live, it is supposed that the first-born childis possessed by a malignant spirit who destroys the young lives ofthe new-born brothers and sisters. So at the mother's next confinementsugar and sesame-seed are passed seven or nine times over the new-borninfant from head to foot, and the elder boy or girl is given them toeat. The sugar represents the life of the young one given to the spiritwho possesses the first-born. A child born with teeth already visibleis believed to exercise a very malignant influence over its parents, and to render the early death of one of them almost certain. " [308]

8. Pregnancy rites. 

In the seventh or ninth month of pregnancy a fertility rite isperformed as among the Hindus. The woman is dressed in new clothes, and her lap is filled with fruit and vegetables by her friends. Insome localities a large number of pots are obtained, and a littlewater is placed in each of them by a fertile married woman who hasnever lost a child. Prayers are repeated over the pots in the namesof the male and female ancestors of the family, and especially of thewomen who have died in childbirth. This appears to be a propitiationof the spirits of ancestors. [309]

9. Childbirth and naming children. 

A woman goes to her parents' home after the last pregnancy rite andstays there till her confinement is over. The rites performed by themidwife at birth resemble those of the Hindus. When the child is bornthe _azan_ or summons to prayer is uttered aloud in his right ear, and the _takbir_ or Muhammadan creed in his left. The child is namedon the sixth or seventh day. Sometimes the name of an ancestor isgiven, or the initial letter is selected from the Koran at a ventureand a name beginning with that letter is chosen. Some common namesare those of the hundred titles of God combined with the prefix _abd_or servant. Such are Abdul Aziz, servant of the all-honoured; Ghani, the everlasting; Karim, the gracious; Rahim, the pitiful; Rahman, the merciful; Razzak, the bread-giver; Sattar, the concealer; andso on, with the prefix Abdul, or servant of, in each case. SimilarlyAbdullah, or servant of God, was the name of Muhammad's father, andis a very favourite one. Other names end with Baksh or 'given by, ' asHaidar Baksh, given by the lion (Ali); these are similar to the Hindunames ending in Prasad. The prefix Ghulam, or slave of, is also used, as Ghulam Hussain, slave of Hussain; and names of Hebrew patriarchsmentioned in the Koran are not uncommon, as Ayub Job, Harun Aaron, Ishaq Isaac, Musa Moses, Yakub Jacob, Yusaf Joseph, and so on. [310]

10. The Ukika sacrifice. 

After childbirth the mother must not pray or fast, touch the Koranor enter a mosque for forty days; on the expiry of this period she isbathed and dressed in good clothes, and her relatives bring presentsfor the child. Some people do not let her oil or comb her hair duringthese days. The custom would seem to be a relic of the period ofimpurity of women after childbirth. On the fortieth day the childis placed in a cradle for the first time. In some localities a ritecalled Ukika is performed after the birth of a child. It consists of asacrifice in the name of the child of two he-goats for a boy and onefor a girl. The goats must be above a year old, and without spot orblemish. The meat must be separated from the bones so that not a boneis broken, and the bones, skin, feet and head are afterwards buriedin the earth. When the flesh is served the following prayer is said bythe father: "O, Almighty God, I offer in the stead of my own offspringlife for life, blood for blood, head for head, bone for bone, hairfor hair, and skin for skin. In the name of God do I sacrifice thishe-goat. " This is apparently a relic of the substitution of a goat forIshmael when Abraham was offering him as a sacrifice. The Muhammadanssay that it was Ishmael instead of Isaac who was thus offered, and theythink that Ishmael or Ismail was the ancestor of all the Arabs. [311]

11. Shaving the hair and ear-piercing. 

Either on the same day as the Ukika sacrifice or soon afterwards thechild's hair is shaved for the first time. By the rich the hair isweighed against silver and this sum is distributed to beggars. It isthen tied up in a piece of cloth and either buried or thrown into ariver, or sometimes set afloat on a little toy raft in the name of asaint. Occasionally tufts of hair or even the whole head may be leftunshaven in the name of a saint, and after one or more years the childis taken to the saint's tomb and the hair shaved there; or if thiscannot be done it is cut off at home in the name of the saint. [312]

When a girl is one or two years old the lobes of her ears are bored. Bydegrees other holes are bored along the edge of the ear and evenin the centre, till by the time she has attained the age of two orthree years she has thirteen holes in the right ear and twelve in theleft. Little silver rings and various kinds of earrings are insertedand worn in the holes. But the practice of boring so many holes hasnow been abandoned by the better-class Muhammadans. 

12. Birthdays. 

The child's birthday is known as _sal-girah_ and is celebrated by afeast. A knot is tied in a red thread and annually thereafter a freshknot to mark his age, and prayers are offered in the child's name tothe patriarch Noah, who is believed to have lived to five hundred ora thousand years, and hence to have the power of conferring longevityon the child. When a child is four years, four months and four daysold the ceremony of Bismillah or taking the name of God is held, which is obligatory on all Muhammadans. Friends are invited, and thechild is dressed in a flowered robe (_sahra_) and repeats the firstchapters of the Koran after his or her tutor. [313]

13. Circumcision, and maturity of girls. 

A boy is usually circumcised at the age of six or seven, but amongsome classes of Shiahs and the Arabs the operation is performed a fewdays after birth. The barber operates and the child is usually givena little _bhang_ or other opiate. Some Muhammadans leave circumcisiontill an age bordering on puberty, and then perform it with a pomp andceremony almost equalling those of a marriage. When a girl arrivesat the age of puberty she is secluded for seven days, and for thisperiod eats only butter, bread and sugar, all fish, flesh, salt andacid food being prohibited. In the evening she is bathed, warm wateris poured on her head, and among the lower classes an entertainmentis given to friends. [314]

14. Funeral rites. 

The same word _janazah_ is used for the corpse, the bier and thefuneral. When a man is at the point of death a chapter of the Koran, telling of the happiness awaiting the true believer in the future life, is read, and some money or sherbet is dropped into his mouth. Afterdeath the body is carefully washed and wrapped in three or five clothsfor a male or female respectively. Some camphor or other sweet-smellingstuff is placed on the bier. Women do not usually attend funerals, andthe friends and relatives of the deceased walk behind the bier. Thereis a tradition among some Muhammadans that no one should precede thecorpse, as the angels go before. To carry a bier is considered a verymeritorious act, and four of the relations, relieving each otherin turn, bear it on their shoulders. Muhammadans carry their deadquickly to the place of interment, for Muhammad is stated to havesaid that it is good to carry the dead quickly to the grave, so asto cause the righteous person to attain the sooner to bliss; and, onthe other hand, in the case of a bad man it is well to put wickednessaway from one's shoulders. Funerals should always be attended on foot, for it is said that Muhammad once rebuked people who were followinga bier on horseback, saying, "Have you no shame, since God's angelsgo on foot and you go upon the backs of quadrupeds?" It is a highlymeritorious act to attend a funeral whether it be that of a Muslim, a Jew or a Christian. The funeral service is not recited in thecemetery, this being too polluted a place for so sacred an office, but either in a mosque or in some open space close to the dwelling ofthe deceased person or to the graveyard. The nearest relative is theproper person to recite the service, but it is usually said by thefamily priest or the village Kazi. The grave sometimes has a recessat the side, in which the body is laid to prevent the earth fallingupon it, or planks may be laid over the body slantwise or supported onbricks for the same purpose. Coffins are only used by the rich. Whenthe body has been placed in the grave each person takes up a clodof earth and pronouncing over it a verse of the Koran, 'From earthwe made you, to earth we return you and out of earth we shall raiseyou on the resurrection day, ' places it gently in the grave over thecorpse. [315] The building of stone or brick tombs and writing versesof the Koran on them is prohibited by the Traditions, but large masonrytombs are common in all Muhammadan countries and very frequently theybear inscriptions. On the third day a feast is given in the morningand after it trays of flowers with a vessel containing scented oilare handed round and the guests pick flowers and dip them into theoil. They then proceed to the grave, where the oil and flowers areplaced. Maulvis are employed to read the whole of the Koran over thegrave, which they accomplish by dividing it into sections and readingthem at the same time. Rich people sometimes have the whole Koranread several times over in this manner. A sheet of white or red clothis spread over the grave, green being usually reserved for Fakirs orsaints. On the evening of the ninth day another feast is given, towhich friends and neighbours, and religious and ordinary beggars areinvited, and a portion is sent to the Fakir or mendicant in charge ofthe burying-ground. Some people will not eat any food from this feastin their houses but take it outside. [316] On the morning of the tenthday they go again to the grave and repeat the offering of flowers andscented oil as before. Other feasts are given on the fortieth day, and at the expiration of four, six and nine months, and one year fromthe date of the death, and the rich sometimes spend large sums onthem. None of these observances are prescribed by the Koran but haveeither been retained from pre-Islamic times or adopted in imitation ofthe Hindus. For forty days all furniture is removed from the rooms andthe whole family sleep on the bare ground. Sometimes a cup of water anda wheaten cake are placed nightly for forty days on the spot where thedeceased died, and a similar provision is sent to the mosque. When aman dies his mother and widow break their glass bangles. The mothercan get new ones, but the widow does not wear glass bangles or anose-ring again unless she takes a second husband. For four monthsand ten days the widow is strictly secluded and does not leave thehouse. Prayers for ancestors are offered annually at the Shab-i-Barator Bakr-Id festival. [317] The property of a deceased Muhammadan isapplicable in the first place to the payment of his funeral expenses;secondly, to the discharge of his debts; and thirdly, to the paymentof legacies up to one-third of the residue. If the legacies exceedthis amount they are proportionately reduced. The remainder of theproperty is distributed by a complicated system of shares to those ofthe deceased's relatives who rank as sharers and residuaries, legaciesto any of them in excess of the amount of their shares being void. Theconsequence of this law is that most Muhammadans die intestate. [318]

15. Muhammadan sects. Shiah and Sunni. 

Of the two main sects of Islam, ninety-four per cent of the Muhammadansin the Central Province were returned as being Sunnis in 1911 and threeper cent as Shiahs, while the remainder gave no sect. Only the Cutchi, Bohra and Khoja immigrants from Gujarat are Shiahs and practicallyall other Muhammadans are Sunnis. With the exception of Persia, Oudh and part of Gujarat, the inhabitants of which are Shiahs, theSunni sect is generally prevalent in the Muhammadan world. The maindifference between the Sunnis and Shiahs is that the latter thinkthat according to the Koran the Caliphate or spiritual headship ofthe Muhammadans had to descend in the Prophet's family and thereforenecessarily devolved on the Lady Fatimah, the only one of his childrenwho survived him, and on her husband Ali the fourth Caliph. Theytherefore reject the first three Caliphs after Muhammad, that is AbuBakr, Omar and Othman. After Ali they also hold that the Caliphatedescended in his family to his two sons Hasan and Hussain, and thedescendants of Hussain. Consequently they reject all the subsequentCaliphs of the Muhammadan world, as Hussain and his children did notoccupy this position. They say that there are only twelve Caliphs, or Imams, as they now prefer to call them, and that the twelfthhas never really died and will return again as the Messiah of whomMuhammad spoke, at the end of the world. He is known as the Mahdi, andthe well-known pretender of the Soudan, as well as others elsewhere, have claimed to be this twelfth or unrevealed Imam. Other sects ofthe Shiahs, as the Zaidiyah and Ismailia, make a difference in thesuccession of the Imamate among Hussain's descendants. The centralincident of the Shiah faith is the slaughter of Hussain, the sonof Ali, with his family, on the plain of Karbala in Persia by thesons of Yazid, the second Caliph of the Umaiyad dynasty of Damascus, on the 10th day of the month Muharram, in the 61st year of the Hijraor A. D. 680. The martyrdom of Hussain and his family at Karbala iscelebrated annually for the first ten days of the month of Muharram bythe Shiahs. Properly the Sunnis should take no part in this, and shouldobserve only the tenth day of Muharram as that on which Adam and Eveand heaven and hell were created. But in the Central Provinces theSunnis participate in all the Muharram celebrations, which now haverather the character of a festival than of a season of mourning. TheShiahs also reject the four great schools of tradition of the Sunnis, and have separate traditional authorities of their own. They count themonth to begin from the full moon instead of the new moon, pray threeinstead of five times a day, and in praying hold their hands open bytheir sides instead of folding them below the breast. The word Shiahmeans a follower, and Sunni one proceeding on the _sunnah_, the pathor way, a term applied to the traditions of the Prophet. The two wordshave thus almost the same signification. Except when otherwise stated, the information in this article relates to the Sunnis. 

16. Leading religious observances. Prayer. 

The five standard observances of the Muhammadan religion are theKalima, or creed; Sula, or the five daily prayers; Roza, or thethirty-day fast of Ramazan; Zakab, the legal alms; and Hajj, thepilgrimage to Mecca, which should be performed once in a lifetime. TheKalima, or creed, consists simply in the sentence, 'There is butone God and Muhammad is His prophet, ' which is frequently on thelips of Muhammadans. The five periods for prayer are Fajr ki namaz, in the morning before sunrise; Zohar, or the midday prayer, after thesun has begun to decline; Asur, or the afternoon prayer, about four;Maghrib, or the evening prayer, immediately after sunset; and Aysha, or the evening prayer, after the night has closed in. These prayersare repeated in Arabic, and before saying them the face, hands andfeet should be washed, and, correctly speaking, the teeth shouldalso be cleaned. At the times of prayer the Azan or call to prayer isrepeated from the mosque by the _muezzan_ or crier in the followingterms: "God is great, God is great, God is great, God is great! Ibear witness that there is no God but God! (twice). I bear witnessthat Muhammad is the Apostle of God! (twice). Come to prayers! Cometo prayers! Come to salvation! Come to salvation! God is great! Thereis no other God but God. " In the early morning the following sentenceis added, 'Prayers are better than sleep. ' [319]

17. The fast of Ramazan. 

The third necessary observance is the fast in the month of Ramazan, the ninth month of the Muhammadan year. The fast begins when the newmoon is seen, or if the sky is clouded, after thirty days from thebeginning of the previous month. During its continuance no food orwater must be taken between sunrise and sunset, and betel-leaf, tobaccoand conjugal intercourse must be abjured for the whole period. Theabstention from water is a very severe penance during the long days ofthe hot weather when Ramazan falls at this season. Mr. Hughes thinksthat the Prophet took the thirty days' fast from the Christian Lent, which was observed very strictly in the Eastern Church during thenights as well as days. In ordaining the fast he said that God 'wouldmake it an ease and not a difficulty, ' but he may not have reflectedthat his own action in discarding the intercalary month adopted by theArabs and reverting to the simple lunar months would cause the fastto revolve round the whole year. During the fast people eat beforesunrise and after sunset, and dinner-parties are held lasting farinto the night. 

It is a divine command to give alms annually of money, cattle, grain, fruit and merchandise. If a man has as much as eighty rupees, or fortysheep and goats, or five camels, he should give alms at specifiedrates amounting roughly to two and a half per cent of his property. Inthe case of fruit and grain the rate is one-tenth of the harvest forunirrigated, and a twentieth for irrigated crops. These alms shouldbe given to pilgrims who desire to go to Mecca but have not the means;and to religious and other beggars if they are very poor, debtors whohave not the means to discharge their debts, champions of the causeof God, travellers without food and proselytes to Islam. Religiousmendicants consider it unlawful to accept the _zakat_ or legal almsunless they are very poor, and they may not be given to Saiyads ordescendants of the Prophet. 

18. The pilgrimage to Mecca. 

The Hajj or pilgrimage to Mecca is incumbent on all men and womenwho have sufficient means to meet the expenses of the journey andto maintain their families at home during their absence. Only avery small proportion of Indian Muhammadans, however, now undertakeit. Mecca is the capital of Arabia and about seventy miles from the RedSea. The pilgrimage must be performed during the month Zu'l Hijjah, so that the pilgrim may be at Mecca on the festival of Id-ul-Zohaor the Bakr-Id. At the last stage near Mecca the pilgrims assume aspecial dress, consisting of two seamless wrappers, one round thewaist and the other over the shoulders. Sandals of wood may also beworn. Formerly the pilgrim would take with him a little compass inwhich the needle in the shape of a dove pointed continually towardsMecca in the west. On arrival at Mecca he performs the legal ablutions, proceeds to the sacred mosque, kisses the black stone, and encompassesthe Kaaba seven times. The Kaaba or 'Cube' is a large stone buildingand the black stone is let into one of its walls. He drinks the waterof the sacred well Zem-Zem from which Hagar and Ishmael obtained waterwhen they were dying of thirst in the wilderness, and goes throughvarious other rites up to the day of Id-ul-Zoha, when he performsthe sacrifice or _kurban_, offering a ram or he-goat for every memberof his family, or for every seven persons a female camel or cow. Theflesh is distributed in the same manner as that of the ordinary Bakr-Idsacrifice. [320] He then gets himself shaved and his nails pared, whichhe has not done since he assumed the pilgrim's garb, and buries thecuttings and parings at the place of the sacrifice. The pilgrimage isconcluded after another circuit of the Kaaba, but before his departurethe pilgrim should visit the tomb of Muhammad at Medina. One who hasperformed the pilgrimage to Mecca thereafter has the title of Haji. 

19. Festivals. The Muharram. 

The principal festivals are the Muharram and the two Ids. The monthof Muharram is the first of the year, and the first ten days, asalready stated, are devoted to mourning for the death of Hussain andhis family. This is observed indifferently by Sunnis and Shiahs inthe Central Provinces, and the proceedings with the Sunnis at anyrate have now rather the character of a festival than a time ofsorrow. Models of the tomb of Hussain, called _tazia_, are made ofbamboo and pasteboard and decorated with tinsel. Wealthy Shiahs haveexpensive models, richly decorated, which are permanently kept in achamber of the house called the Imambara or Imam's place, but this isscarcely ever done in the Central Provinces. As a rule the _tazias_are taken in procession and deposited in a river on the last andgreat day of the Muharram. Women who have made vows for the recoveryof their children from an illness dress them in green and send them tobeg; and men and boys of the lower classes have themselves painted astigers and go about mimicking a tiger for what they can get from thespectators. It seems likely that the representations of tigers maybe in memory of the lion which is said to have kept watch over thebody of Hussain after he had been buried. In Persia a man disguisedas a tiger appears on the tomb of Hussain in the drama of his murderat Karbala, which is enacted at the Muharram. In Hindu mythology thelion and tiger appear to be interchangeable. During the tragedy atKarbala, Kasim, a young nephew of Hussain, was married to his littledaughter Sakinah, Kasim being very shortly afterwards killed. It issupposed that the cast shoe of Kasim's horse was brought to India, and at the Muharram models of horse-shoes are made and carried fixed onpoles. Men who feel so impelled and think that they will be possessedby the spirit of Kasim make these horse-shoes and carry them, andfrequently they believe themselves to be possessed by the spirit, exhibiting the usual symptoms of a kind of frenzy, and women applyto them for children or for having evil spirits cast out. [321]

20. Id-ul-Fitr. 

The Id-ul-Fitr, or the breaking of the fast, is held on the firstday of the tenth month, Shawwal, on the day after the end of thefast of Ramazan. On this day the people assemble dressed in theirbest clothes and proceed to the Id-Gah, a building erected outsidethe town and consisting of a platform with a wall at the western endin the direction of Mecca. Here prayers are offered, concluding withone for the King-Emperor, and a sermon is given, and the people thenreturn escorting the Kazi or other leading member of the community andsometimes paying their respects in a body to European officers. Theyreturn to their homes and spend the rest of the day in feasting andmerriment, a kind of vermicelli being a special dish eaten on this day. 

21. Id-ul-Zoha

The Idu-l-Azha or Id-ul-Zoha, the feast of sacrifice, also calledthe Bakr-Id or cow-festival, is held on the tenth day of the lastmonth, Zu'l Hijjah. It is the principal day of the Muhammadan year, and pilgrims going to Mecca keep it there. [322] At this time also theArabs were accustomed to go to Mecca and offer animal sacrifices thereto the local deities. According to tradition, when Abraham (Ibrahim)founded Mecca the Lord desired him to prepare a feast and to offer hisson Ishmael (Ismail). But when he had drawn the knife across his son'sthroat the angel Gabriel substituted a ram and Ishmael was saved, and the festival commemorates this. As already stated, the Arabsbelieve themselves to be descended from Ishmael or Ismail. Accordingto a remarkable Hadis or tradition, related by Ayesha, Muhammad said:"Man hath not done anything on the Id-ul-Zoha more pleasing to Godthan spilling blood in sacrifice; for, verily, its blood reacheththe acceptance of God before it falleth upon the ground, thereforebe joyful in it. " [323] On this day, as on the other Id, the peopleassemble for prayers at the Id-Gah. On returning home the head of afamily takes a sheep, cow or camel to the entrance of his house andsacrifices it, repeating the formula, 'In the name of God, God isgreat, ' as he cuts its throat. The flesh is divided, two-thirds beingkept by the family and one-third given to the poor in the name ofGod. This is the occasion on which Muhammadans offend Hindu feelingby their desire to sacrifice cows, as camels are unobtainable ortoo valuable, and the sacrifice of a cow has probably more religiousmerit than that of a sheep or goat. But in many cases they abandontheir right to kill a cow in order to avoid stirring up enmity. 

22. Mosques. 

The entrance to a Muhammadan mosque consists of a stone gateway, bearing in verse the date of its building; this leads into a pavedcourtyard, which in a large mosque may be 40 or 50 yards long andabout 20 wide. The courtyard often contains a small tank or cisternabout 20 feet square, its sides lined with stone seats. Beyond thislies the building itself, open towards the courtyard, which is on itseastern side, and closed in on the other three sides, with a roof. Thefloor is raised about a foot above the level of the courtyard. Inthe back wall, which is opposite the courtyard to the west in thedirection of Mecca, is an arched niche, and close by a wooden ormasonry pulpit raised four or five feet from the ground. Againstthe wall is a wooden staff, which the preacher holds in his handor leans upon according to ancient custom. [324] The walls are bareof decorations, images and pictures having been strictly prohibitedby Muhammad, and no windows are necessary; but along the walls arescrolls bearing in golden letters the name of the Prophet and thefirst four Caliphs, or a chapter of the Koran, the Arabic scriptbeing especially suitable for this kind of ornamental writing. [325]The severe plainness of the interior of a mosque demonstrates thestrict monotheism of Islam, and is in contrast to the temples andshrines of most other religions. The courtyard of a mosque is oftenused as a place of resort, and travellers also stay in it. 

23. The Friday service. 

A service is held in the principal mosque on Fridays about midday, atwhich public prayers are held and a sermon or _khutbak_ is preached orrecited. Friday is known as Jumah, or the day of assembly. Friday wassaid by Muhammad to have been the day on which Adam was taken intoparadise and turned out of it, the day on which he repented and onwhich he died. It will also be the day of Resurrection. The Prophetconsidered that the Jews and Christians had erred in transferringtheir Sabbath from Friday to Saturday and Sunday respectively. [326]

24. Priests, Mulla and Maulvi. 

The priest in charge of a mosque is known as Mulla. Any one can be aMulla who can read the Koran and say the prayers, and the post is verypoorly paid. The Mulla proclaims the call to prayer five times a day, acts as Imam or leader of the public prayers, and if there is no menialservant keeps the mosque clean. He sometimes has a little school in thecourtyard in which he teaches children the Koran. He also sells charms, consisting of verses of the Koran written on paper, to be tied roundthe arm or hung on the neck. These have the effect of curing diseaseand keeping off evil spirits or the evil eye. Sometimes there is amosque servant who also acts as sexton of the local cemetery. The fundsof the mosque and any endowment attached to it are in charge of somerespectable resident, who is known as Mutawalli or churchwarden. Theprincipal religious officer is the Maulvi, who corresponds to theHindu Guru or preceptor. These men are frequently intelligent andwell-educated. They are also doctors of law, as all Muhammadan lawis based on the Koran and Traditions and the deductions drawn fromthem by the great commentators. The Maulvi thus acts as a teacher ofreligious doctrine and also of law. He is not permanently attachedto a mosque, but travels about during the open season, visitinghis disciples in villages, teaching and preaching to them, and alsotreating the sick. If he knows the whole of the Koran by heart hehas the title of Hafiz, and is much honoured, as it is thought thata man who has earned the title of Hafiz frees twenty generations ofhis ancestors and descendants from the fires of hell. Such a man ismuch in request during the month of Ramazan, when the leader of thelong night prayers is expected to recite nightly one of the thirtysections of the Koran, so as to complete them within the month. [327]

25. The Kazi. 

The Kazi was under Muhammadan rule the civil and criminal judge, having jurisdiction over a definite local area, and he also acted asa registrar of deeds. Now he only leads the public prayers at the Idfestivals and keeps registers of marriages and divorces. He does notusually attend marriages himself unless he receives a special fee, butpays a deputy or _naib_ to do so. [328] The Kazi is still, however, as a rule the leading member of the local Muhammadan community, the office being sometimes elective and sometimes hereditary. 

26. General features of Islam. 

In proclaiming one unseen God as the sole supernatural being, Muhammadadopted the religion of the Jews of Arabia, with whose sacred bookshe was clearly familiar. He looked on the Jewish prophets as hispredecessors, he himself being the last and greatest. The Koran says, "We believe in God, and that which hath been sent down to us, and thatwhich was sent down unto Abraham, and Ishmael and Isaac, and Jacob, and the tribes, and that which was delivered unto Moses, and Jesus andthe prophets from the Lord, and we make no distinction between anyof them. " Thus Muhammad accepted the bulk of the Old but not of theNew Testament, which the Jews also do not receive. His deity was theJewish Jehovah of the Old Testament, though called Allah after the nameof a god worshipped at Mecca. The six prophets who brought new lawswere Adam, the chosen of God; Noah, the preacher of God; Abraham, thefriend of God; Moses, one who conversed with God; Jesus, the Spiritof God; and Muhammad, the Messenger of God. His seven heavens andhis prophecy of a Messiah and Day of Judgment were Jewish beliefs, though it is supposed that he took the idea of the Sirat or narrowbridge over the midst of hell, sharper than the edge of a sword, over which all must pass, while the wicked fall from it into hell, from Zoroastrianism. Muhammad recognised a devil, known as Iblis, while the Jinns or Genii of pagan Arabia became bad angels. The greatdifference between Islam and Judaism arose from Muhammad's positionin being obliged continually to fight for his own existence andthe preservation of his sect This circumstance coloured the laterparts of the Koran and gave Islam the character of a religious andpolitical crusade, a kind of faith eminently fitted to the Arab natureand training. And to this character may be assigned its extraordinarysuccess, but, at the same time, probably the religion itself might havebeen of a somewhat purer and higher tenor if its birth and infancyhad not had place in a constant state of war. Muhammad accomplishedmost beneficent reforms in abolishing polytheism and such abuses asfemale infanticide, and at least regulating polygamy. In forbiddingboth gambling and the use of alcohol he set a very high standard to hisdisciples, which if adhered to would remove two of the main sources ofvice. His religion retained fewer relics of the pre-existing animismand spirit-worship than almost any other, though in practice uneducatedIndian Muhammadans, at least, preserve them in a large measure. Andowing to the fact that the Muhammadan months revolve round the year, its festivals have been dissociated from the old pagan observances ofthe changes of the sun and seasons and the growth of vegetation. At thesame time the religious sanction given to polygamy and slavery, and thesensual nature of the heaven promised to true believers after death, must be condemned as debasing features; and the divine authority andcompleteness ascribed to the Koran and the utterances of the Prophet, which were beyond criticism or question, as well as the hostilitytowards all other forms of religion and philosophy, have necessarilyhad a very narrowing influence on Muhammadan thought. While the formaland lifeless precision of the religious services and prayers, as wellas the belief in divine interference in the concerns of everyday life, have produced a strong spirit of fatalism and resignation to events. 

27. The Koran. 

The word Kuran is derived from _kuraa_, to recite or proclaim. TheMuhammadans look upon the Koran as the direct word of God sent downby Him to the seventh or lowest heaven, and then revealed from time totime to the Prophet by the angel Gabriel. A few chapters are supposedto have been delivered entire, but the greater part of the book wasgiven piecemeal during a period of twenty-three years. The Koranis written in Arabic prose, but its sentences generally concludein a long-continued rhyme. The language is considered to be of theutmost elegance and purity, and it has become the standard of theArabic tongue. Muhammadans pay it the greatest reverence, and theirmost solemn oath is taken with the Koran placed on the head. Formerlythe sacred book could only be touched by a Saiyad or a Mulla, and anassembly always rose when it was brought to them. The book is kept on ahigh shelf in the house, so as to avoid any risk of contamination, andnothing is placed over it. Every chapter in the Koran except one beginswith the invocation, '_Bismillah-nirrahman-nirrahim_, ' or 'In the nameof God, the Compassionate, the Merciful'; and nearly all Muhammadanprayers and religious writings also begin with this. As the Koran isthe direct word of God, any statement in it has the unquestioned andcomplete force of law. On some points, however, separate utterancesin the work itself are contradictory, and the necessity then arises ofdetermining which is the later and more authoritative statement. [329]

28. The Traditions. 

Next to the Koran in point of authority come the Traditions ofthe sayings and actions of the Prophet, which are known as Hadis orSunnah. These were eagerly collected as the jurisdiction of Islam wasextended, and numerous cases arose for decision in which no rulingwas provided by the Koran. For some time it was held necessary that atradition should be oral and not have been reduced to writing. Whenthe necessity of collecting and searching for the Traditions becameparamount, indefatigable research was displayed in the work. The mosttrustworthy collection of traditions was compiled by Abu AbdullahMuhammad, a native of Bokhara, who died in the Hijra year 256, ornearly 250 years after Muhammad. He succeeded in amassing no fewer than600, 000 traditions, of which he selected only 7275 as trustworthy. Theauthentic traditions of what the Prophet said and did were consideredpractically as binding as the Koran, and any case might be decided bya tradition bearing on it. The development of Moslem jurisdiction wasthus based not on the elucidation and exposition of broad principlesof law and equity, but on the record of the words and actions ofone man who had lived in a substantially less civilised society thanthat existing in the countries to which Muhammadan law now came to beapplied. Such a state of things inevitably exercised a cramping effecton the Moslem lawyers and acted as a bar to improvement. Thus, becausethe Koran charged the Jews and Christians with having corrupted thetext of their sacred books, it was laid down that no Jew or Christiancould be accepted as a credible witness in a Moslem lawsuit; and sincethe Prophet had forbidden the keeping of dogs except for certainnecessary purposes, it was ruled by one school that there was noproperty in dogs, and that if a man killed a dog its owner had noright to compensation. [330]

29. The schools of law. 

After the Koran and Traditions the decisions of certain lawyers duringthe early period of Islam were accepted as authoritative. Of themfour schools are recognised by the Sunnis in different countries, those of the Imams Abu Hanifa, Shafei, Malik, and Hambal. In northernIndia the school of Abu Hanifa is followed. He was born at Kufa, the capital of Irak, in the Hijra year 80, when four of the Prophet'sCompanions were still alive. He is the great oracle of jurisprudence, and with his two pupils was the founder of the Hanifi code of law. Insouthern India the Shafei school is followed. [331] The Shiahs haveseparate collections of traditions and schools of law, and they saythat a Mujtahid or doctor of the law can still give decisions ofbinding authority, which the Sunnis deny. Except as regards marriage, divorce and inheritance and other personal matters, Muhammadan lawis of course now superseded by the general law of India. 

30. Food. 

An animal only becomes lawful food for Muhammadans if it is killed bycutting the throat and repeating at the time the words, '_BismillahAllaho Akbar_, ' or 'In the name of God, God is great. ' But in shootingwild animals, if the invocation is repeated at the time of dischargingthe arrow or firing the gun, the carcase becomes lawful food. Thislast rule of Sunni law is, however, not known to, or not observed by, many Muhammadans in the Central Provinces, who do not eat an animalunless its throat is cut before death. Fish and locusts may be eatenwithout being killed in this manner. The animal so killed by Zabhis lawful food when slain by a Moslem, Jew or Christian, but not ifslaughtered by an idolater or an apostate from Islam. Cloven-footedanimals, birds that pick up food with their bills, and fish withscales are lawful, but not birds or beasts of prey. It is doubtfulwhether the horse is lawful. Elephants, mules, asses, alligators, turtles, crabs, snakes and frogs are unlawful, and swine's fleshis especially prohibited. Muhammadans eat freely of mutton and fishwhen they can afford it, but some of them abstain from chickens inimitation of the Hindus. Their favourite drink is sherbet, or sugarand water with cream or the juice of some fruit. Wine is forbidden inthe Koran, and the prohibition is held to include intoxicating drugs, but this latter rule is by no means observed. According to his religiona Muhammadan need have no objection to eat with a Christian if thefood eaten is of a lawful kind; but he should not eat with Hindus, as they are idolaters. In practice, however, many Muhammadans haveadopted the Hindu rule against eating food touched by Christians, while owing to long association together they will partake of it whencooked by Hindus. [332]

31. Dress. 

The most distinctive feature of Muhammadan dress is that the menalways wear trousers or pyjamas of cotton, silk or chintz cloth, usually white. They may be either tight or loose below the knee, andare secured by a string round the waist. A Muhammadan never wears theHindu _dhoti_ or loin-cloth. He has a white, sleeved muslin shirt, made much like an English soft-fronted shirt, but usually without acollar, the ends of which hang down outside the trousers. Over thesethe well-to-do have a waistcoat of velvet, brocade or broadcloth. Ongoing out he puts on a long coat, tight over the chest, and withrather full skirts hanging below the knee, of cotton cloth or muslin, or sometimes broadcloth or velvet. In the house he wears a small cap, and on going out puts on a turban or loose headcloth. But the fashionof wearing the small red fez with a tassel is now increasing amongeducated Muhammadans, and this serves as a distinctive mark in theirdress, which trousers no longer do, as the Hindus have also adoptedthem. The removal of the shoes either on entering a house or mosqueis not prescribed by Muhammadan law, though it has become customary inimitation of the Hindus. The Prophet in fact said, 'Act the reverse ofthe Jews in your prayers, for they do not pray in boots or shoes. ' Buthe himself sometimes took his shoes off to pray and sometimes not. Thefollowing are some of the sayings of the Prophet with regard to dress:'Whoever wears a silk garment in this world shall not wear it in thenext. ' 'God will not have compassion on him who wears long trousers(below the ankle) from pride. ' 'It is lawful for the women of mypeople to wear silks and gold ornaments, but it is unlawful for themen. ' 'Wear white clothes, because they are the cleanest and the mostagreeable, and bury your dead in white clothes. ' Men are prohibitedfrom wearing gold ornaments and also silver ones other than a signetring. A silver ring, of value sufficient to produce a day's food incase of need, should always be worn. The rule against ornaments hasbeen generally disregarded, and gold and silver ornaments have beenregularly worn by men, but the fashion of wearing ornaments is nowgoing out, both among Muhammadan and Hindu men. A rich Muhammadan womanhas a long shirt of muslin or net in different colours, embroideredon the neck and shoulders with gold lace, and draping down to theankles. Under it she wears silk pyjamas, and over it an _angia_or breast-cloth of silk, brocade or cloth of gold, bordered withgold and silver lace. On the head she has a shawl or square kerchiefbordered with lace. A poor woman has simply a bodice and pyjamas, with a cloth round the waist to cover their ends. Women as a rulealways wear shoes, even though they do not go out, and they have aprofusion of ornaments of much the same character as Hindu women. [333]

32. Social rules. Salutations. 

There are certain social obligations known as Farz or imperative, butif one person in eight or ten perform them it is as if all had doneso. These are, to return a salutation; to visit the sick and inquireafter their welfare; to follow a bier on foot to the grave; to acceptan invitation; and that when a person sneezes and says immediately, '_Alhamd ul lillah_' or 'God be praised, ' one of the party must reply, '_Yar hamak Allah_' or 'God have mercy on you. ' The Muhammadan formof salutation is '_Salam u alaikum_' or 'The peace of God be withyou, ' and the reply is '_Wo alaikum as salam_' or 'And on you alsobe peace. ' [334] From this form has come the common Anglo-Indian useof the word _Salaam_. 

When invitations are to be sent for any important function, such asa wedding, some woman who does not observe _parda_ is employed tocarry them. She is dressed in good clothes and provided with a traycontaining betel-leaf _biras_ or packets, cardamoms wrapped in redpaper, sandalwood and sugar. She approaches any lady invited withgreat respect, and says: "So-and-so sends her best compliments toyou and embraces you, and says that 'as to-morrow there is a littlegaiety about to take place in my house, and I wish all my femalefriends by their presence to grace and ornament with their feet thehome of this poor individual, and thereby make it a garden of roses, you must also positively come, and by remaining a couple of hourshonour my humble dwelling with your company. '" If the invitation isaccepted the woman carrying it applies a little sandalwood to the neck, breast and back of the guest, puts sugar and cardamoms into her mouth, and gives her a betel-leaf. If it is declined, only sandalwood isapplied and a betel-leaf given. [335]

Next day _dhoolies_ or litters are sent for the guests, or if thehostess is poor she sends women to escort them to the house beforedaybreak. The guests are expected to bring presents. If any ceremonyconnected with a child is to be performed they give it clothesor sweets, and similar articles of higher value to the bride andbridegroom in the case of a wedding. 

33. Customs. 

Certain customs known as Fitrah are supposed to have existed among theArabs before the time of the Prophet, and to have been confirmed byhim. These are: To keep the moustache clipped short so that food ordrink cannot touch them when entering the mouth; not to cut or shavethe beard; to clean the teeth with a _mismak_ or wooden toothbrush;this should really be done at all prayers, but presumably once ortwice a day are held sufficient; to clean the nostrils and mouth withwater at the time of the usual ablutions; to cut the nails and cleanthe finger-joints; and to pull out the hair from under the armpits andthe pubic hair. It is noticeable that though elaborate directions aregiven for washing the face, hands and feet before each prayer, thereis no order to bathe the whole body daily, and this may probably nothave been customary in Arabia owing to the scarcity of water. [336]And while many Muhammadans have adopted the Hindu custom of dailybathing, yet others in quite a respectable position have not, andonly bathe once a week before going to the mosque. Gambling as wellas the drinking of wine is prohibited in the Koran according to thetext: "O believers! Surely wine and games of chance and statues andthe divining-arrows are an abomination of Satan's work. " Statuesas well as pictures were prohibited, because at this time they wereprobably made only as idols to be worshipped, the prohibition beingexactly analogous to that contained in the Second Commandment. TheKoran enjoins a belief in the existence of magic, but forbids itspractice. Magic is considered to be of two kinds, that accomplishedwith the help of the Koran and the names of prophets and saints, whichis divine or good, and evil magic practised with the aid of genii andevil spirits which is strongly condemned. Divining-rods apparentlybelong to the latter class. Perfection in divine magic consists in theknowledge of the Ismi Aazam or Great Name, a knowledge first possessedby the prophet Sulaiman or Solomon, and since Solomon transmitted onlyto those who are highly favoured by Providence. This appears to be thetrue name of God, which is too awful and potent to be known or used bythe commonalty; hence Allah, really an epithet, is used instead. Itwas in virtue of engraving the great name on his ring that Solomonpossessed dominion over men and genii, and over the winds and birds andbeasts. The uttering of Solomon's own name casts out demons, cures thesick, and raises the dead. The names of certain prophets and holy menhave also a special virtue, and written charms of mysterious numericalcombinations and diagrams have power for good. [337] Both kinds ofmagic are largely practised by Muhammadans. Muhammad disapproved ofwhistling, apparently because whistling and clapping the hands werepart of the heathen ritual at Mecca. Hence it is considered wrongfor good Muhammadans to whistle. [338]

34. Position of women. 

The inferior status of women in Islam is inherited from Arabiansociety before the time of Muhammad. Among the pagan Arabs a womanwas a mere chattel, and descended by inheritance. Hence the union ofmen with their step-mothers and mothers-in-law was common. Muhammadforbade these incestuous marriages, and also the prevalent practiceof female infanticide. He legalised polygamy, but limited it to fourwives, and taught that women as well as men could enter paradise. Itwould have been quite impossible to abolish polygamy in Arabia at thetime when he lived, nor could he strike at the practice of secludingwomen even if he had wished to do so. This last custom has shown anunfortunate persistence, and is in full force among Indian Muhammadans, from whom the higher castes of Hindus in northern India have perhapsimitated it. Nor can it be said to show much sign of weakening atpresent. It is not universal over the Islamic world, as in Afghanistanwomen are not usually secluded. As a matter of fact both polygamy anddivorce are very rare among Indian Muhammadans. Mr. Hughes quotes aninteresting passage against polygamy from a Persian book on marriagecustoms: "That man is to be praised who confines himself to one wife, for if he takes two it is wrong and he will certainly repent of hisfolly. Thus say the seven wise women:

 Be that man's life immersed in gloom Who weds more wives than one, With one his cheeks retain their bloom, His voice a cheerful tone; These speak his honest heart at rest, And he and she are always blest; But when with two he seeks his joy, Together they his soul annoy; With two no sunbeam of delight Can make his day of misery bright. "

Adultery was punished by stoning to death in accordance with theJewish custom. 

35. Interest on money. 

Usury or the taking of interest on loans was prohibited by theProphet. This precept was adopted from the Mosaic law and emphasised, and while it has to all appearance been discarded by the Jews, it isstill largely adhered to by Moslems. In both cases the prohibition wasaddressed to a people in the pastoral stage of culture when loans wereprobably very rare and no profit could as a rule be made by takinga loan, as it would not lead to any increase. Loans would only bemade for subsistence, and as the borrower was probably always poor, he would frequently be unable to pay the principal much less theinterest, and would ultimately become the slave of the creditor inlieu of his debt. Usury would thus result in the enslavement of alarge section of the free community, and would be looked upon as anabuse and instrument of tyranny. As soon as the agricultural stage isreached usury stands on a different footing. Loans of seed for sowingthe land and of cattle or money for ploughing it then become frequentand necessary, and the borrower can afford to pay interest from theprofit of the harvest. It is clearly right and proper also that thelender should receive a return for the risk involved in the loan andthe capacity of gain thus conferred on the borrower, and usury becomesa properly legitimate and necessary institution, though the rate, beingprobably based on the return yielded by the earth to the seed, has atendency to be very excessive in primitive societies. The prohibitionof interest among Muhammadans is thus now a hopeless anachronism, which has closed to those who observe it some of the most importantprofessions. A tendency is happily visible towards the abrogation ofthe rule, and Mr. Marten notes that the Berar Muhammadan Council hasset an example by putting out its own money at interest. [339]

36. Muhammadan education. 

The Indian Muhammadans have generally been considered to be at adisadvantage in modern India as compared with the Hindus, owing totheir unwillingness to accept regular English education for theirsons, and their adherence to the simply religious teaching of theirown Maulvis. However this may have been in the past, it is doubtfulwhether it is at all true of the present generation. While there isno doubt that Muhammadans consider it of the first importance thattheir sons should learn Urdu and be able to read the Koran, thereare no signs of Muhammadan boys being kept away from the Governmentschools, at least in the Central Provinces. The rationalising spiritof Sir Saiyad Ahmad, the founder of the Aligarh College, and thegeneral educational conference for Indian Muhammadans has, through theexcellent training given by the College, borne continually increasingfruit. A new class of educated and liberal-minded Muhammadan gentlemenhas grown up whose influence on the aims and prejudices of the wholeMuhammadan community is gradually becoming manifest. The statisticsof occupation given at the commencement of this article show that theMuhammadans have a much larger share of all classes of administrativeposts under Government than they would obtain if these were awarded ona basis of population. Presumably when it is asserted that Muhammadansare less successful than Hindus under the British Government, what ismeant is that they have partly lost their former position of the solegoverning class over large areas of the country. The community arenow fully awake to the advantages of education, and their Anjumans orassociations have started high schools which educate students up tothe entrance of the university on the same lines as the Governmentschools. Where these special schools do not exist, Muhammadan boysfreely enter the ordinary schools, and their standard of intelligenceand application is in no way inferior to that of Hindu boys. 

Nanakpanthi

1. Account of the sect. 

_Nanakpanthi [340] Sect, Nanakshahi, Udasi, Suthra Shahi_. --TheNanakpanthi sect was founded by the well-known Baba Nanak, a Khatriof the Lahore District, who lived between 1469 and 1538-39. He is thereal founder of Sikhism, but this development of his followers intoa military and political organisation was the work of his successors, Har Govind and Govind Singh. Nanak himself was a religious reformer ofthe same type as Kabir and others, who tried to abolish the worship ofidols and all the body of Hindu superstition, and substitute a beliefin a single unseen deity without form or special name. As with most ofthe other Vaishnava reformers, Nanak's creed was largely an outcomeof his observation of Islam. "There is nothing in his doctrine, " SirE. D. Maclagan says, "to distinguish it in any marked way from that ofthe other saints who taught the higher forms of Hinduism in northernIndia. The unity of God, the absence of any real distinction betweenHindus and Musalmans, the uselessness of ceremonial, the vanity ofearthly wishes, even the equality of castes, are topics common toNanak and the Bhagats; and the Adi-Granth or sacred book compiled byNanak is full of quotations from elder or contemporary teachers, whotaught essentially the same doctrine as Nanak himself. " It was partly, he explains, because Nanak was the first reformer in the Punjab, andthus had the field practically to himself, and partly in consequenceof the subsequent development of Sikhism, that his movement has beenso successful and his adherents now outnumber those of any otherreformer of the same period. Nanak's doctrines were also of a veryliberal character. The burden of his teaching was that there is noHindu and no Muhammadan. He believed in transmigration, but held thatthe successive stages were but purifications, and that at last thesoul, cleansed from sin, went to dwell with its maker. He prescribedno caste rules or ceremonial observances, and indeed condemned them asunnecessary and even harmful; but he made no violent attack on them, he insisted on no alteration in existing civil and social institutions, and was content to leave the doctrine of the equality of all men inthe sight of God to work in the minds of his followers. He respectedthe Hindu veneration of the cow and the Muhammadan abhorrence of thehog, but recommended as a higher rule than either total abstinencefrom flesh. Nothing could have been gentler or less aggressive thanhis doctrine, nothing more unlike the teaching of his great successorGovind. [341] Two other causes contributed to swell the numbers ofthe Nanakpanthis. The first of these was that during the late MughalEmpire the Hindus of the frontier tracts of the Punjab were debarredby the fanaticism of their Muhammadan neighbours from the worship ofidols; and they therefore found it convenient to profess the faithof Nanak which permitted them to declare themselves as worshippersof one God, while not forcing them definitely to break with caste andHinduism. The second was that Guru Govind Singh required the absoluteabandonment of caste as a condition of the initiation of a Sikh;and hence many who would not consent to this remained Nanakpanthiswithout adopting Sikhism. The Nanakpanthis of the present day areroughly classified as Sikhs who have not adopted the term Singh, which is attached to the names of all true Sikhs; they also do notforbid smoking or insist on the adoption of the five _Kakkas_ or K'swhich are in theory the distinguishing marks of the Sikh; the _Kes_or uncut hair and unshaven beard; the _Kachh_ or short drawers endingabove the knee; the _Kara_ or iron bangle; the _Khanda_ or steel knife;and the _Kanga_ or comb. The Nanakpanthi retains the Hindu custom ofshaving the whole head except the _choti_ or scalp-lock, and hence isoften known as a Munda or shaven Sikh. [342] The sect do not prohibitthe consumption of meat and liquor, but some of them eat only theflesh of animals killed by the Sikh method of Jatka, or cuttingoff the head by a blow on the back of the neck. Their only form ofinitiation is the ordinary Hindu practice of drinking the foot-nectaror sugar and water in which the toe of the _guru_ has been dipped, and this is not very common. It is known as the _Charan ka pahul_ orfoot-baptism, as opposed to the _Khande ka pahul_ or sword-baptism ofthe Govindi Sikhs. [343] Baba Nanak himself, Sir E. Maclagan states, is a very favourite object of veneration among Sikhs of all kinds, and the picture of the _guru_ with his long white beard and benevolentcountenance is constantly met with in the sacred places of the Punjab. 

2. Nanakpanthis in the Central Provinces. 

In 1901 about 13, 000 persons returned themselves as Nanakpanthis inthe Central Provinces, of whom 7000 were Banjaras and the remainderprincipally Kunbis, Ahirs and Telis. The Banjaras generally revereNanak, as shown in the article on that caste. A certain number ofMehtars or sweepers also profess the sect, being attached to it, as to the Sikh religion, by the abolition of caste restrictionsand prejudices advocated by their founders; but this tolerance hasnot been perpetuated, and the unclean classes, such as the Mazbi orscavenger Sikhs, are as scrupulously avoided and kept at a distanceby the Sikh as by the Hindu, and are even excluded from communion, and from the rites and holy places of their religion. [344]

3. Udasis. 

The Udasis are a class of ascetics of the Nanakpanthi or Sikh faith, whose order was founded by Sri Chand, the younger son of Nanak. Theyare recruited from all castes and will eat food from any Hindu. Theyare almost all celibates, and pay special reverence to the Adi-Granthof Nanak, but also respect the Granth of Govind Singh and attendthe same shrines as the Sikhs generally. Their service consists of aringing of bells and blare of instruments, and they chant hymns andwave lights before the Adi-Granth and the picture of Baba Nanak. Inthe Central Provinces members of several orders which have branchedoff from the main Nanakpanthi community are known as Udasi. Thus someof them say they do not go to any temples and worship Nirankal orthe deity without shape or form, a name given to the supreme God byNanak. In the Punjab the Nirankaris constitute a separate order fromthe Udasis. [345] These Udasis wear a long rope of sheep's wool roundthe neck and iron chains round the wrist and waist. They carry halfa cocoanut shell as a begging-bowl and have the _chameta_ or irontongs, which can also be closed and used as a poker. Their form ofsalutation is '_Matha Tek_, ' or 'I put my head at your feet. ' Theynever cut their hair and have a long string of wool attached to the_choti_ or scalp-lock, which is coiled up under a little cap. Theysay that they worship Nirankal without going to temples, and whenthey sit down to pray they make a little fire and place _ghi_ orsweetmeats upon it as an offering. When begging they say 'Alakh, 'and they accept any kind of uncooked and cooked food from Brahmans. 

4. Suthra Shahis. 

Another mendicant Nanakpanthi order, whose members visit the CentralProvinces, is that of the Suthra Shahis. Here, however, they oftendrop the special name, and call themselves simply Nanakshahi. Theorigin of the order is uncertain, and Sir E. Maclagan gives variousaccounts. Here they say that their founder was a disciple of Nanak, who visited Mecca and brought back the Seli and Syahi which are theirdistinctive badges. The Seli is a rope of black wool which they tieround their heads like a turban, and Syahi the ink with which they drawa black line on their foreheads, though this is in fact usually madewith charcoal. They carry a wallet in which these articles are kept, and also the two small ebony sticks which they strike against eachother as an accompaniment to their begging-songs. The larger stick isdedicated to Nanak and the smaller to the Goddess Kali. They are mostimportunate beggars, and say that the privilege of levying a pice(farthing) was given to them by Aurangzeb. They were accustomed informer times to burn their clothes and stand naked at the door ofany person who refused to give them alms. They also have a _bahi_or account-book in which the gifts they receive, especially fromBanias, are recorded. Mr. Crooke states that "They indulge freelyin intoxicants and seldom cease from smoking. Their profligacy isnotorious, and they are said to be composed mainly of spendthriftswho have lost their wealth in gambling. They are recruited from allcastes and always add the title Shah to their names. A proverb saysin allusion to their rapacity:

 Kehu mare, Kehu jiye, Suthra gur batasa piye;

or, 'Others may live or die, but the Suthra Shahi must have his drinkof sugar and water. ' [346]

Parmarthi Sect

_Parmarthi Sect_. --A Vishnuite sect of which 26, 000 persons werereturned as members in the census of 1901. Nearly all of thesebelonged to the Uriya State of Kalahandi, since transferred to Biharand Orissa. The following account of the sect has been furnished byRai Bahadur Panda Baijnath, formerly Diwan of Kalahandi State. 

This sect penetrated the State from the Orissa side, and seems tobelong to Bengal. In the beginning it consisted only in pure devotionto the worship of Krishna, but later it has been degraded by sexualindulgence and immorality, and this appears to be the main basis ofits ritual at present. Outwardly its followers recite the Bhagavad Gitaand pretend to be persons of very high morals. Their secret practiceswere obtained from one of his officials who had entered the sect inthe lowest grade. On the day of initiation there is a great meetingof members at the cost of the neophyte. A text is taught to him, andthe initiation is completed by all the members partaking togetherof a feast without distinction of caste. The food eaten at this isconsidered to be Mahaprasad, or as if offered to Vishnu in his formof Jagannath at Puri, and to be therefore incapable of defilement. The_mantra_ or text taught to the disciple is as follows:

 O Hari, O Krishna, O Hari, O Krishna, O Krishna, O Krishna, O Hari, O Hari, O Hari, O Ramo, O Hari, O Ramo, O Ramo, O Ramo, O Hari, O Hari. 

The disciple is enjoined to repeat this text a prescribed numberof times, 108 or more, every day. To those pupils who show theirdevotional ardour by continual repetition of the first text othersare taught. 

The next step is that the disciple should associate himself or herselfwith some other Parmarthi of the opposite sex and tend and servethem. This relation, which is known as _Asra-patro_, cannot existbetween husband and wife, some other person having to be chosen in eachcase, and it results of course in an immoral connection. Followingthis is the further rite of _Almo-Samarpana_ or offering of oneself, in which the disciple is required to give his wife to the Guru orpreceptor as the acme of self-sacrifice. The _guru_ calls the discipleby a female name of one of the milkmaids of Brindaban to indicatethat the disciple regards Krishna with the same devotion as theydid. Sometimes the _guru_ and a woman personate Krishna and Radha, but reverse the names, the _guru_ calling himself Radha and the womanKrishna. The other disciples wait upon and serve them, and they performan immoral act in public. Parmarthi women sometimes have the _mantra_or text, 'O Hari, O Krishna, ' tattooed on their breasts. 

The Parmarthis often deny the accusation of immorality, and the abovestatements may not be true of all of them; but they are believed to betrue as regards a considerable part of the sect at any rate. "With allhis cleanliness, vegetarianism and teetotalism, " one writer remarks, "the Vaishnava is perhaps the most dangerous in the whole list ofHindu sects. He has done very good service in civilising the lowerclasses to some extent and in suppressing the horrors of the Tantricworship. But the moral laxity which the Vaishnava encourages by thestories of the illicit loves between the God and Goddess, and bythe strong tendency to imitate them which his teachings generate, outweigh the good done by him. " This statement applies, however, principally to one or two sects devoted to Krishna, and by no meansto all nor to the majority of the Vaishnava sects. 

Parsi or Zoroastrian Religion

[_Bibliography of works quoted_: Dr. Martin Haug's _Essays on theParsis_, Trübner's Oriental Series; _Bombay Gazetteer_, vol. Ix. Partii. , _Parsis of Gujarat_. By the late Mr. Kharsedji Nasarvanji Seervai, J. P. , and Khan Bahadur Bamanji Behramji Patel; M. Salomon Reinach's_Orphéus_; Rev. J. Murray Mitchell's _Great Religions of India_. Thewhole account of the customs and social life of the Parsis is takenfrom the excellent description in the _Bombay Gazetteer_. ]

List of Paragraphs

 1. _Introductory_. 2. _The Zoroastrian religion_. 3. _The Zend-Avesta. _ 4. _The Zend-Avesta and the Vedas_. 5. _Reasons for the schism between the Persian and Indian Aryans_. 6. _The dual principle and the conflict between good and evil_. 7. _The dual principle derived from the antagonism of light and darkness_. 8. _The Zoroastrians in Persia_. 9. _Their migration to India and settlement there_. 10. _Their wealth and prosperity_. 11. _Marriage customs_. 12. _Religion_. _Worship of fire_. 13. _The Homa liquor_. 14. _Parsi priests_. 15. _The sacred shirt and cord_. 16. _Disposal of the dead_. 17. _Previous exposure of the dead, and migration of souls_. 18. _Clothes, food and ceremonial observances_. 

1. Introductory. 

The number of Parsis in the Central Provinces in 1911 was about1800. They are immigrants from Bombay, and usually reside in largetowns, where they are engaged in different branches of trade, especially in the manufacture and vend of liquor and the managementof cotton mills and factories. [347] The word Parsi means a residentof the province of Fars or Pars in Persia, from which the name ofthe country is also derived. 

2. The Zoroastrian religion. 

Also known as Mazdaism, the Zoroastrian religion was that ofthe ancient Magi or fire-worshippers of Persia, mentioned inScripture. It is supposed that Zoroaster or Spitama Zarathustra, if he was a historical personage, effected a reformation of thisreligion and placed it on a new basis at some time about 1100 B. C. Itis suggested by Haug [348] that Zarathustra was the designation ofthe high priests of the cult, and Spitama the proper name of thathigh priest who carried out its distinctive reformation, and perhapsseparated the religion of the Persian from the Indian Aryans. Thiswould account for the fact that the sacred writings, which, accordingto the testimony of Greek and Roman authors, were of great extent, their compilation probably extending over several centuries, weresubsequently all ascribed to one man, or to Zarathustra alone. TheZend-Avesta or sacred book of the Parsis does not mention the firepriests under the name of Magi, but calls them Athravan, the sameword as the Sanskrit Atharva-Veda. The reason for this, M. Reinachsuggests, is that the Magi had rebelled against Cambyses, the son ofCyrus, in the sixth century B. C. , during his absence in Egypt, andplaced a rival creature of their own on the throne. Darius, the sonof Hystaspes, overthrew him and re-established the Persian kingdomin 523 B. C. , and this may have discredited the Magian priests andcaused those of the reformed religion to adopt a new name. [349]It is certain that Cyrus conformed to the precept of the Avestaagainst the pollution of the sacred element water, when he divertedthe course of the river Gyndanes in order to recover the body of ahorse which had been drowned in it, and that Darius I. Invokes in hisinscriptions Ormazd or Ahura Mazda, the deity of the Avesta. [350]On the subversion of the Persian empire by Alexander, and thesubsequent conquest of Persia by the Arsacid Parthian dynasty, thereligion of the fire-worshippers fell into neglect, but was revivedon the establishment of the Sassanian dynasty of Ardeshir Babeganor Artaxerxes in A. D. 226, and became the state religion, warmlysupported by its rulers, until the Arab conquest in A. D. 652. Itwas at the beginning of this second period of prosperity that theZend-Avesta as it still exists was collected and reduced to writing, but it is thought that the greater part of the remains of the ancienttexts recovered at the time were again lost during the Arab invasion, as the original literature is believed to have been very extensive. 

3. The Zend-Avesta. 

The language of the Zend-Avesta is the ancient east Iranian orBactrian dialect, which probably died out finally in the thirdcentury B. C. , modern Persian being descended from the west Iranianor Median tongue. The Bactrian language of the Zend-Avesta is, Haugstates, a genuine sister of Sanskrit, Greek, Latin and Gothic. "Therelationship of the Avesta language to the most ancient Sanskrit, the so-called Vedic dialect, is as close as that of the differentdialects of the Greek language, Aeolic, Ionic, Doric or Attic, to each other. The languages of the sacred hymns of the Brahmans, and of those of the Parsis, are only the two dialects of two separatetribes of one and the same nation. As the Ionians, Dorians, Aetolians, etc. , were different tribes of the Greek nation whose general name wasHellenes, so the ancient Brahmans and Parsis were two tribes of thenation which is called Aryas both in the Veda and Zend-Avesta. " [351]The sections of the Zend-Avesta which remain are about equal insize to the Bible. They consist of sacrificial hymns, prayers andaccounts of the making of the world, in the form of conversationsbetween Ahura Mazda and Zoroaster. The whole arrangement is, however, very fragmentary and chaotic, and much of the matter is of a trivialcharacter. It cannot be compared in merit with the Old Testament. 

4. The Zend Avesta and the Vedas. 

A cuneiform inscription discovered in the centre of Asia Minorat Ptorium proves that about 1400 B. C. Certain tribes who hadrelations with the Hittite empire had for their deities Mitra, Indra, Varuna and the Nasatyas. The first two names are common tothe Persian and Indian Aryans, while the last two are found onlyin India. It appears then that at this time the ancestors of theHindus and Iranians were not yet separated. [352] Certain importantcontrasts between the ancient Zoroastrian and Vedic religions haveled to the theory that the separation was the result of a religiousand political schism. The words Deva and Asura have an exactlyopposite significance in the two religions. Deva [353] is the terminvariably used for the gods of the Hindus in the whole Vedic andBrahmanical literature. In the Zend-Avesta, on the other hand, Deva(Pers. _div_) is the general name of an evil spirit, a fiend, demonor devil, who is inimical to all that is good and comes from God. Thepart of the Avesta called the Vendidad, consisting of a collectionof spells and incantations, means _vi-daevo-data_ or given againstthe Devas or demons. The Devas, Dr. Haug states, are the originatorsof all that is bad, of every impurity, of death; and are constantlythinking of causing the destruction of the fields and trees, and ofthe houses of religious men. "Asura, occurring as Ahura in the firstpart of Ahura-Mazda (Hormazd), is the name of God among the Parsis;and the Zoroastrian religion is distinctly called the Ahura religion, in strict opposition to the Deva religion. But among the Hindus Asurahas assumed a bad meaning, and is applied to the bitterest enemiesof their Devas (gods), with whom the Asuras are constantly wagingwar. This is the case throughout the whole Puranic literature andas far back as the later parts of the Vedas; but in the older partsof the Rig-Veda Sanhita we find the word Asura used in as good andelevated a sense as in the Zend-Avesta. The chief gods, such as Indra, Varuna, Agni, Savitri, Rudra or Siva, are honoured with the epithet'Asura, ' which means 'living, spiritual, ' and signifies the divinein its opposition to human nature. 

"In a bad sense we find Asura only twice in the older parts of theRig-Veda, in which passages the defeat of the 'sons or men of theAsura' is ordered or spoken of; but we find the word more frequently inthis sense in the last book of the Rig-Veda (which is only an appendixto the whole made in later times), and in the Atharva-Veda, where theRishis are said to have frustrated the tricks of the Asuras and to havethe power of putting them down. In the Brahmanas or sacrificial booksbelonging to each of the Vedas we find the Devas always fighting withthe Asuras. The latter are the constant enemies of the Hindu gods, and always make attacks upon the sacrifices offered by devotees. Todefeat them, all the craft and cunning of the Devas were required;and the means of checking them was generally found in a new sacrificialrite. " [354]

Professor Haug adduces other arguments in this connection fromresemblance of metres. Again the principal Vedic God, Indra, isincluded in the list of Devas or demons in the Zoroastrian scripture, the Vendidad. Siva and the Nasatyas or Ashvins, the divine horsemenof the Vedas, are also said to be found in the list of Devas ordemons. Others of the Vedic gods as Mitra the sun, Aryaman, eitheranother name for the sun or his constant associate and representative, Vayu the wind, and one or two more are found as Yazatas or angels inthe Zend-Avesta. [355]

5. Reasons for the schism between the Persian and Indian Aryans. 

Professor Haug's suggestion as to the cause of the schism betweenthe Iranian and Indian branches of the Aryans is very interesting. Hethinks that the Aryan tribes after they had left their original home, which was in all likelihood a cold country, led mainly a pastorallife, and cultivated only occasionally some patches of land for theirown support. But when they arrived in the tract between the Oxus andJaxartes rivers, and the highlands of Bactria, which were suitable forpermanent settlement, certain of them, who were the ancestors of theIranian branch, forsook the pastoral life of their ancestors and becameagriculturists. Others, the ancestors of the Indian Aryans, retainedtheir nomadic habits, and took to the practice of making predatoryincursions into the territories of the settled communities. Hencearose a bitter hostility between them; and as the success of theraiders was attributed to their religious spells and incantations, andespecially to the consumption of the Soma liquor under the auspices ofthe God Indra, this part of their joint religion became hateful to theIranians and led to the founding of the reformed Zoroastrian religion, in which special stress is laid on the virtue obtained from bringingland under cultivation, making enclosures and permanent settlementsand protecting agricultural cattle. This is forcibly expressed inthe saying, 'He who cultivates barley cultivates righteousness, ' andothers. [356] Finally the nomadic tribes left the common residencein the Central Asian highlands and migrated into India. It is notcertain that scholars generally accept the above hypothesis. 

6. The dual principles and the conflict between good and evil. 

The most prominent feature of the religion of Zarathustra is thedual principle of good and evil and the conflict between them. AhuraMazda is the supreme deity, the creator of the world, and Ahriman orAngro Mainyush is the evil one, his constant opponent. A perpetualstruggle proceeds between them, extending over the whole of creation, and will continue for a period of 12, 000 years. The virtuous lives andprayers and sacrifices of men help the cause of Ahura Mazda, whileevery bad action and all kinds of ceremonial impurity constitute anassistance rendered by them to Ahriman. Not only virtue, courage, charity humility and kindness to animals, when displayed by men, are held to reinforce Ahura Mazda, but also such useful acts ascleaning a field for cultivation, digging a canal or building abridge. The animals are also divided into good and bad, the latterbeing considered the creation of Ahriman and designated the seed ofthe serpent. The bad animals include tigers, snakes, cats, wolves, frogs, mice, ants and others, and to kill them is to perform avirtuous act in the cause of Ahura Mazda. Among good animals dogsand agricultural cattle appear to be the chief. The division is veryimperfect, and it would seem that the classification does not extendto birds and fish. Most trees are good, but their bark is evil. Hail, snow and all kinds of diseases are believed to be the work of Ahrimanand his evil spirits. [357] As all ceremonial impurity rendersassistance to the evil one, the Parsis are very careful in suchmatters, as will be noticed subsequently. Ahura Mazda is assistedin his struggle for the good by six Amesha-Spentas or good spirits, who are something like archangels. They consist of the spirits ofcattle, fire, metals, the earth, health and immortality. With thefirst four of these some moral quality or attribute as truth, wisdomand the curing of diseases is now associated. Another great spiritSraosha is the judge of the dead. Similarly Ahriman is assisted by sixarch-fiends and a whole host of evil spirits (Deva and Druj) of allkinds, against whom men have to be perpetually on their guard. Oneof the principal bad spirits is Aeshma Deva, the roaring demon, whoappears to be the Asmodeus mentioned in the Apocrypha. At the endof the period of struggle Ahura Mazda will engage in a final contestwith Ahriman and will conquer with the help of the Archangel Sraosha, who will overcome the demon Aeshma. A virgin will then conceive andbring forth the second Zoroaster as a Messiah, who will cause theresurrection of the dead. The good will be separated from the bad, but the punishment of the latter will not be eternal; and after thepurification of the world by a general conflagration all humanity willunite in the adoration of Ahura Mazda. [358] Meanwhile after deaththe souls of all men are weighed and have to pass over a narrow bridgecalled Chinvad. The good souls, lightened by the absence of sin, findit a broad and easy path to heaven, while to the bad ones, weigheddown with their sins, it becomes narrow as a razor's edge, and theyfall over into hell. M. Salomon Reinach points out that their beliefshave several points of resemblance with those of Judaism, but it isnot easy to say which religion has borrowed from the other. [359] Theword paradise, according to Dr. Haug, comes from _pairidaesa_ in theZend-Avesta and means a park or beautiful garden protected by a fence. 

7. The dual principle derived from the antagonism of light anddarkness. 

It is noticeable that Ahura Mazda is considered as luminous and good, and Ahriman as gloomy and bad. Ahura Mazda, according to Darmesteter, can be traced back to Asura, the supreme god of Indo-Iranian times, and is the representative of Varuna, Zeus or Jupiter, that is the skyor heavens. Similarly Ahura Mazda is described in the Zend-Avestaas righteous, brilliant, glorious, the originator of the spiritof nature, of the luminaries and of the self-shining brightnesswhich is in the luminaries. Again he is the author of all that isbright and shining, good and useful in nature, while Ahriman calledinto existence all that is dark and apparently noxious. Both arecomplementary as day and night, and though opposed to each other, are indispensable for the preservation of creation. The beneficentspirit appears in the blazing flame, the presence of the hurtful oneis marked by the wood converted into charcoal. Ahura Mazda created thelight of day and Ahriman the darkness of night; the former awakens mento their duties and the latter lulls them to sleep. These featuresof the good and evil spirits seem to point to the conclusion thatthe original antithesis which is portrayed in the conflict betweenthe principles of good and evil is that of night and day or darknessand light. The light of day and all that belongs to it is good, andthe darkness of night and that which belongs to it evil. As alreadyseen, Ahura Mazda is considered to be equivalent to Varuna or Zeus, that is the god of the sky or heavens. Originally it seems likelythat this deity also comprised the sun, but afterwards the sun wasspecialised, so to speak, into a separate god, perhaps in consequenceof a clearer recognition of his distinctive attributes and functionsin nature. Thus in the Zoroastrian religion Mithra became the specialsun-god, and may be compared with Vishnu and Surya in India and Apolloin Greece. In the Avesta the sun is addressed as the king. [360]Ahura Mazda speaks of the sun-deity Mithra as follows to Zoroaster:"I created Mithra, who rules over large fields, to be of the samerank and dignity as I myself am (for purposes of worship). " The onlyvisible emblem of Ahura Mazda worshipped by the Parsis is fire, and itwould seem that the earthly fire, which is called Ahura Mazda's son, is venerated as the offspring and representative of the heavenlyfire or the sun. Thus Ahura Mazda may have been originally an oldgod of the heavens, and may have become the abstract spirit of lightfrom whom the sun in turn was derived. If, as is now supposed, theoriginal home of the Aryan race was somewhere in northern Europe, whence the Iranian and Indian branches migrated to the east, thereligious tenets of the Parsis may perhaps have arisen from thememory of this journey. Their veneration of fire would be more easilyunderstood if it was based on the fact that they owed their lives tothis element during their wanderings across the steppes of easternEurope. The association of cold, darkness and snow with Ahriman orthe evil one supports this hypothesis. Similarly among the IndianAryans the god of fire was one of the greatest Vedic gods, and firewas essential to the preservation of life in the cold hilly regionsbeyond the north-west of India. But in India itself fire is of farless importance and Agiri has fallen into the background in modernHinduism, except for the domestic reverence of the hearth-fire. ButZoroastrianism has preserved the old form of its religion withoutchange. The narrow bridge which spans the gulf leading to heavenand from which the wicked fall into hell, may have originally beensuggested by the steep and narrow passes by which their ancestorsmust have crossed the mountain ranges lying on their long journey, and where, no doubt, large numbers had miserably perished; while theirparadise, as already seen, was the comparatively warm and fertilecountry to which they had so hardly attained, where they had learntto grow corn and where they wanted to stay thenceforth and for ever. 

8. The Zoroastrians in Persia. 

In Persia itself the Zoroastrian faith is now almost extinct, butsmall colonies still survive in the towns of Yezd and Kerman. They arein a miserable and oppressed condition and are subjected to variousirritating restrictions, as being forbidden to make wind towers totheir houses for coolness, to wear spectacles or to ride horses. In1904 their number was estimated at 9000 persons. [361]

9. Their migration to India and settlement there. 

The migration of the Parsis to India dates from the Arab conquestof Persia in A. D. 638-641. The refugees at first fled to the hills, and after passing through a period of hardship moved down to thecoast and settled in the city of Ormuz. Being again persecuted, aparty of them set sail for India and landed in Gujarat. There wereprobably two migrations, one immediately after the Arab conquest in641, and the second from Ormuz as described above in A. D. 750. Theirfirst settlement was at Sanjan in Gujarat, and from here they spread tovarious other cities along the coast. During their period of prosperityat Sanjan they would seem to have converted a large section of theHindu population near Thana. The first settlers in Gujarat apparentlytook to tapping palm trees for toddy, and the Parsis have ever sincebeen closely connected with the liquor traffic. The Portuguese writerGarcia d'Orta (A. D. 1535) notices a curious class of merchants andshopkeepers, who were called Coaris, that is Gaurs, in Bassein, andEsparis or Parsis in Cambay. The Portuguese called them Jews; but theywere no Jews, for they were uncircumcised and ate pork. Besides theycame from Persia and had a curious written character, strange oathsand many foolish superstitions, taking their dead out by a specialdoor and exposing the bodies till they were destroyed. In 1578, atthe request of the Emperor Akbar, the Parsis sent learned prieststo explain to him the Zoroastrian faith. They found Akbar a readylistener and taught him their peculiar rites and ceremonies. Akbarissued orders that the sacred fire should be made over to the chargeof Abul Fazl, and that after the manner of the kings of Persia, inwhose temples blazed perpetual fires, Abul Fazl should take care thatthe sacred fire was never allowed to go out either by night or day, for that it was one of the signs of god and one light from among themany lights of his creation. Akbar, according to Portuguese accounts, was invested with the sacred shirt and girdle, and in return grantedthe Gujarat priest Meherji Rana an estate near Naosari, where hisdescendants have ever since been chief priests. [362]

10. Their wealth and prosperity. 

The Parsis had begun to settle in Bombay under the Portuguese(A. D. 1530-1666). One of them, Dorabji Nanabhai, held a high positionin the island before its transfer to the British in the latter year, and before the end of the seventeenth century several more families, of whom the Modis, Pandes, Banajis, Dadiseths and Vadias were amongthe earliest, settled in the island. To the Gujarat Parsis morethan to any class of native merchants was due the development of thetrade of Bombay, especially with China. Though many Parsis came toBombay, almost all continued to consider Surat or Naosari their home;and after its transfer to the British in 1759 the Surat Parsis rosegreatly in wealth and position. They became the chief merchants ofSurat, and their leading men were the English, Portuguese and Dutchbrokers. Shortly afterwards, owing to the great development of theopium and cotton trade with China, the Parsis made large profits incommerce both at Surat and Bombay. After the great fire at Surat in1857 Bombay became the headquarters of the Parsis, and since then hashad as permanent settlers the largest section of the community. Thebulk of the native foreign trade fell into their hands, and the verygreat liberality of some of the leading Parsis has made their namehonourable. They secured a large share of the wealth that was pouredinto western India by the American War and the making of railways, and have played a leading part in starting and developing the greatfactory industry of Bombay. Many of the largest and best managed millsbelong to Parsis, and numbers of them find highly paid employment asmechanical engineers, and weaving, carding and spinning masters. Broachranks next to Bombay in the prosperity of its Parsis; they dealextensively in cotton, timber, fuel and the manufacture of spiritfrom the flowers of the mahua tree. [363] From the Bombay Presidencythe Parsis have spread to other parts of India, following the sameavocations; they are liquor and timber contractors, own and manageweaving mills and ginning factories, and keep shops for retailingEuropean stores, and are the most prosperous and enterprising sectionof the native population. Two Parsis have become members of Parliament, and others have risen to distinction in Government service, businessand the professions. The sea-face road in Bombay in the evening, thronged with the carriages and motor-cars of Parsi men and ladies, isstrong testimony to the success which the ability and industry of thisrace have achieved under the encouragement of peace, the protectionof property and the liberty to trade. Though they have a common Aryanancestry and their religion is so closely connected with Hinduism, the Parsis feel themselves a race alien to the Hindus and probablyhave no great sympathy with them. Their wealth and position have beenmainly obtained under British rule, and the bulk of them are believedto be its warm adherents. The Parsis now make no proselytes, and noregular provision exists for admitting outsiders to their religion, though it is believed that, in one or two cases, wives taken fromoutside the community have been admitted. They object strongly tothe adoption of any other religion, such as Christianity, by membersof their body. The Parsis are notable for the fact that their womenare very well educated and appear quite freely in society. This isa comparatively recent reform and may be ascribed to the Englishexample, though the credit they deserve for having broken throughprejudice and tradition is in no way diminished on that account. Thetotal number of Parsis in India in 1911 was just 100, 000 persons. 

11. Marriage customs. 

Polygamy among the Parsis has been forbidden by the Parsi Marriageand Divorce Act of 1865. The remarriage of widows is allowed butis celebrated at midnight. If a bachelor is to marry a widow, hefirst goes through a sham rite with the branch of a tree, as amongthe Hindus. Similarly before the wedding the bride and bridegroomare rubbed with turmeric, and for the ceremony a marriage-shedis erected. At a feast before the wedding one of the women beats acopper dish and asks the ancestral spirits to attend, calling them byname. Another woman comes running in, barking like a dog. The womendrive her away, and with fun and laughing eat all the things they canlay their hands on. Prior to the rite the bride and bridegroom arepurified in the same manner as when invested with the sacred shirtand cord. The bridegroom wears a long white robe reaching to hisankles and a white sash round his waist; he has a garland of flowersround his neck, a red mark on his forehead, and carries a bunch offlowers and a cocoanut in his right hand. At every street corneron his way to the bride's home a cocoanut is waved round his head, broken and thrown away. He sets his right foot in the house first, and as he enters rice and water are thrown under his feet and an eggand cocoanut are broken. At the wedding the couple throw rice on eachother, and it is supposed that whoever is quickest in throwing therice will rule the other. They are then seated side by side, and twopriests stand before them with a witness on each side, holding brassplates full of rice. The two priests pronounce the marriage blessing inold Persian and Sanskrit, at each sentence throwing rice on the bride'sand bridegroom's heads. At intervals in the midst of the blessing thebridegroom and bride are asked in Persian, 'Have you chosen her?' and'Have you chosen him?' They answer in Persian, or if they are tooyoung their mothers answer for them, 'I have chosen. ' [364]

12. Religion. Worship of fire. 

The religious ritual of the Parsis consists of the worship of fire. Thefire temples are of a single storey and contain three rooms. Onreaching the outer hall the worshipper washes his face, hands andfeet, and recites a prayer. Then, carrying a piece of sandalwood andsome money for the officiating priest, he passes to the inner hall, in which a carpet is spread. He takes off his shoes and rings one offour brass bells hanging at the corners of the room. The priest alsorings one of these bells at each watch when he performs worship. Hethen proceeds to the threshold of the central fire-room, kneels there, and again standing begins to recite prayers. None may enter thefire-room except the priests. Here the fire is kept always blazingin a silver or copper urn on a solid stone pedestal, and is fed dayand night with sandal and other commoner woods. A priest is alwayspresent, dressed in long white robes, his hands covered with whitecloths and his face veiled. The worshipper lays down his offering ofsandalwood at the entrance, and the priest takes it up with a pairof tongs, and gives him some ashes from the urn in a silver or brassladle. These the worshipper rubs on his forehead and eyebrows. Onconcluding his prayers, which are in the Avesta language, he walksbackward to where he left his shoes and goes home. A Parsi man neverallows his hearth fire to go out, and if he changes his residence hecarries it with him to the next place of abode. 

13. The Homa liquor. 

Like the Hindus, the Iranian ancestors of the Parsis revered thesacred liquor made from the Soma or Homa plant. It was considereda panacea for all diseases, and many stories about the miraculouseffects obtained from drinking the juice are contained in a hymn ofthe Zend-Avesta composed in its honour. According to Dr. Mitchell [365]the offering of Homa is still made at Parsi temples, though apparentlysome substitute must have been obtained for the original plant, whichdoes not grow in the plains of India. At any rate the offering andsacrificial drinking of the liquor were probably continued so longas the Parsis remained in Persia. As this is a comparatively coolcountry, the bad effects of alcohol did not perhaps become apparent tothe Parsis as they did to the Hindus in the plains of India, and hencethe sanctity attaching to the liquor underwent no similar decline. Fromthis it perhaps results that the Parsis have no feeling at all againstalcohol, and drink it for pleasure, like Europeans. Both the toddy ofthe date-palm and mahua spirit are freely consumed at their feasts, while the rich members of the community drink European wines andspirits. As any dealing in alcohol is practically prohibited tohigh-caste Hindus and also to Muhammadans, and low-caste Hindus havehitherto scarcely ever been literate, the Parsis on account of thispeculiarity have found a profitable opening in the wholesale liquortrade, and until recently have had very little effective competitionto face. This is perhaps a reason for their special addiction to it, and also for their engaging in the sale of European stores and wines. 

14. Parsi priests. 

The Parsi priests form a hereditary caste, and are all supposed to bedescended from one Shapur Sheheriar, who with his sons and grandsons, one of whom translated the Zend-Avesta into Sanskrit, are believedto have been among the first Parsi settlers of the priestly caste atSanjan in north Thana. The training of a priest consists of learningsubstantial portions of the Zend-Avesta by heart, and in going throughelaborate ceremonies of purification, in which the drinking of _nerang_and _nerangdin_, or cow's and bull's urine, being bathed, chewingpomegranate leaves and rubbing the same urine and sand on his bodyare leading features. Priests always dress in white and wear a fullbeard. They must never shave the head or face, and never allow the headto be bare nor wear coloured clothes. If a priest's turban happens tofall off, or if he travels by rail or sea, his state of purity ends, and he must go through the whole ceremony of purification again andpass nine days in retreat at a temple. [366] The principal businessof a priest, as already seen, is the tending of the sacred fire inthe temples, and he also conducts marriage and other ceremonies. 

15. The sacred shirt and cord. 

Parsi boys and girls are received into the Zoroastrian faith betweenthe ages of seven and nine. The child is purified by being bathed, sipping bull's urine and chewing a pomegranate leaf, and makes theprofession of belief in the faith. He or she is then invested withthe sacred shirt, _sadra_, and the sacred cord or thread called_kusti_. The shirt is of thin muslin, with short sleeves and fallinga little below the hip. The sacred cord is of wool, and can be madeonly by the wives and daughters of Parsi priests. [367]

16. Disposal of the dead. 

The Parsi method of exposing the dead in Dakhmas or towers ofsilence to be devoured by vultures has often been described. It hasobjectionable features, and the smaller communities in the interiorof India do not as a rule erect towers of silence, and are contentsimply to bury the dead. It seems probable that the original customwas simply to expose the dead on waste land, the towers of silencebeing a substitute which became necessary when the Parsis began to livein towns. This hypothesis would explain some points in their funeralcustoms recorded in the _Bombay Gazetteer_. The dead body is washed, dressed in an old clean cloth and laid on the floor of the house, the space being marked off. If the floor is of earth the surface ofthis enclosed space is broken up. If the floor is of cement or stoneone or two stone slabs are set on it and the body laid on them; itis never laid on a wooden floor, nor on stone slabs placed on such afloor. The space where the body was laid is marked off, and is not usedfor a month if the death occurs between the eighth and twelfth monthsof the year, and for ten days if the death occurs between the firstand seventh months. The last are said to be the hottest months. [368]It would appear that these rules are a reminiscence of the time whenthe body was simply exposed. It was then naturally always laid onearth or rock, and never on wood, hence the prohibition of a woodenfloor. The fact that the spot where the body is now laid in the houseis held impure for a shorter period during the summer months may beexplained on the ground that all traces of the decaying corpse, afterit had been devoured by wild animals and vultures, would have beendried up by the sun more quickly at this time than during the wintermonths. In the latter period, as the process would take longer, theplace in the home is similarly held impure for a month, as againstten days in summer, though at present neither the sun nor weathercan possibly affect a site inside the house. The fact that when thefloor is of earth the site for the corpse is broken up may indicatethat it was formerly laid on rough waste ground, and not on a floorbeaten smooth, though it might also be simply a means of avoidingcontamination of the floor. But if this was the object it would besimpler to avoid letting the body come into contact with the floor atall. The corpse may still be wrapped in an old cloth because it wasoriginally exposed in the cloth worn at death. The body is carriedto the tower on an iron bier by special bearers; if the journey is along one a bullock cart may be used, but in this case the cart mustbe broken up and the pieces buried near the tower. Before the funeralstarts a number of priests attend at the house and recite the prayersfor the dead. During the service a dog is brought in to look on theface of the dead. The mourners follow in the usual manner, and onarrival at the tower the bearers alone take the corpse inside and layit naked on one of the slabs, which are built in circular terraces inthe interior. The mourners must be purified at the tower by pouringa little cow's urine into their hands, and on returning home theywash their face and hands, and recite a prayer before entering thehouse. They must bathe and have their clothes washed before theseare again used. When a married man dies his widow breaks her glassbangles and wears only metal bracelets, and so long as she remainsa widow she takes no part in any festal celebrations. Every morningfor three days after a death rice is cooked and laid in the verandafor dogs to eat. No other food is cooked in the house of death, the family being supplied by their friends. During these three daysprayers are said for the dead several times a day by priests, andkinsmen pay short visits of condolence. On the third day a meetingis held in the house and prayers are said for the dead; trays offlowers and burning incense are placed before the spot where the bodylay, and a list of charitable gifts made by the family in memory ofthe dead man is read. On the fourth day a feast is held speciallyfor priests, and friends are also asked to join in it. A little ofthe food cooked on this day is sent to all relations and friends, who make a point of eating or at least of tasting it. On the tenthand thirtieth days after death, and on monthly anniversaries for thefirst year, and subsequently on annual anniversaries, ceremonies inhonour of the dead are performed. [369]

17. Previous exposure of the dead, and migration of souls. 

Some of these customs are peculiar and interesting. It has been seenthat for three days the home is impure, and no food is cooked in itexcept what is given to dogs; and since on the third day offeringsare made on the spot where the body lay, it seems to be supposedthat the dead man's spirit is still there. On the fourth day is thefuneral feast, in which all relations and friends join, and afterthis the house becomes pure, it being presumably held that the deadman's spirit has taken its departure. For these three days food iscooked in the house and given to dogs, and immediately after theman is dead a dog is brought in to look at his face. It has beensuggested that the manner of laying out the body recalls the timewhen it was simply exposed. But when it was exposed the body wouldhave been devoured principally by dogs and vultures, and the customsconnected with dogs seem to arise from this. The cooked food givento dogs for three days is perhaps a substitute for the flesh of thedead man which they would have eaten, and the display of the body toa dog is in substitution for its being devoured by these animals, whonow that it is exposed in a tower of silence no longer have accessto it. It has further been seen how during the marriage rites, after an invitation has been issued to the ancestors to attend, a woman comes in barking like a dog. The other women drive her awayand laughingly eat everything they can lay their hands on, perhapsin imitation of the way dogs devour their food. This custom seems toindicate that the Parsis formerly believed that the spirits of theirancestors went into the dogs which devoured their bodies, a beliefwhich would be quite natural to primitive people. Such a hypothesiswould explain the peculiar customs mentioned, and also the greatsanctity which the Parsis attach to dogs. On the same analogy theyshould apparently also have believed that the spirits of ancestorswent into vultures; but it is not recorded that they show any specialveneration for these birds, though it must be almost certain thatthey do not kill them. The explanation given for the custom of theexposure of the dead is that none of the holy elements, earth, fireor water, can be polluted by receiving dead bodies. But, as alreadystated, towers of silence cannot be a primitive institution, and thebodies in all probability were previously exposed on the ground. Thecustom of exposure probably dates from a period prior to the beliefin the extreme sanctity of the earth. It may have been retained inorder that the spirits of ancestors might find a fresh home in theanimals which devoured their bodies; and some platform, from whichthe towers of silence subsequently developed, may have been made toavoid defilement of the earth; while in after times this necessityof not defiling the earth and other elements might be advanced as areason justifying the custom of exposure. 

18. Clothes, food and ceremonial observances. 

Parsi men usually wear a turban of dark cloth spotted with white, folded to stand up straight from the forehead, and looking somewhat asif it was made of pasteboard. This is very unbecoming, and younger menoften abandon it and simply wear the now common felt cap. They usuallyhave long coats, white or dark, and white cotton trousers. Well-to-doParsi women dress very prettily in silks of various colours. The menformerly shaved the head, either entirely, or leaving a scalp-lockand two ear-locks. But now many of them simply cut their hair shortlike the English. They wear whiskers and moustaches, but with theexception of the priests, not usually beards. Neither men nor womenever put off the sacred shirt or the thread. They eat the flesh onlyof goats and sheep among animals, and also consume fish, fowls andother birds; but they do not eat a cock after it has begun to crow, holding the bird sacred, because they think that its crowing drivesaway evil spirits. If Ahura Mazda represented the sun and the lightof day, the cock, the herald of the dawn, might be regarded as hissacred bird. Sometimes when a cock or parrot dies the body is wrappedin a sacred shirt or thread and carefully buried. Palm-juice toddy isa favourite drink at almost all meals in Gujarat, and mahua spiritis also taken. Parsis must never smoke, as this would be derogatoryto the sacred element fire. [370]

Saiva, Shaiva, Sivite Sect

_Saiva, Shaiva, Sivite Sect_. --The name given to Hindus whovenerate Siva as their special god. Siva, whose name signifies'The Propitious, ' is held to have succeeded to the Vedic god Rudra, apparently a storm-god. Siva is a highly composite deity, having thedouble attributes of destroyer and creator of new life. His heaven, Kailas, is in the Himalayas according to popular belief. He carriesthe moon on his forehead, and from the central one of his three eyesthe lightning flashes forth. He has a necklace of skulls, and snakesare intertwined round his waist and arms. And he has long matted hair(_jata_), from which the Ganges flows. It seems likely that the mattedlocks of the god represent the snow on the Himalayas, as the snow isin reality the source of the Ganges; the snow falling through the airand covering the peaks of the mountains might well suggest the hairof a mountain-god; and this interpretation seems to be accepted inMr. Bain's _In the Great God's Hair_. Siva has thus three componentsfrom which the idea of death might be derived: First, his residence onthe Himalaya mountains, the barren, lifeless region of ice and snow, and the cause of death to many pilgrims and travellers who venturedinto it. Secondly, he is the god of the moon, and hence of darknessand night, which are always associated with death. In this light hemight well be opposed to Vishnu, the god of the sun and day, and thesource of growth and life; their association as the two supreme deitiesrepresenting the preservation and destruction of life, would thus, to some extent, correspond to the conflict of good and bad deitiesrepresenting light and darkness among the Zoroastrians. Thirdly, Siva is a snake-god, and the sudden death dealt out by the poisonoussnake has always excited the greatest awe among primitive people. Thecobra is widely revered in India, and it is probably this snake whichis associated with the god. In addition the lightning, a swift, death-dealing power, is ascribed to Siva, and this may have beenone of his earliest attributes, as it was probably associated withhis Vedic prototype Rudra. Whether Siva obtained his character as agod of destruction from one only of the above associations, or froma combination of them, is probably not known. Two great forces lendthe deity his character of a god of reproduction, the bull and thephallic emblem. The bull tills the soil and renders it fertile andcapable of bringing forth the crops which form the sustenance ofmankind; while the phallic emblem is worshipped as the instrumentof generation. It is believed that there is a natural tendency toassociate these two objects, and to ascribe to the bull the capacityof inducing human fertility as well as the increase of the earth. Itis in these two attributes that Siva is worshipped in the rural tract;he is represented by the emblem referred to standing on a circulargrooved stone, which is the _yoni_, and in front of him is a stonebull. And he is revered almost solely as a beneficent deity underthe name of Mahadeo or the Great God. Thus his dual qualities ofdestruction and reproduction appear to be produced by the combinationin him of different objects of worship; the Himalayas, the moon, the cobra and the lightning on the one hand, and the bull and theemblem of regeneration on the other. Other interesting characteristicsof Siva are that he is the first and greatest of ascetics and thathe is immoderately addicted to the intoxicating drugs _ganja_ and_bhang_, the preparations of Indian hemp. It may be supposed thatthe god was given his character as an ascetic in order to extenddivine sanction and example to the practice of asceticism when itcame into favour. And the drugs, [371] first revered themselvesfor their intoxicating properties, were afterwards perpetuated ina sacred character by being associated with the god. Siva's throatis blue, and it is sometimes said that this is on account of hisimmoderate consumption of _bhang_. The _nilkanth_ or blue-jay, whichwas probably venerated for its striking plumage, and is considered tobe a bird of very good omen, has become Siva's bird because its bluethroat resembles his. His principal sacred tree is the _bel_ tree, [372] which has trifoliate leaves, and may have been held sacredon this account. The practice of Sati or the self-immolation ofwidows has also been given divine authority by the story that Satiwas Siva's first wife, and that she committed suicide because sheand her husband were not invited to Daksha's sacrifice. [373] Siva'sfamous consort is the multiform Devi, Kali or Parvati, of whom somenotice is given elsewhere. [374] The cult of Siva has produced theimportant Sakta sect, who, however, venerate more especially thefemale principle of energy as exemplified in his consort. [375]Another great sect of southern India, the Lingayats, worship him inthe character of the _lingam_ or phallic emblem, and are noticeableas being a Sivite sect who have abolished caste. The Sivite ordersof Gosains or Dasnamis and Jogis also constitute an important featureof Hinduism. All these are separately described. Apart from them theHindus who call themselves Saivas because they principally venerateSiva, do not appear to have any very special characteristics, norto be markedly distinguished from the Vaishnavas. They abstain fromthe consumption of flesh and liquor, and think it objectionable totake life. Their offerings to the god consist of flowers, the leavesof the _bel_ tree which is sacred to him, and ripe ears of corn, these last being perhaps intended especially for the divine bull. Thesect-mark of the Saivas consists of three curved lines horizontallydrawn across the forehead, which are said to represent the _tirsul_or trident of the god. A half-moon may also be drawn. The mark ismade with Ganges clay, sandalwood, or cowdung cakes, these last beingconsidered to represent the disintegrating force of the deity. [376]

Sakta, Shakta Sect

_Sakta, Shakta Sect_. --The name of a Hindu sect, whose members worshipthe female principle of energy, which is the counterpart of the godSiva. The metaphysical ideas of Saktism are thus described by SirEdward Gait: [377]

"Saktism is based on the worship of the active producing principle, Prakriti, as manifested in one or other of the goddess wives of Siva(Durga, Kali, Parvati) the female energy or Sakti of the primordialmale, Purusha or Siva. In this cult the various forces of nature aredeified under separate personalities, which are known as the divinemothers or Matrigan. The ritual to be observed, the sacrifices tobe offered, and the _mantras_ or magic texts to be uttered, in orderto secure the efficacy of the worship and to procure the fulfilmentof the worshipper's desire, are laid down in a series of religiouswritings known as Tantras. The cult is supposed to have originatedin East Bengal or Assam about the fifth century. "

Dr. Bhattacharya states [378] that the practical essence of the Saktacult is the worship of the female organ of generation. According to atext of the Tantras the best form of Sakti worship is to adore a nakedwoman, and it is said that some Tantrics actually perform their dailyworship in their private chapels by placing before them such a woman. Atriangular plate of brass or copper may be taken as a substitute, and such plates are usually kept in the houses of Tantric Brahmans. Inthe absence of a plate of the proper shape a triangle may be paintedon a copper dish. In public the veneration of the Saktas is paid tothe goddess Kali. She is represented as a woman with four arms. Inone hand she has a weapon, in a second the hand of the giant she hasslain, and with the two others she is encouraging her worshippers. Forearrings she has two dead bodies, she wears a necklace of skulls, and her only clothing is a garland made of men's skulls. In the KalikaPuran [379] the immolation of human beings is recommended, and numerousanimals are catalogued as suitable for sacrifice. At the present timepigeons, goats, and more rarely buffaloes, are the usual victims atthe shrine of the goddess. The ceremony commences with the adorationof the sacrificial axe; various _mantras_ are recited, and the animalis then decapitated at one stroke. As soon as the head falls to theground the votaries rush forward and smear their foreheads with theblood of the victim. It is of the utmost importance that the ceremonyshould pass off without any hitch or misadventure, [380] and specialservices are held to supplicate the goddess to permit of this. If inspite of them the executioner fails to sever the head of the animal atone stroke, it is thought that the goddess is angry and that some greatcalamity will befall the family in the next year. If a death shouldoccur within the period, they attribute it to the miscarriage of thesacrifice, that is to the animal not having been killed with a singleblow. If any such misfortune should happen, Dr. Bhattacharya states, the family generally determine never to offer animal sacrifices again;and in this way the slaughter of animals, as part of the religiousceremony in private houses, is becoming more and more rare. If a goatis sacrificed, the head is placed before the goddess and the fleshcooked and served to the invited guests; but in the case of a buffalo, as respectable Hindus do not eat the flesh of this animal, it is givento the low-caste musicians employed for the occasion. Wine is alsooffered to the goddess, and after being consecrated is sprinkled onevery kind of uncooked food brought before her. But the worshipperand his family often drink only a few drops. The Saktas are dividedinto the Dakshinacharis and Bamacharis, or followers of the right-and left-handed paths respectively. The Dakshinacharis have largelyabandoned animal sacrifices, and many of them substitute red flowersor red sandalwood as offerings, to represent blood. An account ofthose Bamacharis who carry sexual practices to extreme lengths, hasbeen given in the article on Vam-Margi. The sect-mark of the Saktas isthree horizontal lines on the forehead made with a mixture of charcoaland butter. Some of them have a single vertical line of charcoal orsandalwood. In the Central Provinces Sakta is a general term for aHindu who eats meat, as opposed to the Vaishnavas and Kabirpanthis, who abjure it. The animals eaten are goats and chickens, and theyare usually sacrificed to the goddess Devi prior to being consumedby the worshippers. 

Satnami

List of Paragraphs

 1. _Origin of the sect_. 2. _Ghasi Das, founder of the Satnami sect_. 3. _The message of Ghasi Das_. 4. _Subsequent history of the Satnamis_. 5. _Social profligacy_. 6. _Divisions of the Satnamis_. 7. _Customs of the Satnamis_. 8. _Character of the Satnami movement_. 

1. Origin of the sect. 

_Satnami Sect_ [381] (A worshipper of the true name of God). --Adissenting sect founded by a Chamar reformer in the Chhattisgarhcountry of the Central Provinces. It is practically confined to membersof the Chamar caste, about half of whom belong to it. In 1901 nearly400, 000 persons returned themselves as adherents of the Satnami sect, of whom all but 2000 were Chamars. The Satnami sect of the CentralProvinces, which is here described, is practically confined to theChhattisgarh plain, and the handful of persons who returned themselvesas Satnamis from the northern Districts are believed to be adherents ofthe older persuasion of the same name in Northern India. The Satnamimovement in Chhattisgarh was originated by one Ghasi Das, a native ofthe Bilaspur District, between A. D. 1820 and 1830. But it is probablethat Ghasi Das, as suggested by Mr. Hira Lal, got his inspirationfrom a follower of the older Satnami sect of northern India. Thiswas inaugurated by a Rajput, Jagjiwan Das of the Bara Banki District, who died in 1761. He preached the worship of the True Name of the oneGod, the cause and creator of all things, void of sensible qualitiesand without beginning or end. He prohibited the use of meat, lentils(on account of their red colour suggesting blood) of the brinjal oreggplant, which was considered, probably on account of its shape, toresemble flesh, and of intoxicating liquors. The creed of Ghasi Dasenunciated subsequently was nearly identical with that of Jagjiwan Das, and was no doubt derived from it, though Ghasi Das never acknowledgedthe source of his inspiration. 

2. Ghasi Das, founder of the Satnami sect. 

Ghasi Das was a poor farmservant in Girod, a village formerly inBilaspur and now in Raipur, near the Sonakan forests. On one occasionhe and his brother started on a pilgrimage to the temple at Puri, but only got as far as Sarangarh, whence they returned ejaculating'_Satnam, Satnam_. ' From this time Ghasi Das began to adopt the lifeof an ascetic, retiring all day to the forest to meditate. On a rockyhillock about a mile from Girod is a large _tendu_ tree (_Diospyrostomentosa_) under which it is said that he was accustomed to sit. Thisis a favourite place of pilgrimage of the Chamars, and two Satnamitemples have been built near it, which contain no idols. Once thesetemples were annually visited by the successors of Ghasi Das. But atpresent the head of the sect only proceeds to them, like the Greeksto Delphi, in circumstances of special difficulty. In the courseof time Ghasi Das became venerated as a saintly character, and onsome miracles, such as the curing of snake-bite, being attributed tohim, his fame rapidly spread. The Chamars began to travel from longdistances to venerate him, and those who entertained desires, suchas for the birth of a child, believed that he could fulfil them. Thepilgrims were accustomed to carry away with them the water in which hehad washed his feet, in hollow bamboos, and their relatives at homedrank this, considering it was nectar. Finally, Ghasi Das retiredto the forests for a period, and emerged with what he called a newGospel for the Chamars; but this really consisted of a repetition ofthe tenets of Jagjiwan Das, the founder of the Satnami sect of UpperIndia, with a few additions. Mr. Chisholm [382] gave a graphic accountof the retirement of Ghasi Das to the Sonakan forests for a period ofsix months, and of his reappearance and proclamation of his revelationon a fixed date before a great multitude of Chamars, who had gatheredfrom all parts to hear him. An inquiry conducted locally by Mr. HiraLal in 1903 indicates that this story is of doubtful authenticity, though it must be remembered that Mr. Chisholm wrote only fortyyears after the event, and forty more had elapsed at the time ofMr. Hira Lal's investigation. [383] Of the Chamar Reformer himselfMr. Chisholm writes: [384] "Ghasi Das, like the rest of his community, was unlettered. He was a man of unusually fair complexion and ratherimposing appearance, sensitive, silent, given to seeing visions, and deeply resenting the harsh treatment of his brotherhood by theHindus. He was well known to the whole community, having travelledmuch among them; had the reputation of being exceptionally sagaciousand was universally respected. "

3. The message of Ghasi Das. 

The seven precepts of Ghasi Das included abstinence from liquor, meatand certain red vegetables, such as lentils chillies and tomatoes, because they have the colour of blood, the abolition of idol worship, the prohibition of the employment of cows for cultivation, and ofploughing after midday or taking food to the fields, and the worshipof the name of one solitary and supreme God. The use of _taroi_ [385]is said to have been forbidden on account of its fancied resemblance tothe horn of the buffalo, and of the brinjal [386] from its likeness tothe scrotum of the same animal. The prohibition against ploughing afterthe midday meal was probably promulgated out of compassion for animalsand was already in force among the Gonds of Bastar. This precept isstill observed by many Satnamis, and in case of necessity they willcontinue ploughing from early morning until the late afternoon withouttaking food, in order not to violate it. The injunction against theuse of the cow for ploughing was probably a sop to the Brahmans, the name of Gondwana having been historically associated with thispractice to its disgrace among Hindus. [387] The Satnamis werebidden to cast all idols from their homes, but they were permittedto reverence the sun, as representing the deity, every morning andevening, with the ejaculation 'Lord, protect me. ' Caste was abolishedand all men were to be socially equal except the family of Ghasi Das, in which the priesthood of the cult was to remain hereditary. 

4. Subsequent history of the Satnamis. 

The creed enunciated by their prophet was of a creditablesimplicity and purity, of too elevated a nature for the Chamarsof Chhattisgarh. The crude myths which are now associated with thestory of Ghasi Das and the obscenity which distinguishes the ritualof the sect furnish a good instance of the way in which a religion, originally of a high order of morality, will be rapidly degraded totheir own level when adopted by a people who are incapable of livingup to it. It is related that one day his son brought Ghasi Das a fishto eat. He was about to consume it when the fish spoke and forbadehim to do so. Ghasi Das then refrained, but his wife and two sonsinsisted on eating the fish and shortly afterwards they died. [388]Overcome with grief Ghasi Das tried to commit suicide by throwinghimself down from a tree in the forest, but the boughs of the treebent with him and he could not fall. Finally the deity appeared, bringing his two sons, and commended Ghasi Das for his piety, at thesame time bidding him go and proclaim the Satnami doctrine to theworld. Ghasi Das thereupon went and dug up the body of his wife, who arose saying '_Satnam. _' Ghasi Das lived till he was eightyyears old and died in 1850, the number of his disciples being thenmore than a quarter of a million. He was succeeded in the office ofhigh priest by his eldest son Balak Das. This man soon outraged thefeelings of the Hindus by assuming the sacred thread and paradingit ostentatiously on public occasions. So bitter was the hostilityaroused by him, that he was finally assassinated at night by a partyof Rajputs at the rest-house of Amabandha as he was travelling toRaipur. The murder was committed in 1860 and its perpetrators werenever discovered. Balak Das had fallen in love with the daughter ofa Chitari (painter) and married her, proclaiming a revelation to theeffect that the next Chamar Guru should be the offspring of a Chitarigirl. Accordingly his son by her, Sahib Das, succeeded to the office, but the real power remained in the hands of Agar Das, brother of BalakDas, who married his Chitari widow. By her Agar Das had a son AjabDas; but he also had another son Agarman Das by a legitimate wife, and both claimed the succession. They became joint high priests, and the property has been partitioned between them. The chief _guru_formerly obtained a large income by the contributions of the Chamars onhis tours, as he received a rupee from each household in the villageswhich he visited on tour. He had a deputy, known as Bhandar, in manyvillages, who brought the commission of social offences to his notice, when fines were imposed. He built a house in the village of Bhandarof the Raipur District, having golden pinnacles, and also owned thevillage. But he has been extravagant and become involved in debt, andboth house and village have been foreclosed by his creditor, thoughit is believed that a wealthy disciple has repurchased the house forhim. The golden pinnacles were recently stolen. The contributionshave also greatly fallen off. 

Formerly an annual fair was held at Bhandar to which all theSatnamis went and drank the water in which the _guru_ had dippedhis big toe. Each man gave him not less than a rupee and sometimesas much as fifty rupees. But the fair is no longer held and now theSatnamis only give the _guru_ a cocoanut when he goes on tour. TheSatnamis also have a fair in Ratanpur, a sacred place of the Hindus, where they assemble and bathe in a tank of their own, as they arenot allowed to bathe in the Hindu tanks. 

5. Social profligacy. 

Formerly, when a Satnami Chamar was married, a ceremony called Satloktook place within three years of the wedding, or after the birth ofthe first son, which Mr. Durga Prasad Pande describes as follows:it was considered to be the initiatory rite of a Satnami, so thatprior to its performance he and his wife were not proper membersof the sect. When the occasion was considered ripe, a committee ofmen in the village would propose the holding of the ceremony to thebridegroom; the elderly members of his family would also exert theirinfluence upon him, because it was believed that if they died prior toits performance their disembodied spirits would continue a comfortlessexistence about the scene of their mortal habitation, but if afterwardsthat they would go straight to heaven. When the rite was to be helda feast was given, the villagers sitting round a lighted lamp placedon a water-pot in the centre of the sacred _chauk_ or square madewith lines of wheat-flour; and from evening until midnight they wouldsing and dance. In the meantime the newly married wife would be lyingalone in a room in the house. At midnight her husband went in to herand asked her whom he should revere as his _guru_ or preceptor. Shenamed a man and the husband went out and bowed to him and he thenwent in to the woman and lay with her. The process would be repeated, the woman naming different men until she was exhausted. Sometimes, if the head priest of the sect was present, he would nominate thefavoured men, who were known as _gurus_. Next morning the marriedcouple were seated together in the courtyard, and the head priest orhis representative tied a _kanthi_ or necklace of wooden beads roundtheir necks, repeating an initiatory text. [389] This silly doggerel, as shown in the footnote, is a good criterion of the intellectualcapacity of the Satnamis. It is also said that during his annualprogresses it was the custom for the chief priest to be allowedaccess to any of the wives of the Satnamis whom he might select, and that this was considered rather an honour than otherwise by thehusband. But the Satnamis have now become ashamed of such practices, and, except in a few isolated localities, they have been abandoned. 

6. Divisions of the Satnamis. 

Ghasi Das or his disciples seem to have felt the want of a more ancientand dignified origin for the sect than one dating only from livingmemory. They therefore say that it is a branch of that founded by RohiDas, a Chamar disciple of the great liberal and Vaishnavite reformerRamanand, who flourished at the end of the fourteenth century. TheSatnamis commonly call themselves Rohidasi as a synonym for their name, but there is no evidence that Rohi Das ever came to Chhattisgarh, and there is practically no doubt, as already pointed out, that GhasiDas simply appropriated the doctrine of the Satnami sect of northernIndia. One of the precepts of Ghasi Das was the prohibition of theuse of tobacco, and this has led to a split in the sect, as many ofhis disciples found the rule too hard for them. They returned to their_chongis_ or leaf-pipes, and are hence called Chungias; they say thatin his later years Ghasi Das withdrew the prohibition. The Chungiashave also taken to idolatry, and their villages contain stones coveredwith vermilion, the representations of the village deities, which thetrue Satnamis eschew. They are considered lower than the Satnamis, and intermarriage between the two sections is largely, though notentirely, prohibited. A Chungia can always become a Satnami if heceases to smoke by breaking a cocoanut in the presence of his _guru_or preceptor or giving him a present. Among the Satnamis there isalso a particularly select class who follow the straitest sect ofthe creed and are called _Jaharia_ from _jahar_, an essence. Thesenever sleep on a bed but always on the ground, and are said to wearcoarse uncoloured clothes and to eat no food but pulse or rice. 

7. Customs of the Satnamis. 

The social customs of the Satnamis resemble generally those of otherChamars. They will admit into the community all except members of"the impure castes, as Dhobis (washermen), Ghasias (grass-cutters) andMehtars (sweepers), whom they regard as inferior to themselves. Theirweddings must be celebrated only during the months of Magh (January), Phagun (February), the light half of Chait (March) and Baisakh(April). No betrothal ceremony can take place during the monthsof Shrawan (August) and Pus (January). They always bury the dead, laying the body with the face downwards, and spread clothes in thegrave above and below it, so that it may be warm and comfortableduring the last long sleep. They observe mourning for three days andhave their heads shaved on the third day with the exception of theupper lip, which is never touched by the razor. The Satnamis as wellas the Kabirpanthis in Chhattisgarh abstain from spirituous liquor, and ordinary Hindus who do not do so are known as Saktaha or Sakta(a follower of Devi) in contradistinction to them. A Satnami is putout of caste if he is beaten by a man of another caste, however high, and if he is touched by a sweeper, Ghasia or Mahar. Their women wearnose-rings, simply to show their contempt for the Hindu social order, as this ornament was formerly forbidden to the lower castes. Undernative dynasties any violation of a rule of this kind would have beenseverely punished by the executive Government, but in British Indiathe Chamar women can indulge their whim with impunity. It was alsoa rule of the sect not to accept cooked food from the hands of anyother caste, whether Hindu or Muhammadan, but this has fallen intoabeyance since the famines. Another method by which the Satnamisshow their contempt for the Hindu religion is by throwing milk andcurds at each other in sport and trampling it under foot. This isa parody of the Hindu celebration of the Janam-Ashtami or Krishna'sbirthday, when vessels of milk and curds are broken over the heads ofthe worshippers and caught and eaten by all castes indiscriminatelyin token of amity. They will get into railway carriages and push uppurposely against the Hindus, saying that they have paid for theirtickets and have an equal right to a place. Then the Hindus aredefiled and have to bathe in order to become clean. 

8. Character of the Satnami movement. 

Several points in the above description point to the conclusion thatthe Satnami movement is in essence a social revolt on the part of thedespised Chamars or tanners. The fundamental tenet of the gospel ofGhasi Das, as in the case of so many other dissenting sects, appearsto have been the abolition of caste, and with it of the authority ofthe Brahmans; and this it was which provoked the bitter hostility ofthe priestly order. It has been seen that Ghasi Das himself had beendeeply impressed by the misery and debasement of the Chamar community;how his successor Balak Das was murdered for the assumption of thesacred thread; and how in other ways the Satnamis try to show theircontempt for the social order which brands them as helot outcastes. Alarge proportion of the Satnami Chamars are owners or tenants of land, and this fact may be surmised to have intensified their feeling ofrevolt against the degraded position to which they were relegated bythe Hindus. Though slovenly cultivators and with little energy orforethought, the Chamars have the utmost fondness for land and anardent ambition to obtain a holding, however small. The possessionof land is a hall-mark of respectability in India, as elsewhere, andthe low castes were formerly incapable of holding it; and it may besurmised that the Chamar feels himself to be raised by his tenant-rightabove the hereditary condition of village drudge and menial. But forthe restraining influence of the British power, the Satnami movementmight by now have developed in Chhattisgarh into a social war. Overmost of India the term Hindu is contrasted with Muhammadan, but inChhattisgarh to call a man a Hindu conveys primarily that he is not aChamar, or Chamara according to the contemptuous abbreviation in commonuse. A bitter and permanent antagonism exists between the two classes, and this the Chamar cultivators carry into their relations with theirHindu landlords by refusing to pay rent. The records of the criminalcourts contain many cases arising from collisions between Chamarsand Hindus, several of which have resulted in riot and murder. Faultsno doubt exist on both sides, and Mr. Hemingway, Settlement Officer, quotes an instance of a Hindu proprietor who made his Chamar tenantscart timber and bricks to Rajim, many miles from his village, tobuild a house for him during the season of cultivation, their fieldsconsequently remaining untilled. But if a proprietor once arouses thehostility of his Chamar tenants he may as well abandon his village forall the profit he is likely to obtain from it. Generally the Chamarsare to blame, as pointed out by Mr. Blenkinsop who knows them well, and many of them are dangerous criminals, restrained only by theircowardice from the worst outrages against person and property. Itmay be noted in conclusion that the spread of Christianity among theChamars is in one respect a replica of the Satnami movement, becauseby becoming a Christian the Chamar hopes also to throw off the socialbondage of Hinduism. A missionary gentleman told the writer that oneof the converted Chamars, on being directed to perform some menialduty of the village, replied: 'No, I have become a Christian and amone of the Sahibs; I shall do no more _bigar_ (forced labour). '

Sikh Religion

List of Paragraphs

 1. _Foundation of Sikhism--Baba Nanak. _ 2. _The earlier Gurus_. 3. _Guru Govind Singh_. 4. _Sikh initiation and rules_. 5. _Character of the Nanakpanthis and Sikh sects. _ 6. _The Akalis. _ 7. _The Sikh Council or Guru-Mata. Their communal meal. _

1. Foundation of Sikhism--Baba Nanak. 

_Sikh, Akali_. --The Sikh religion and the history of the Sikhs havebeen fully described by several writers, and all that is intended inthis article is a brief outline of the main tenets of the sect for thebenefit of those to whom the more important works of reference may notbe available. The Central Provinces contained only 2337 Sikhs in 1911, of whom the majority were soldiers and the remainder probably timberor other merchants or members of the subordinate engineering servicein which Punjabis are largely employed. The following account is takenfrom Sir Denzil Ibbetson's _Census Report of the Punjab_ for 1881:

"Sikhism was founded by Baba Nanak, a Khatri of the Punjab, who livedin the fifteenth century. But Nanak was not more than a religiousreformer like Kabir, Ramanand, and the other Vaishnava apostles. Hepreached the unity of God, the abolition of idols, and the disregardof caste distinctions. [390] His doctrine and life were eminentlygentle and unaggressive. He was succeeded by nine _gurus_, the lastand most famous of whom, Govind Singh, died in 1708. 

"The names of the _gurus_ were as follows:

 1. Baba Nanak 1469-1538-9 2. Angad 1539-1552 3. Amar Das 1552-1574 4. Ram Das 1574-1581 5. Arjun 1581-1606 6. Har Govind 1606-1645 7. Har Rai 1645-1661 8. Har Kishen 1661-1664 9. Teg Bahadur 1664-1675 10. Govind Singh 1675-1708

2. The earlier Gurus. 

"Under the second Guru Angad an intolerant and ascetic spirit beganto spring up among the followers of the new tenets; and had it notbeen for the good sense and firmness displayed by his successor, Amar Das, who excommunicated the Udasis and recalled his followersto the mildness and tolerance of Nanak, Sikhism would probably havemerely added one more to the countless orders of ascetics or devoteeswhich are wholly unrepresented in the life of the people. The fourth_guru_, Ram Das, founded Amritsar; but it was his successor, Arjun, that first organised his following. He gave them a written rule offaith in the Granth or Sikh scripture which he compiled, he provideda common rallying-point in the city of Amritsar which he made theirreligious centre, and he reduced their voluntary contributions toa systematic levy which accustomed them to discipline and paved theway for further organisation. He was a great trader, he utilised theservices and money of his disciples in mercantile transactions whichextended far beyond the confines of India, and he thus accumulatedwealth for his Church. 

"Unfortunately he was unable wholly to abstain from politics; andhaving become a political partisan of the rebel prince Khusru, he wassummoned to Delhi and there imprisoned, and the treatment he receivedwhile in confinement hastened, if it did not cause, his death. Andthus began that Muhammadan persecution which was so mightily tochange the spirit of the new faith. This was the first turning-pointin Sikh history; and the effects of the persecution were immediatelyapparent. Arjun was a priest and a merchant; his successor, Har Govind, was a warrior. He abandoned the gentle and spiritual teaching ofNanak for the use of arms and the love of adventure. He encouragedhis followers to eat flesh, as giving them strength and daring; hesubstituted zeal in the cause for saintliness of life as the priceof salvation; and he developed the organised discipline which Arjunhad initiated. He was, however, a military adventurer rather than anenthusiastic zealot, and fought either for or against the Muhammadanempire as the hope of immediate gain dictated. His policy was followedby his two successors; and under Teg Bahadur the Sikhs degeneratedinto little better than a band of plundering marauders, whose internalfactions aided to make them disturbers of the public peace. Moreover, Teg Bahadur was a bigot, while the fanatical Aurangzeb had mountedthe throne of Delhi. Him therefore Aurangzeb captured and executedas an infidel, a robber and a rebel, while he cruelly persecuted hisfollowers in common with all who did not accept Islam. 

3. Guru Govind Singh. 

"Teg Bahadur was succeeded by the last and greatest _guru_, his sonGovind Singh; and it was under him that what had sprung into existenceas a quietist sect of a purely religious nature, and had become amilitary society of by no means high character, developed into thepolitical organisation which was to rule the whole of north-westernIndia, and to furnish the British arms their stoutest and most worthyopponents. For some years after his father's execution Govind Singhlived in retirement, and brooded over his personal wrongs and overthe persecutions of the Musalman fanatic which bathed the country inblood. His soul was filled with the longing for revenge; but he feltthe necessity for a larger following and a stronger organisation, and, following the example of his Muhammadan enemies, he used his religionas the basis of political power. Emerging from his retirement hepreached the Khalsa, the pure, the elect, the liberated. He openlyattacked all distinctions of caste, and taught the equality of allmen who would join him; and instituting a ceremony of initiation, he proclaimed it as the _pahul_ or 'gate' by which all might enterthe society, while he gave to its members the _prasad_ or communionas a sacrament of union in which the four castes should eat of onedish. The higher castes murmured and many of them left him, for hetaught that the Brahman's thread must be broken; but the lower ordersrejoiced and flocked in numbers to his standard. These he inspiredwith military ardour, with the hope of social freedom and of nationalindependence, and with abhorrence of the hated Muhammadan. He gavethem outward signs of their faith in the unshorn hair, the shortdrawers, and the blue dress; he marked the military nature of theircalling by the title of Singh or 'lion, ' by the wearing of steel, and by the initiation by sprinkling of water with a two-edged dagger;and he gave them a feeling of personal superiority in their abstinencefrom the unclean tobacco. 

"The Muhammadans promptly responded to the challenge, for thedanger was too serious to be neglected; the Sikh army was dispersed, and Govind's mother, wife and children were murdered at Sirhind byAurangzeb's orders. The death of the emperor brought a temporary lull, and a year later Govind himself was assassinated while fighting theMarathas as an ally of Aurangzeb's successor. He did not live to seehis ends accomplished, but he had roused the dormant spirit of thepeople, and the fire which he lit was only damped for a while. Hischosen disciple Banda succeeded him in the leadership, though neverrecognised as _guru_. The internal commotions which followed upon thedeath of the emperor, Bahadur Shah, and the attacks of the Marathasweakened the power of Delhi, and for a time Banda carried all beforehim; but he was eventually conquered and captured in A. D. 1716, and aperiod of persecution followed so sanguinary and so terrible that fora generation nothing more was heard of the Sikhs. How the troubles ofthe Delhi empire thickened, how the Sikhs again rose to prominence, how they disputed the possession of the Punjab with the Mughals, theMarathas and the Durani, and were at length completely successful, howthey divided into societies under their several chiefs and portionedout the Province among them, and how the genius of Ranjit Singhraised him to supremacy and extended his rule beyond the limits ofthe Punjab, are matters of political and not of religious history. Noformal alteration has been made in the Sikh religion since Govind Singhgave it its military shape; and though changes have taken place, theyhave been merely the natural result of time and external influences. 

4. Sikh initiation and rules. 

"The word Sikh is said to be derived from the common Hindu termSewak and to mean simply a disciple; it may be applied thereforeto the followers of Nanak who held aloof from Govind Singh, but inpractice it is perhaps understood to mean only the latter, whilethe Nanakpanthis are considered as Hindus. A true Sikh always takesthe termination Singh to his name on initiation, and hence theyare sometimes known as Singhs in distinction to the Nanakpanthis. Aman is also not born a Sikh, but must always be initiated, and the_pahul_ or rite of baptism cannot take place until he is old enoughto understand it, the earliest age being seven, while it is oftenpostponed till manhood. Five Sikhs must be present at the ceremony, when the novice repeats the articles of the faith and drinks sugarand water stirred up with a two-edged dagger. At the initiation ofwomen a one-edged dagger is used, but this is seldom done. Thus mostof the wives of Sikhs have never been initiated, nor is it necessarythat their children should become Sikhs when they grow up. The faithis unattractive to women owing to the simplicity of its ritual and theabsence of the feasts and ceremonies so abundant in Hinduism; formerlythe Sikhs were accustomed to capture their wives in forays, and henceperhaps it was considered of no consequence that the husband andwife should be of different faith. The distinguishing marks of a trueSikh are the five _Kakkas_ or _K's_ which he is bound to carry abouthis person: the _Kes_ or uncut hair and unshaven beard; the _Kachh_or short drawers ending above the knee; the _Kasa_ or iron bangle;the _Khanda_ or steel knife; and the _Kanga_ or comb. The other rulesof conduct laid down by Guru Govind Singh for his followers were todress in blue clothes and especially eschew red or saffron-colouredgarments and caps of all sorts, to observe personal cleanliness, especially in the hair, and practise ablutions, to eat the flesh ofsuch animals only as had been killed by _jatka_ or decapitation, to abstain from tobacco in all its forms, never to blow out flamenor extinguish it with drinking-water, to eat with the head covered, pray and recite passages of the Granth morning and evening and beforeall meals, reverence the cow, abstain from the worship of saints andidols and avoid mosques and temples, and worship the one God only, neglecting Brahmans and Mullas, and their scriptures, teaching, ritesand religious symbols. Caste distinctions he positively condemnedand instituted the _prasad_ or communion, in which cakes of flour, butter and sugar are made and consecrated with certain ceremonies whilethe communicants sit round in prayer, and then distributed equallyto all the faithful present, to whatever caste they may belong. Theabove rules, so far as they enjoin ceremonial observances, are stillvery generally obeyed. But the daily reading and recital of theGranth is discontinued, for the Sikhs are the most uneducated classin the Punjab, and an occasional visit to the Sikh temple where theGranth is read aloud is all that the villager thinks necessary. Blueclothes have been discontinued save by the fanatical Akali sect, ashave been very generally the short drawers or Kachh. The prohibitionof tobacco has had the unfortunate effect of inducing the Sikhs totake to hemp and opium, both of which are far more injurious thantobacco. The precepts which forbid the Sikh to venerate Brahmansor to associate himself with Hindu worship are entirely neglected;and in the matter of the worship of local saints and deities, andof the employment of and reverence for Brahmans, there is little, while in current superstitions and superstitious practices there isno difference between the Sikh villager and his Hindu brother. " [391]

5. Character of the Nanakpanthis and Sikh sects. 

It seems thus clear that if it had not been for the political andmilitary development of the Sikh movement, it would in time have lostmost of its distinctive features and have come to be considered as aHindu sect of the same character, if somewhat more distinctive thanthose of the Nanakpanthis and Kabirpanthis. But this development andthe founding of the Sikh State of Lahore created a breach between theSikhs and ordinary Hindus wider than that caused by their religiousdifferences, as was sufficiently demonstrated during the Mutiny. Intheir origin both the Sikh and Nanakpanthi sects appear to havebeen mainly a revolt against the caste system, the supremacy ofBrahmans and the degrading mass of superstitions and reverence ofidols and spirit-worship which the Brahmans encouraged for their ownprofit. But while Nanak, influenced by the observation of Islamicmonotheism, attempted to introduce a pure religion only, the aimof Govind was perhaps political, and he saw in the caste system anobstacle to the national movement which he desired to excite againstthe Muhammadans. So far as the abolition of caste was concerned, both reformers have, as has been seen, largely failed, the two sectsnow recognising caste, while their members revere Brahmans likeordinary Hindus. 

6. The Akalis. 

The Akalis or Nihangs are a fanatical order of Sikh ascetics. Thefollowing extract is taken from Sir E. Maclagan's account of them:[392]

"The Akalis came into prominence very early by their stout resistanceto the innovations introduced by the Bairagi Banda after the death ofGuru Govind; but they do not appear to have had much influence duringthe following century until the days of Maharaja Ranjit Singh. Theyconstituted at once the most unruly and the bravest portion of thevery unruly and brave Sikh army. Their headquarters were at Amritsar, where they constituted themselves the guardians of the faith andassumed the right to convoke synods. They levied offerings by forceand were the terror of the Sikh chiefs. Their good qualities were, however, well appreciated by the Maharaja, and when there werespecially fierce foes to meet, such as the Pathans beyond the Indus, the Akalis were always to the front. 

"The Akali is distinguished very conspicuously by his dark-blue andchecked dress, his peaked turban, often surmounted with steel quoits, and by the fact of his strutting about like Ali Baba's prince withhis 'thorax and abdomen festooned with curious cutlery. ' He is mostparticular in retaining the five _Kakkas_, and in preserving everyoutward form prescribed by Guru Govind Singh. Some of the Akalis weara yellow turban underneath the blue one, leaving a yellow band acrossthe forehead. The yellow turban is worn by many Sikhs at the BasantPanchmi, and the Akalis are fond of wearing it at all times. Thereis a couplet by Bhai Gurdas which says:

 Siah, Sufed, Surkh, Zardae, Jo pahne, sot Gurbhai;

or, 'Those that wear black (the Akalis), white (the Nirmalas), red (theUdasis) or yellow, are all members of the brotherhood of the Sikhs. '

"The Akalis do not, it is true, drink spirits or eat meat as otherSikhs do, but they are immoderate in the consumption of _bhang_. Theyare in other respects such purists that they will avoid Hindu riteseven in their marriage ceremonies. 

"The Akali is full of memories of the glorious day of the Khalsa;and he is nothing if he is not a soldier, a soldier of the Guru. Hedreams of armies, and he thinks in lakhs. If he wishes to imply thatfive Akalis are present, he will say that 'five lakhs are before you';or if he would explain he is alone, he will say that he is with 'oneand a quarter lakhs of the Khalsa. ' You ask him how he is, and hereplies that 'The army is well'; you inquire where he has come from, and he says, 'The troops marched from Lahore. ' The name Akali means'immortal. ' When Sikhism was politically dominant, the Akalis wereaccustomed to extort alms by accusing the principal chiefs of crimes, imposing fines upon them, and in the event of their refusing to pay, preventing them from performing their ablutions or going through anyof the religious ceremonies at Amritsar. "

7. The Sikh Council or Guru-Mata. Their communal meal. 

The following account was given by Sir J. Malcolm of the Guru-Mataor great Council of the Sikhs and their religious meal: [393] "When aGuru-Mata or great national Council is called on the occasion of anydanger to the country, all the Sikh chiefs assemble at Amritsar. Theassembly is convened by the Akalis; and when the chiefs meet upon thissolemn occasion it is concluded that all private animosities cease, and that every man sacrifices his personal feelings at the shrine ofthe general good. 

"When the chiefs and principal leaders are seated, the Adi-Granthand Dasama Padshah Ka Granth [394] are placed before them. They allbend their heads before the Scriptures and exclaim, '_Wah Guruji kaKhalsa! wah Guruji ka Fateh!_' [395] A great quantity of cakes made ofwheat, butter and sugar are then placed before the volumes of theirsacred writings and covered with a cloth. These holy cakes, whichare in commemoration of the injunction of Nanak to eat and to give toothers to eat next receive the salutation of the assembly, who thenrise, while the Akalis pray aloud and the musicians play. The Akalis, when the prayers are finished, desire the Council to be seated. Theysit down, and the cakes are uncovered and eaten by all classes ofthe Sikhs, those distinctions of tribe and caste which are on otheroccasions kept up being now laid aside in token of their general andcomplete union in one cause. The Akalis proclaim the Guru-Mata, andprayers are again said aloud. The chiefs after this sit closer andsay to each other, 'The sacred Granth is between us, let us swear byour Scriptures to forget all internal disputes and to be united. ' Thismoment of religious fervour is taken to reconcile all animosities. Theythen proceed to consider the danger with which they are threatened, to devise the best plans for averting it and to choose the generals whoare to lead their armies against the common enemy. " The first Guru-Matawas assembled by Guru Govind, and the latest was called in 1805, whenthe British Army pursued Holkar into the Punjab. The Sikh Army wasknown as Dal Khalsa, or the Army of God, _khalsa_ being an Arabic wordmeaning one's own. [396] At the height of the Sikh power the followersof this religion only numbered a small fraction of the population ofthe Punjab, and its strength is now declining. In 1911 the Sikhs wereonly three millions in the Punjab population of twenty-four millions. 

Smarta Sect

_Smarta Sect_. --This is an orthodox Hindu sect, the members of whichare largely Brahmans. The name is derived from Smriti or tradition, a name given to the Hindu sacred writings, with the exception of theVedas, which last are regarded as a divine revelation. Members ofthe sect worship the five deities, Siva, Vishnu, Suraj or the sun, Ganpati and Sakti, the divine principle of female energy correspondingto Siva. They say that their sect was founded by Shankar Acharya, thegreat Sivite reformer and opponent of Buddhism, but this appears tobe incorrect. Shankar Acharya himself is said to have believed in oneunseen God, who was the first cause and sole ruler of the universe;but he countenanced for the sake of the weaker brethren the worshipof orthodox Hindu deities and of their idols. 

Swami-Narayan Sect

1. The founder. 

_Swami-Narayan Sect. _ [397]--This, one of the most modern Vaishnavasects, was founded by Sahajanand Swami, a Sarwaria Brahman, bornnear Ajodhia in the United Provinces in A. D. 1780. At an early age hebecame a religious mendicant, and wandered all over India, visitingthe principal shrines. When twenty years old he was made a Sadhu ofthe Ramanandi order, and soon nominated as his successor by the headof the order. He preached with great success in Gujarat, and thoughhis tenets do not seem to have differed much from the Ramanandi creed, his personal influence was such that his followers founded a new sectand called it after him. He proclaimed the worship of one sole deity, Krishna or Narayana, whom he identified with the sun, and apparentlyhis followers held, and he inclined to believe himself, that he was afresh incarnation of Vishnu. It is said that he displayed miraculouspowers before his disciples, entrancing whomsoever he cast his eyesupon, and causing them in this mesmeric state (Samadhi) to imaginethey saw Sahajanand as Krishna with yellow robes, weapons of war, and other characteristics of the God, and to behold him seated aschief in an assembly of divine beings. 

2. Tenets of the sect. 

His creed prohibited the destruction of animal life; the use of animalfood and intoxicating liquors or drugs on any occasion; promiscuousintercourse with the other sex; suicide, theft and robbery, and falseaccusations. Much good was done, the Collector testified, by hispreaching among the wild Kolis of Gujarat; [398] his morality was saidto be far better than any which could be learned from the Shastras;he condemned theft and bloodshed; and those villages and Districtswhich had received him, from being among the worst, were now amongthe best and most orderly in the Province of Bombay. His successwas great among the lower castes, as the Kolis, Bhils and Kathis. Hewas regarded by his disciples as the surety of sinners, his positionin this respect resembling that of the Founder of Christianity. ToBishop Heber he said that while he permitted members of differentcastes to eat separately here below, in the future life there wouldbe no distinction of castes. [399] His rules for the conduct of thesexes towards each other were especially severe. No Sadhu of theSwami-Narayan sect might ever touch a woman, even the accidentaltouching of any woman other than a mother having to be expiated by awhole-day fast. Similarly, should a widow-disciple touch even a boywho was not her son, she had to undergo the same penalty. There wereseparate passages for women in their large temples, and separatereading and preaching halls for women, attended by wives of theAcharyas or heads of the sect. These could apparently be married, but other members of the priestly order must remain single; whilethe lay followers lived among their fellows, pursuing their ordinarylives and avocations. The strictness of the Swami on sexual matterswas directed against the licentious practices of the Maharaj orVallabhacharya order. He boldly denounced the irregularities theyhad introduced into their forms of worship, and exposed the viceswhich characterised the lives of their clergy. This attitude, aswell as the prohibition of the worship of idols, earned for him thehostility of the Peshwa and the Maratha Brahmans, and he was subjectedto a considerable degree of persecution; his followers were taughtthe Christian doctrine of suffering injury without retaliation, andthe devotees of hostile sects took advantage of this to beat themunmercifully, some being even put to death. 

3. Meeting with Bishop Heber. 

In order to protect the Swami, his followers constituted fromthemselves an armed guard, as shown by Bishop Heber's account oftheir meeting: "About eleven o'clock I had the expected visit fromSwami-Narayan. He came in a somewhat different guise from all whichI expected, having with him near 200 horsemen, mostly well-armedwith matchlocks and swords, and several of them with coats of mailand spears. Besides them he had a large rabble on foot with bows andarrows, and when I considered that I had myself an escort of more thanfifty horses and fifty muskets and bayonets, I could not help smiling, though my sensations were in some degree painful and humiliating, at the idea of two religious teachers meeting at the head of littlearmies, and filling the city which was the scene of their interviewwith the rattling of gunners, the clash of shields and the trampof the war-horse. Had our troops been opposed to each other, mine, though less numerous, would have been doubtless far more effectivefrom the superiority of arms and discipline. But in moral grandeurwhat a difference was there between his troop and mine. Mine neitherknew me nor cared for me; they escorted me faithfully and would havedefended me bravely, because they were ordered by their superiors to doso. The guards of Swami-Narayan were his own disciples and enthusiasticadmirers, men who had voluntarily repaired to hear his lessons, whonow took a pride in doing him honour, and would cheerfully fight tothe last drop of blood rather than suffer a fringe of his garment tobe handled roughly.... The holy man himself was a middle-aged, thinand plain-looking person, about my own age, with a mild expression ofcountenance, but nothing about him indicative of any extraordinarytalent. I seated him on a chair at my right hand and offered twomore to the Thakur and his son, of which, however, they did not availthemselves without first placing their hands under the feet of theirspiritual guide and then pressing them reverently to their foreheads. "

4. Meeting with Governor of Bombay. 

Owing, apparently, to the high moral character of his preaching andhis success in reducing to order and tranquillity the turbulent Kolisand Bhils who accepted his doctrines, Swami-Narayan enjoyed a largemeasure of esteem and regard from the officers of Government. Thiswill be evidenced from the following account of his meeting with theGovernor of Bombay: [400] "On the receipt of the above two letters, Swami-Narayan Maharaj proceeded to Rajkote to visit the RightHonourable the Governor, and on the 26th February 1830 was escortedas a mark of honourable reception by a party of troops and militaryfoot-soldiers to the Political Agent's bungalow, when His Excellencythe Governor, the Secretary, Mr. Thomas Williamson, six other Europeangentlemen, and the Political Agent, Mr. Blane, having come out ofthe bungalow to meet the Swami-Narayan, His Excellency conducted theSwami, hand in hand, to a hall in the bungalow and made him sit ona chair. His Excellency afterwards with pleasure enquired about theprinciples of his religion, which were communicated accordingly. HisExcellency also made a present to Swami-Narayan of a pair of shawlsand other piece-goods. Swami-Narayan was asked by the Governor whetherhe and his disciples have had any harm under British rule; and HisExcellency was informed in reply that there was nothing of the sort, but that on the contrary every protection was given them by all theofficers in authority. His Excellency then asked for a code of thereligion of Swami-Narayan, and the book called the Shiksapatri waspresented to him accordingly. Thus after a visit extending to an hourSwami-Narayan asked permission to depart, when he was sent back withthe same honours with which he had been received, all the Europeanofficers accompanying him out of the door from the bungalow. "

5. Conclusion. 

The author of the above account is not given, and it apparentlyemanates from a follower of the saint, but there seems little reasonto doubt its substantial accuracy, and it certainly demonstrates thehigh estimation in which he was held. After his death his discipleserected Chauras or resthouses and monuments to his memory in all thevillages and beneath all the trees where he had at any time made anystay in Gujarat; and here he is worshipped by the sect. In 1901 thesect had about 300, 000 adherents in Gujarat. In the Central Provincesa number of persons belong to it in Nimar, principally of the Telicaste. The Telis of Nimar are anxious to improve their social position, which is very low, and have probably joined the sect on account ofits liberal principles on the question of caste. 

Vaishnava, Vishnuite Sect

1. Vishnu as representing the sun. 

_Vaishnava, Vishnuite Sect_. --The name given to Hindus whosespecial deity is the god Vishnu, and to a number of sects which haveadopted various special doctrines based on the worship of Vishnuor of one of his two great incarnations, Rama and Krishna. Vishnuwas a personification of the sun, though in ancient literaturethe sun is more often referred to under another name, as Savitri, Surya and Aditya. It may perhaps be the case that when the originalsun-god develops into a supreme deity with the whole heavens ashis sphere, the sun itself comes to be regarded as a separate andminor deity. His weapon of the _chakra_ or discus, which was probablymeant to resemble the sun, supports the view of Vishnu as a sun-god, and also his _vahan_, the bird Garuda, on which he rides. This isthe Brahminy kite, a fine bird with chestnut plumage and white headand breast, which has been considered a sea-eagle. Mr. Dewar statesthat it remains almost motionless at a great height in the air forlong periods; and it is easy to understand how in these circumstancesprimitive people mistook it for the spirit of the sky, or the vehicleof the sun-god. It is propitious for a Hindu to see a Brahminy kite, especially on Sunday, the sun's day, for it is believed that the birdis then returning from Vishnu, whom it has gone to see on the previousevening. [401] A similar belief has probably led to the venerationof the eagle in other countries and its association with the god ofthe sky or heavens, as in the case of Zeus. Similarly the Gayatri, the most sacred Hindu prayer, is addressed to the sun, and it couldhardly have been considered so important unless the luminary wasidentified with one of the greatest Hindu gods. Every Brahman praysto the sun daily when he bathes in the morning. Vishnu's characteras the preserver and fosterer of life is probably derived from thesun's generative power, so conspicuous in India. 

As the sun is seen to sink every night into the earth, so it wasthought that he could come down to earth, and Vishnu has done thisin many forms for the preservation of mankind. 

2. His incarnations. 

He is generally considered to have had ten incarnations, of which nineare past and one is still to come. The incarnations were as follows:

1. As a great fish he guided the ark in which Manu the primeval manescaped from the deluge. 

2. As a tortoise he supported the earth and poised it in its presentposition; or according to another version he lay at the bottom ofthe sea while the mountain Meru was set on its peak on his back, and with the serpent Vasuki as a rope round the mountain the oceanwas churned by the gods for making the divine Amrit or nectar whichgives immortality. 

3. As a boar he dived under the sea and raised the earth on his tusksafter it had been submerged by a demon. 

4. As Narsingh, the man-lion, he delivered the world from the tyrannyof another demon. 

5. As Waman or a dwarf he tricked the King Bali, who had gainedpossession over the earth and nether world and was threatening theheavens, by asking for as much ground as he could cover in threesteps. When his request was derisively granted he covered heaven andearth in two steps, but on Bali's intercession left him the netherregions and refrained from making the third step which would havecovered them. 

6. As Parasurama [402] he cleared the earth of the Kshatriyas, who had oppressed the Brahman hermits and stolen the sacred cow, by a slaughter of them thrice seven times repeated. 

7. As Rama, the divine king of Ajodhia or Oudh, he led an expeditionto Ceylon for the recovery of his wife Sita, who had been abductedby Rawan, the demon king of Ceylon. This story probably refers toan early expedition of the Aryans to southern India, in which theymay have obtained the assistance of the Munda tribes, represented byHanuman and his army of apes. 

8. As Krishna he supported the Pandavas in their war against theKauravas, and at the head of the Yadava clan founded the city ofDwarka in Gujarat, where he was afterwards killed. The popular groupof legends about Krishna in his capacity of a cowherd in the forests ofMathura was perhaps at first distinct and afterwards combined with thestory of the Yadava prince. [403] But it is in this latter character asthe divine cowherd that Krishna is most generally known and worshipped. 

9. As Buddha he was the great founder of the religion known by hisname; the Brahmans, by making Buddha an incarnation of Vishnu, havethus provided a connecting link between Buddhism and Hinduism. 

In his tenth incarnation he will come again as Nishka-lanki or thestainless one for the final regeneration of the world, and his adventis expected by some Hindus, who worship him in this form. 

3. Worship of Vishnu and Vaishnava doctrines. 

In the Central Provinces Vishnu is worshipped as Narayan Deo, who isidentified with the sun, or as Parmeshwar, the supreme beneficentgod. He is also much worshipped in his incarnations as Rama andKrishna, and their images, with those of their consorts, Sita andRadha, are often to be found in his temples as well as in theirown. These images are supposed to be subject to all the conditions andnecessities incident to living humanity. Hence in the daily ritualthey are washed, dressed, adorned and even fed like human beings, food being daily placed before them, and its aroma, according topopular belief, nourishing the god present in the image. 

The principal Vishnuite sects are described in the article on Bairagi, and the dissenting sects which have branched off from these in specialarticles. [404] The cult of Vishnu and his two main incarnations isthe most prominent feature of modern Hinduism. The orthodox Vaishnavasects mainly differed on the point whether the human soul or spiritwas a part of the divine soul or separate from it, and whether itwould be reabsorbed into the divine soul, or have a separate existenceafter death. But they generally regarded all human souls as of onequality, and hence were opposed to distinctions of caste. Animalsalso have souls or spirits, and the Vishnuite doctrine is opposed tothe destruction of animal life in any form. In the Bania caste thepractices of Vaishnava Hindus and Jains present so little differencethat they can take food together, and even intermarry. The creed isalso opposed to suicide. 

Faithful worshippers of Vishnu will after his death be transportedto his heaven, Vaikuntha, or to Golaka, the heaven of Krishna. Thesect-mark of the Vaishnavas usually consists of three lines downthe forehead, meeting at the root of the nose or below it. All threelines may be white, or the centre one black or red, and the outsideones white. They are made with a kind of clay called Gopichandan, and are sometimes held to be the impress of Vishnu's foot. To puton the sect-mark in the morning is to secure the god's favour andprotection during the day. 

Vam-Margi, Bam-Margi, Vama-Chari Sect. 

_Vam-Margi, Bam-Margi, Vama-Chari Sect. _ [405]--A sect who follow theworship of the female principle in nature and indulge in sensualityat their rites according to the precepts of the Tantras. The namesignifies 'the followers of the crooked or left-handed path. ' Theirprincipal sacred text is the Rudra-Yamal-Damru Tantra, which is saidto have been promulgated by Rudra or Siva through his Damru or drumat the end of his dance in Kailas, his heaven in the Himalayas. TheTantras, according to Professor Monier-Williams, inculcate an exclusiveworship of Siva's wife as the source of every kind of supernaturalfaculty and mystic craft. The principle of female energy is knownas Sakti, and is personified in the female counterparts of all theGods of the Hindu triad, but is practically concentrated in Devi orKali. The five requisites for Tantra worship are said to be the fiveMakaras or words beginning with M: Madya, wine; Mansa, flesh; Matsya, fish; Mudra, parched grain and mystic gesticulation; and Maithuna, sexual indulgence. Among the Vam-Margis both men and women are saidto assemble at a secret meeting-place, and their rite consists in theadoration of a naked woman who stands in the centre of the room with adrawn sword in her hand. The worshippers then eat fish, meat and grain, and drink liquor, and thereafter indulge in promiscuous debauchery. Thefollowers of the sect are mainly Brahmans, though other castes may beadmitted. The Vam-Margis usually keep their membership of the sect asecret, but their special mark is said to be a semicircular line orlines of red powder or vermilion on the forehead, with a red streakhalf-way up the centre, and a circular spot of red at the root ofthe nose. They use a rosary of rudraksha or of coral beads, but of nogreater length than can be concealed in the hand, or they keep it ina small purse or bag of red cloth. During worship they wear a pieceof red silk round the loins and decorate themselves with garlands ofcrimson flowers. In their houses they worship a figure of the doubletriangle drawn on the ground or on a metal plate and make offeringsof liquor to it. 

They practise various magical charms by which they think they can killtheir enemies. Thus fire is brought from the pyre on which a corpsehas been burnt, and on this the operator pours water, and with thecharcoal so obtained he makes a figure of his enemy in a lonely placeunder a pipal tree or on the bank of a river. He then takes an ironbar, twelve finger-joints long, and after repeating his charms piercesthe figure with it. When all the limbs have been pierced the man whoseeffigy has been so treated will die. Other methods will procure thedeath of an enemy in a certain number of months or cause him to losea limb. Sometimes they make a rosary of 108 fruits of the _dhatura_[406] and pierce the figure of the enemy through the neck afterrepeating charms, and it is supposed that this will kill him at once. 

Wahhabi Sect

_Wahhabi Sect. _ [407]--A puritan sect of Muhammadans. The sect was notrecorded at the census, but it is probable that it has a few adherentsin the Central Provinces. The Wahhabi sect is named after its founder, Muhammad Abdul Wahhab, who was born in Arabia in A. D. 1691. He sethis face against all developments of Islam not warranted by the Koranand the traditional utterances of the Companions of the Prophet, andagainst the belief in omens and worship at the shrines of saints, and condemned as well all display of wealth and luxury and theuse of intoxicating drugs and tobacco. He denied any authority toIslamic doctrines other than the Koran itself and the utterances ofthe Companions of the Prophet who had received instruction from hislips, and held that in the interpretation and application of themMoslems must exercise the right of private judgment. The sect metwith considerable military success in Arabia and Persia, and at onetime threatened to spread over the Islamic world. The following is anaccount of the taking of Mecca by Saud, the grandson of the founder, in 1803: "The sanctity of the place subdued the barbarous spiritof the conquerors, and not the slightest excesses were committedagainst the people. The stern principles of the reformed doctrineswere, however, strictly enforced. Piles of green huqqas and Persianpipes were collected, rosaries and amulets were forcibly taken fromthe devotees, silk and satin dresses were demanded from the wealthyand worldly, and the whole, piled up into a heterogeneous mass, were burnt by the infuriated reformers. So strong was the feelingagainst the pipes and so necessary did a public example seem to be, that a respectable lady, whose delinquency had well-nigh escapedthe vigilant eye of the Muhtasib, was seized and placed on an ass, with a green pipe suspended from her neck, and paraded through thepublic streets--a terrible warning to all of her sex who might beinclined to indulge in forbidden luxuries. When the usual hour ofprayer arrived the myrmidons of the law sallied forth, and withleathern whips drove all slothful Moslems to their devotions. Themosques were filled. Never since the days of the Prophet had thesacred city witnessed so much piety and devotion. Not one pipe, nota single tobacco-stopper, was to be seen in the streets or found inthe houses, and the whole population of Mecca prostrated themselvesat least five times a day in solemn adoration. "

The apprehensions of the Sultan of Turkey were aroused and an armywas despatched against the Wahhabis, which broke their politicalpower, their leader, Saud's son, being executed in Constantinople in1818. But the tenets of the sect continued to be maintained in Arabia, and in 1822 one Saiyad Ahmad, a freebooter and bandit from Rai Bareli, was converted to it on a pilgrimage to Mecca and returned to preachits doctrines in India. Being a Saiyad and thus a descendant of theProphet, he was accepted by the Muhammadans of India as the trueKhalifa or Mahdi, awaited by the Shiahs. Unheeded by the BritishGovernment, he traversed our provinces with a numerous retinue ofdevoted disciples and converted the populace to his reformed doctrineby thousands, Patna becoming a centre of the sect. In 1826 he declareda _jihad_ or religious war against the Sikhs, but after a four years'struggle was defeated and killed. The sect gave some trouble in theMutiny, but has not since taken any part in politics. Its reformeddoctrines, however, have obtained a considerable vogue, and stillexercise a powerful influence on Muhammadan thought. The Wahhabis denythe authority of Islamic tradition after the deaths of the Companionsof the Prophet, do not illuminate or pay reverence to the shrines ofdeparted saints, do not celebrate the birthday of Muhammad, countthe ninety-nine names of God on their fingers and not on a rosary, and do not smoke. 

PART I

Glossary of Minor Castes and Other Articles, Synonyms, Subcastes, Titles and Names of Exogamous Septs or Clans

_Note_. --In this Glossary the references under each heading are tothe detailed articles on castes, religions and sects, in Part I. AndPart II. Of the work. The synonyms, subcastes and titles have beentaken from the main articles and are arranged here in index form asan aid to identification. Section or clan names, however, will notusually be found in the main articles. They have been selected froman alphabetical list prepared separately, and are included as beingof some interest, in addition to those contained in the articles. TheGlossary also serves the purpose of indicating how subcaste and clannames are common to several castes and tribes. 

GLOSSARY

_Abhimanchkul_. --A section of Komti in Chanda. They abstain fromusing a preparation of lead which is generally ground to powder andapplied to wounds. 

_Abhira_. --An immigrant nomad tribe from which the modern Ahir casteis believed to have originated. A division of Maratha and GujaratiBrahmans, so called because they are priests of the Abhiras or themodern Ahirs. 

_Abdhut_. --Name for a religious mendicant. Applied to Gosains, _q. V. _

_Acharya_, _Acharaj_. --(Superintendent of ceremonies. ) Title ofthe heads of the Swami-Narayan sect. A surname of Adi Gaur Brahmansin Saugor. 

_Adhia_. --(Half. ) A subcaste of Telis considered to be illegitimatein Betul. 

_Adhaighar_, _Arhaighar_. --(2 1/2 houses. ) A subdivision of SaraswatBrahmans. 

_Adhali_. --A name given to Malyars by outsiders. 

_Adigaur_. --A subdivision of Brahman, probably a branch of the GaurBrahmans, though in Saugor they are considered to be Kanaujias. 

_Adkandh_, _Adikandh_. --(Superior Khonds. ) A subcaste of Khonds, being the most Hinduised section of this tribe. A title of Khond. 

_Adnath_, _Adinath_. --A subdivision of Jogi. Adinath was the fatherof Matsyendranath and grandfather of Gorakhnath, the first great Jogi. 

_Agamudayan_. --A large Tamil cultivating caste, of which a few membersreside in the Central Provinces in Jubbulpore and Raipur. They are thefamilies of Madras sepoys who have retired from regiments stationedin these places. The Agamudayans sometimes call themselves by thetitle of Pillai, which means 'Son of a god' and was formerly reservedto Brahmans. 

_Agarwala_, _Agarwal_. --A subcaste of Bania. See Bania-Agarwala. 

_Agastya_. --An eponymous section of Brahmans. 

_Aghorpanthi_. --Synonym for Aghori. 

_Agnihotri_. --A surname of Kanaujia and Jijhotia Brahmans inSaugor. (One who performs the sacrifice to Agni or the god of fire. )

_Agnikula_. --A name given to four clans of Rajputs said to have beenborn from the fire-pit on Mount Abu. See article Panwar Rajput. 

_Agrahari_. --A subcaste of Bania found chiefly in Jubbulpore Districtand Raigarh State. Their name has been connected with the cities ofAgra and Agroha. 

_Agrajanma_. --(First-born. ) A synonym for Brahmans. 

_Aharia_. --Clan of Rajput. Synonym for Sesodia. 

_Ahir_. --The professional caste of herdsmen. A clan of Maratha. Asubcaste of Rawat and Salewar Koshti in Nimar. A subcaste of Bishnoi, Gurao, and Sunar. 

_Ahirwar_. --A resident of the old town of Ahar in the Bulandshahrdistrict. Subcaste of Kori. 

_Ahivasi_, _Ahiwasi_. --(From Ahiwas, 'The abode of the dragon, 'the hermitage of Sanbhari Rishi in Mathura. ) A Brahmanical orpseudo-Brahmanical tribe. They are said to be sprung from a Brahmanfather and a Kshatriya mother, and were formerly pack-carriers. Foundin Jubbulpore and the Nerbudda Valley. 

_Ahke_. --(Seduced. ) A sept of the Uika clan of Gonds in Betul. Theyare said to be so named because their priests once seduced a Dhurwagirl, and her son was given this name. 

_Aithana_. --A subcaste of Kayasth. 

_Ajodhia_. --Subcaste of Jadam. 

_Ajudhiabasi_. --See Audhia. 

_Akali_. --Order of Sikh devotees. See article Sikh. 

_Akhadewale_. --A class of Bairagis who do not marry. Also knownas Nihang. 

_Akhroti_. --A subdivision of Pathans. (From _akhrot_, walnut. )

_Akre_. --A bastard Khatik. Title of a child a Khatik gets by a womanof another caste. 

_Alia_. --A grower of the _al_ plant. A subcaste of Bania and Kachhi, a synonym of Chasa. 

_Alia_, _Alkari_. --These terms are derived from the _al_ or Indianmulberry (_Morinda citrifolia_). The Alias are members of theKachhi caste who formerly grew the _al_ plant in Nimar for saleto the dyers. Its cultivation then yielded a large profit and theAlias devoted themselves solely to it, while they excommunicatedany of their members who were guilty of selling or giving away theseed. The imported alizarin has now almost entirely superseded theindigenous dye, and _al_ as a commercial product has been driven fromthe market. Alkari is a term applied to Banias and others in the DamohDistrict who were formerly engaged in the cultivation of the _al_plant. The members of each caste which took to the cultivation of thisplant were somewhat looked down upon by the others and hence became adistinct group. The explanation generally given of the distaste forthe crop is that in the process of boiling the roots to extract thedye a number of insects have to be killed. A further reason is thatthe red dye is considered to resemble or be equivalent to blood, thesecond idea being a necessary consequence of the first in primitivemodes of thought, and hence to cause a certain degree of pollutionto those who prepare it. A similar objection is held to the purveyingof lac-dye as shown in the article on Lakhera. Notwithstanding this, clothes dyed red are considered lucky, and the _al_ dye was far morecommonly used by Hindus than any other, prior to the introduction ofaniline dyes. Tents were also coloured red with this dye. The tentsof the Mughal Emperors and royal princes were of red cloth dyed withthe roots of the _al_ plant. [408] Similarly Nadir Shah, the victorof Panipat, had his field headquarters and lived in one small redtent. In these cases the original reason for colouring the tentsred may probably have been that it was a lucky colour for battles, and the same belief may have led to the adoption of red as a royaland imperial colour. 

_Alkari_. --Synonym for Alia. 

_Alua_. --A subcaste of Uriya Brahmans, so named because theirforefathers grew the _alu_ or potato. 

_Amal_. --A section of Komti. The members of this section do not eatthe plantain. 

_Ambadar_. --(Mango-branch. ) A section of Rawat (Ahir). 

_Ambashta_. --A subcaste of Kayasth. 

_Amethia_. --(From Amethi, a pargana in Lucknow District. ) A sept ofRajputs, who are Chauhans according to Sir H. M. Elliott, but otherssay they are a branch of the Chamar Gaur. 

_Amisht_. --A subcaste of Kayasth. 

_Amnait_. --Subcaste of Bhatra. 

_Amrite_. --(From Amrit nectar. ) A section of Kirar. 

_Anapa_. --(Leather-dealers. ) Subcaste of Madgi. 

_Anavala_. --A subdivision of Gujarati or Khedawal Brahmans. Theyderive their name from the village Anaval in Baroda. They are otherwiseknown as Bhatela, Desai or Mastan. 

_Andhra_, _Tailanga_. --One of the five orders of the Panch DravidBrahmans inhabiting the Telugu country. 

_Antarvedi_. --A resident of Antarved or the Doab, the tract of landbetween the Ganges and the Jumna rivers. Subcaste of Chamar. 

_Apastambha_. --A Sutra of the Vedas. A subdivision of Brahmansfollowing that Sutra and forming a caste subdivision. But they marrywith Rig-Vedis, though the Sutra belongs to the Black Yajur-Vedi. 

_Atharvarvedi_, _Antharwarvedi_. --A subcaste of Brahmans who followthe Atharvar-Veda and are very rarely met with. 

_Arab_. --This designation is sometimes returned by the descendantsof the Arab mercenaries of the Bhonsla kings. These were at one timelargely employed by the different rulers of southern India and madethe best of soldiers. In the Maratha armies [409] their rate ofpay was Rs. 12 a month, while the ordinary infantry received onlyRs. 5. General Hislop stated their character as follows: [410]

"There are perhaps no troops in the world that will make a stouteror more determined stand at their posts than the Arabs. They areentirely unacquainted with military evolutions, and undisciplined;but every Arab has a pride and heart of his own that never forsakeshim as long as he has legs to stand on. They are naturally brave andpossess the greatest coolness and quickness of sight: hardy and fiercethrough habit, and bred to the use of the matchlock from their boyhood:and they attain a precision and skill in the use of it that wouldalmost exceed belief, bringing down or wounding the smallest objectat a considerable distance, and not unfrequently birds with a singlebullet. They are generally armed with a matchlock, a couple of swords, with three or four small daggers stuck in front of their belts, anda shield. On common occasions of attack and defence they fire butone bullet, but when hard pressed at the breach they drop in two, three, and four at a time, from their mouths, always carrying inthem from eight to ten bullets, which are of a small size. We maycalculate the whole number of Arabs in the service of the Peshwaand the Berar Raja at 6000 men, a loose and undisciplined body, but every man of them a tough and hardy soldier. It was to the Arabsalone those Provinces looked, and placed their dependence on. Theirown troops fled and abandoned them, seldom or never daring to meetour smallest detachment. Nothing can exceed the horror and atarm withwhich some of our native troops view the Arab. At Nagpur in November1817 the Arabs alone attacked us on the defence and reduced us to thelast extremity, when we were saved by Captain Fitzgerald's charge. TheArabs attacked us at Koregaon and would have certainly destroyed us hadnot the Peshwa withdrawn his troops on General Smith's approach. TheArabs kept General Doveton at bay with his whole army at Nagpur forseveral days, repulsing our attack at the breach, and they gainedtheir fullest terms. The Arabs worsted us for a month at Malegaonand saved their credit. They terrified the Surat authorities by theirfame alone. They gained their terms of money from Sir John Malcolm atAsirgarh. They maintained to the last for their prince their post atAlamner and nobly refused to be bought over there. They attacked usbravely, but unfortunately at Talner. They attacked Captain Spark'sdetachment on the defence and destroyed it. They attacked a battalionof the 14th Madras Infantry with 26-pounders and compelled them toseek shelter in a village; and they gave us a furious wind-up atAsirgarh. Yet the whole of these Arabs were not 6000. "

There is no doubt that the Arabs are one of the finest fightingraces of the world. Their ancestors were the Saracens who gaineda great empire in Europe and Asia. Their hardihood and powers ofendurance are brought to the highest pitch by the rigours of desertlife, while owing to their lack of nervous sensibility the shockand pain of wounds affect them less than civilised troops. And inaddition their religion teaches that all who die in battle against theinfidel are transported straight to a paradise teeming with materialand sensual delights. Arab troops are still employed in HyderabadState. Mr. Stevens notices them as follows in his book _In India_:"A gang of half-a-dozen, brilliantly dishevelled, a faggot of daggerswith an antique pistol or two in each belt, and a six-foot matchlockon each shoulder. They serve as irregular troops there, and it mustbe owned that if irregularity is what you want, no man on earth cansupply it better. The Arab irregulars are brought over to serve theirtime and then sent back to Arabia; there is one at this moment, whois a subaltern in Hyderabad, but as soon as he crosses the Britishborder gets a salute of nine guns; he is a Sheikh in his own countrynear Aden. "

The Arabs who have been long resident here have adopted the waysand manners of other Musalmans. Their marriages are in the Nikahform and are marked by only one [411] dinner, following the exampleof the Prophet, who gave a dinner at the marriage of his daughterthe Lady Fatimah and Ali. In obedience to the order of the Propheta death is followed by no signs of mourning. Arabs marry freelywith other Sunni Muhammadans and have no special social or religiousorganisation. The battle-cry of the Arabs at Sitabaldi and Nagpur was'_Din, Din, Muhammad_. '

_Arakh_. --A caste. A subcaste of Dahait, Gond and Pasi. 

_Aranya_. --Name of one of the ten orders of Gosains. 

_Are_. --A cultivating caste of the Chanda District, where they numbered2000 persons in 1911. The caste are also found in Madras and Bombay, where they commonly return themselves under the name of Marathi; thisname is apparently used in the south as a generic term for immigrantsfrom the north, just as in the Central Provinces people coming fromnorthern India are called Pardeshi. Mr. (Sir H. ) Stuart says [412]that Are is a synonym for Arya, and is used as an equivalent of aMaratha and sometimes in a still wider sense, apparently to designatean immigrant Aryan into the Dravidian country of the south. The Ares ofthe Central Provinces appear to be Kunbis who have migrated into theTelugu country. The names of their subcastes are those of the Kunbis, as Khaire, Tirelle, a form of Tirole, and Dhanoj for Dhanoje. Othersubdivisions are called Kayat and Kattri, and these seem to be thedescendants of Kayasth and Khatri ancestors. The caste admit Brahmans, Banias, and Komtis into the community and seem to be, as shown byMr. Stuart, a mixed group of immigrants from Maharashtra into theTelugu country. Some of them wear the sacred thread and others donot. Some of their family names are taken from those of animals andplants, and they bury persons who die unmarried, placing their feettowards the north like the forest tribes. 

_Arka_. --A sept of Gonds in Chanda who worship the saras crane. 

_Armachi_. --(The _dhaura_ tree. ) A totemistic sept of Gonds. 

_Arora_, _Rora_. --An important trading and mercantile caste of thePunjab, of which a few persons were returned from the Nimar District in1901. Sir D. Ibbetson was of opinion that the Aroras were the Khatrisof Aror, the ancient capital of Scinde, represented by the modernRori. He described the Arora as follows: [413] "Like the Khatri andunlike the Bania he is no mere trader; but his social position isfar inferior to theirs, partly no doubt because he is looked downupon simply as being a Hindu in the portions of the Province whichare his special habitat. He is commonly known as a Kirar, a wordalmost synonymous with coward, and even more contemptuous than isthe name Bania in the east of the province. The Arora is active andenterprising, industrious and thrifty.... 'When an Arora girds uphis loins he makes it only two miles from Jhang to Lahore. ' He willturn his hand to any work, he makes a most admirable cultivator, and a large proportion of the Aroras of the lower Chenab are purelyagricultural in their avocations. He is found throughout Afghanistanand even Turkistan and is the Hindu trader of those countries; whilein the western Punjab he will sew clothes, weave matting and baskets, make vessels of brass and copper and do goldsmith's work. But he is aterrible coward, and is so branded in the proverbs of the countryside:The thieves were four and we eighty-four; the thieves came on and weran away; and again: To meet a Rathi armed with a hoe makes a companyof nine Kirars (Aroras) feel alone. Yet the peasant has a wholesomedread of the Kirar when in his proper place: Vex not the Jat in hisjungle, nor the Kirar at his shop, nor the boatman at his ferry;for if you do they will break your head. Again: Trust not a crow, a dog or a Kirar, even when asleep. So again: You can't make a friendof a Kirar any more than a _sati_ of a prostitute. "

_Asathi_. --A subcaste of Bania. They are both Jains and Hindus. 

_Ashram_. --Name of one of the ten orders of Gosains. 

_Ashthana_. --A subcaste of Kayasth. 

_Atharadesia_. --(A man of eighteen districts. ) Subcaste of Banjara. 

_Athbhaiya_. --(Eight brothers. ) A subdivision of Saraswat Brahmanin Hoshangabad. An Athbhaiya cannot take a wife from the Chaubhaiyasubdivision, to whom the former give their daughters in marriage. 

_Athia_. --A subcaste of Chadar, so named because they worship theirgoddess Devi on the 8th day (Athain) of Kunwar (September), andcorrespond to the Brahmanical Sakta sect, as opposed to the otherChadar subcaste Parmasuria, who correspond to the Vaishnavas. 

_Audhalia_. --Synonym for Audhelia. 

_Audhia_, _Ajudhiabasi_. --A resident of Oudh. Subcaste of Bania andof Kasar and Sunar. 

_Audichya_. --A subcaste of Brahmans coming from Oudh. 

_Aughad_. --A subdivision of Jogi. They resemble the Aghoris with thedifference that they may not eat human flesh. 

_Aughar_. --A subdivision of Jogi. 

_Aukule_. --A subcaste of Koshtis. They are also called Vidurs, beingof mixed descent from Koshtas and other castes. 

_Aulia_. --(A favourite of God. ) Title of Muhammadan saints. 

_Baba_. --Synonym of Gosain. 

_Babhan_. --Synonym for Bhuinhar, being the name of a landholdingcaste in Bengal. Used as a title by Bhuiyas. 

_Babuan_. --Title for the descendants of the former ruling familiesof the Chero tribe. 

_Bachhalya_, _Bachhap_, _Bachhilia_. --(From _bachha_, a calf. ) Asection of Bania, Chadar and Khangar. A section of Patwa inRaipur. They do not castrate bullocks. 

_Bad_. --(High or great. ) Subcaste of Agharia and Sudh. 

_Bad_ or _Bhand_. --A caste. Title of Khatik. 

_Bad_. --(Banyan tree. ) A section of Joshi. 

_Badaria_. --(From _badar_, cloud. ) A section of Kandera. 

_Badgainya_. --(From Badgaon (_bara gaon_), a large village. ) A surnameof Sarwaria Brahmans. A section of Basdewa, Gadaria and Kurmi. 

_Badgujar_. --(From _bada_, great. ) One of the thirty-six royal racesof Rajputs. A subcaste of Gujar, also of Gaur Brahman. A sectionof Mehtar. 

_Badhaiya_. --(Barhai, carpenter. ) A subcaste of Lohar and Kol. A septof Savar. 

_Badharia_. --A resident of Badhas in Mirzapur. Subcaste of Bahnaand Dhuri. 

_Badi_. --(A rope-walker. ) Synonym of Nat. 

_Badkur_. --Title used in the Dhobi caste. 

_Badwaik_. --(The great ones. ) A subcaste of Mana. A title of Dhobiand Pan or Ganda. 

_Bagaria_. --(A young buffalo. ) A sept of Dhanwar and Sonkar. 

_Bagh_, _Baghwa_. --(Tiger. ) A totemistic sept of Ahir, Bhatra, Kawar, Munda, Oraon, Sonkar, Teli and Turi. 

_Baghel_, _Baghela_. --(A tiger or tiger-cub. ) A clan of Rajputswhich has given its name to Baghelkhand. A subcaste of Audhia Sunarand Chamar. A section of Bhilala, Dhanwar, Gond, Lodhi, Mali, andPanwar Rajput. 

_Baghmar_, _Baghmarya_, _Bagmar_. --(A tiger-slayer. ) A section ofOswal Bania, Basor, Chamar, Dhimar, Koilabhuti Gond, and Teli. Asubsept of Nika Gonds in Betul, who abstain from killing tigers. 

_Bagri_. --A clan of Rajputs. A subcaste of Jat. One of the 72 1/2sections of Maheshri Banias. People belonging to the Badhak or Bawaria, and Pardhi castes are sometimes known by this name. 

_Bahargainyan_. --(From _Bahar gaon_, outside the village. ) A subcasteof Kurmi. 

_Baharketu_. --(Bush-cutter. ) A subcaste of Korwa. 

_Bahelia_. --The caste of fowlers and hunters in northern India. In theCentral Provinces the Bahelias are not to be distinguished from thePardhis, as they have the same set of exogamous groups named after theRajput clans, and resemble them in all other respects. The word Baheliais derived from the Sanskrit Vyadha, 'one who pierces or wounds, ' hencea hunter. Pardhi is derived from the Marathi _paradh_, hunting. Thelatter term is more commonly used in the Central Provinces, and hastherefore been chosen as the title of the article on the caste. 

_Bahre_. --(Outside the walls. ) A subdivision of Khedawal Brahmans. 

_Bahrup_. --Subcaste of Banjara. 

_Bahrupia_. --A small class of mendicant actors and quick-changeartists. They are recruited from all classes of the population, and though a distinct caste of Bahrupias appears to exist, people ofvarious castes also call themselves Bahrupia when they take to thisoccupation. In Berar the Mahar, Mang and Maratha divisions of theBahrupias are the most common: [414] the former two begging only fromthe castes from which they take their name. In Gujarat they appearto be principally Muhammadans. Sir D. Ibbetson says of them: [415]"The name is derived from the Sanskrit _bahu_, many, and _rupa_, form, and denotes an actor, a mimic or one who assumes many formsor characters. One of their favourite devices is to ask for money, and when it is refused to ask that it may be given if the Bahrupiasucceeds in deceiving the person who refused it. Some days later theBahrupia will again visit the house in the disguise of a pedlar, a milkman or what not, sell his goods without being detected, throw off his disguise and claim the stipulated reward. " In Gujarat"they are ventriloquists and actors with a special skill of dressingone side of their face like a man and the other side like a woman, and moving their head about so sharply that they seem to be twopersons. " [416] Mr. Kitts states that "the men are by professionstory-tellers and mimics, imitating the voices of men and the notesof animals; their male children are also trained to dance. In paymentfor their entertainment they are frequently content with cast-offclothes, which will of course be of use to them in assuming othercharacters. " [417] Occasionally also they dress up in European clothesand can successfully assume the character of a Eurasian. 

_Baid_. --(Physician. ) A surname of Sanadhia and Maratha Brahmans inSaugor. A section of Oswal Bania, and Darzi. 

_Bairagi_. --A caste or religious order. Subcaste of Bhat. 

_Bais_. --A clan of Rajputs. 

_Bajania_. --(One who plays on musical instruments. ) Subcaste of Panka. 

_Bajanya_. --(Drummer. ) A subcaste of Panka in Balaghat. 

_Bajarha_. --(Bazar. ) A section of Daraiha in Bilaspur. 

_Bajna_, _Bajgari_. --(Musicians at feasts and marriages. ) Subcasteof Ganda. 

_Bajpai_. --(A priest officiating at the horse sacrifice. ) A surname ofKanaujia Brahmans. A section of Brahmans. Title of some old familieswhose ancestors were sacrificial priests. 

_Bakar Kasai_. --(Goat-butcher. ) A subcaste of Khatik. 

_Bakra_. --(Goat. ) A totemistic sept of Bhatra and Halba. 

_Baksaria_. --From Buxar in Bengal. A clan of Rajputs. A section ofDaraiha and Lodhi. 

_Balla_. --One of the 36 Rajkuls or royal clans of Rajputs noted inTod's _Rajasthan_. 

_Balnik_. --Subcaste of Kayasth. 

_Balusudia_. --(Shaven. ) Title of Khond. 

_Balutedar_. --Name for a village menial in Berar. Title of Dhobi. 

_Balwanda_. --(Quarrelsome. ) A section of Teli. 

_Bam-Margi. _--Synonym for the Vam-Margi sect. 

_Baman_ or _Brahman_. Subcaste of Bishnoi, Darzi and Gondhali. 

_Bamania_. --(From Brahman. ) A section of Ahir. They do not touch thepipal tree. A section of Mahar and of Rajjhar in Hoshangabad. 

_Bamhan Gour_ or _Brahman Gour_. --A clan of Rajputs in Saugor andNarsinghpur. 

_Bamhania_. --A subcaste of Kasar, from Bamhan or Brahman. A sectionof Katia. 

_Bamnaiha_. --(Belonging to a Brahman. ) A section of Basor. 

_Banaphar_, _Banafar_. --A clan of Rajputs. A section of Daharia. 

_Banbhainsa_. --(Wild buffalo. ) A section of Rawat (Ahir). 

_Banda_. --(Tailless. ) A section of Kirar. 

_Banda Bagh_. --(Tailless tiger. ) A section of Teli. 

_Bandar_. --(A rocket-thrower. ) Synonym of Kadera. 

_Bandarwale_. --(One who catches monkeys. )--Subcaste of Pardhi. 

_Bandesia_. --(A man of 52 districts. ) Subcaste of Banjara. 

_Bandhaiya_. --A subcaste of Nunia who confine themselves to theexcavation of tanks and wells. Also a subcaste of Dhimar. 

_Bandhaiya_. --(From Bandhogarh. ) Subcaste of Nai. 

_Bandhia_--(From _bandh_, an embankment. ) A subcaste of Darzi andDhimar. A section of Chamar. 

_Bandrele_. --(Monkey. ) A section of Basor, and Barai. 

_Banghore_. --(Wild horses. ) A section of Dom (Mehtar). 

_Bania_. --A caste. Subcaste of Bishnoi. A synonym of Sunar inSambalpur. A subcaste of Banjara. A section of Nandvansi Gauli. 

_Banka_. --A small caste found principally in the Kalahandi Statewhich now forms part of Bengal. The caste was formed from militaryservice like the Khandaits, Paiks and Marathas, and some familiesbear the names of different castes, as Brahman Banka, Kumhar Banka, and so on. They were formerly notorious freebooters, but have nowsettled down to cultivation. Each man, however, still carries a swordor knife on his person, and in Kalahandi they are permitted to dothis without taking out a licence. 

_Banku_. --(One who frequents sequestered parts of forests. ) A septof Korku. 

_Bansberia_. --(One who performs acrobatic feats on a stick orbamboo. ) Synonym of Kolhati. 

_Bansia_. --(Angler. ) From _bansi_, a fishing-hook. Subcaste of Dhimar. 

_Bansphor_. --(A breaker of bamboos. ) Synonym of Basor. Subcaste ofMehtar and Mahli. 

_Banstalai_. --(A tank with bamboo trees on its bank. ) A sectionof Teli. 

_Bant_. --Subcaste of Dhimar. 

_Bantia_. --(From _banat_, a red woollen blanket. ) A section ofOswal Bania. 

_Baone_ or _Baonia_. --From the phrase _Bawan Berar_, a term appliedto the Province by the Mughals, because it paid fifty-two lakhs ofrevenue, as against only eight lakhs realised from the adjoiningJhadi or hilly country in the Central Provinces. Subcaste of Kunbi, Mahar and Mali. 

_Baoria_. --Synonym of Badhak. 

_Bara-hazar. _--(Twelve thousand. ) Subcaste of Chero. 

_Barade, Berari_. --A resident of Berar. Subcaste of Bahna, Barhai, Chamar, Dhangar, Dhobi, Khatik, Mang and Nai. 

_Baram_ or _Birm_. --Subcaste of Bhat. 

_Barapatre_. --(A large leaf-plate. ) A section of Koshti. 

_Baraua_. --(A fisherman. ) Synonym of Dhimar; title of Dhimar. 

_Bardhia_. --(From _bardh_, a term for the edge of a weapon. ) Synonymof Sikligar. 

_Bardia_. --One who uses bullocks for transport. Subcaste of Kumhar. 

_Baretha_. --(A washerman. ) Synonym for Dhobi. 

_Barga_. --Subcaste of Oraon. 

_Bargah_, [418] _Bargaha_, _Barghat_. --A small caste of cultivatorsbelonging principally to the Bilaspur District. They appear tobe immigrants from Rewah, where the caste is numerically strong, and they are also found in the adjacent Districts of the UnitedProvinces and Bengal. In the United Provinces they are employed ashigher domestic servants and make leaf-plates, while their women actas midwives. [419] Here they claim kinship with the Goala Ahirs, butin the Central Provinces and Bengal they advance pretensions to beRajputs. They have a story, however, which shows their connectionwith the Ahirs, to the effect that on one occasion Brahma stoleKrishna's cows and cowherds. Krishna created new ones to replace them, exactly similar to those lost, but Brahma subsequently returned theoriginals, and the Bargahas are the descendants of the artificialcowherds created by Krishna. In Sarguja, Bargaha is used as a titleby Ahirs, while in Rewah the Bargahs are looked on as the bastardoffspring of Baghel Rajputs. Dr. Buchanan writes of them as follows:[420] "In Gorakhpur the Rajput chiefs have certain families of Ahirs, the women of which act as wet-nurses to their children, while the menattend to their persons. These families are called Bargaha; they havereceived, of course, great favours and many of them are very rich, but others look down upon them as having admitted their women to toogreat familiarity with their chiefs. " In the United Provinces theyalso claim to be Rajputs, as they returned themselves as a clan ofRajputs in 1881. [421] Their position as described by Buchanan isprecisely the same as that of the Dauwa Ahirs, who are the householdservants of Bundela Rajputs in Bundelkhand, and the facts set forthabove leave little or no doubt that the Bargahs are a mixed caste, arising from the connection of Rajputs with the Ahir women who weretheir personal servants. In the Central Provinces no subdivisions ofthe caste exist at present, but a separate and inferior subcaste is inprocess of formation from those who have been turned out of caste. Theyare divided for the purpose of marriage into exogamous _gotras_ orclans, the names of which correspond to those of Rajputs, as Kaunsil, Chandel, Rana, Bundela, Rathor, Baghel, Chauhan and others. Marriagebetween members of the same clan and also between first cousins isprohibited. The custom of _guranwat_ or exchanging girls in marriagebetween families is very prevalent, and as there is a scarcity of girlsin the caste, a man who has not got a daughter must pay Rs. 100 toRs. 200 to obtain a bride for his son. On the arrival of the marriageprocession the bridegroom touches with a dagger a grass mat hung infront of the marriage-shed. During the marriage the bridegroom's fatherpresents him with a grass ring, which he places on his wrist. Thehands of the bridegroom and bride are tied one over the other with apiece of thread, and the bride's parents catching the hands say to thebridegroom, 'We have given you our daughter; protect her. ' The couplethen walk seven times round a sacrificial fire and a pestle and slabcontaining seven pieces of turmeric, nuts and heaps of coloured rice, the bride leading and kicking over a heap of rice from the slab ateach turn. The other common ceremonies are also performed. The Bargahsdo not tolerate sexual offences and expel a girl or married womanwho goes wrong. The Bargahs are usually cultivators in the CentralProvinces, but they consider it beneath their dignity to touch theplough with their own hands. Many of them are mlguzrs or villageproprietors. They take food cooked without water from a Brahman, and water only from a Rajput. Rajputs take water from their hands, and their social position is fairly high. 

_Bargandi_, --Synonym for Kaikari. 

_Barghat_. --Synonym of Bargah. 

_Barki_. --High. Subcaste of Rautia. 

_Barkia_. --(A spinner of fine thread. ) Subcaste of Mahar. 

_Barmaiyan, Barmian, Malaiya_. --Subcaste of Basor, Dhimar and Gadaria. 

_Baroni_. --Title of a female Dhimar. 

_Barora_ or _Warkara_. --(Wild cat. ) A subsept of the Uika clan ofGonds in Betul. 

_Barpaihi_. --(_Bar, _ banyan tree. ) A sept of the Uika clan of Gondsin Betul, so named because their priest offered food to their godson the leaves of a banyan tree. 

_Barwa_. --Synonym for Garpagari. One who wards off hailstones fromthe standing crops. Subcaste of Jogi. 

_Bashishta_. --See Vasishta. A section of Vidur. 

_Bastarha_. --A resident of Bastar State. Subcaste of Halba. 

_Bathri_. --(From _batkur_, a vegetable. ) A subcaste of Dhobi and Teli. 

_Bathudia_. --Subcaste of Bhuiya. 

_Batri_. --A grower of _batar_, a kind of pea. Subcaste of Teli. 

_Batti_. --(A ball. ) A subsept of the Uika clan of Gonds in Betul, so named because their priest stole balls of cooked mahua. They donot kill or eat goats or sheep, and throw away anything smelt by them. 

_Bawan, Bawanjaye_. --_(Bawan_-52. ) A subcaste of Saraswat Brahmans. 

_Bawaria_. --A dweller of Bhanwargarh tract in Betul district. Subcasteof Korku. 

_Bawisa_. --(Twenty-two. ) A subcaste of Gujarati Brahmans in Hoshangabadand Makrai State. 

_Bayar, Biyar, Biar_. --A small caste of labourers belonging tothe eastern Districts of the United Provinces, of whom about 200persons were returned from Bilaspur in 1891. They are found in theKorba zamindari, and are professional diggers or navvies, like theMurhas. They are apparently a mixed caste derived from the primitivetribes with some Hindu blood. They eat fowls and pork, but will nottake food from any other caste. They work by contract on the _dangri_system of measurement, a _dangri_ being a piece of bamboo five cubitslong. For one rupee they dig a patch 8 _dangris_ long by one broadand a cubit in depth, or 675 cubic feet. But this rate does not allowfor lift or lead. 

_Bazigar_. --(An acrobat. ) Synonym of Nat. 

_Behar_. --(Cat. ) A totemistic sept of Kawar. 

_Behera_. --A subcaste of Taonla. A section of Tiyar. A title of Khadal. 

_Belwar, Bilwar_. --A small caste of carriers and cattle-dealersbelonging to Oudh, whose members occasionally visit the northernDistricts of the Central Provinces. They say that their ancestors wereSanadhya Brahmans, who employed bullocks as pack-animals, and hence, being looked down on by the rest of the caste, became a separate body, marrying among themselves. 

_Benaika, Binaika_. --A subcaste of Parwar Bania, consisting of theoffspring of remarried widows or illegitimate unions. Probably alsofound among other subcastes of Bania. 

_Benatia_. --A subcaste of Sansia in Sambalpur. 

_Bendiwala_. --Name of a minor Vishnuite order. See Bairagi. 

_Benetiya, Benatia_. --Subcaste of Chasa and Sansia. 

_Bengali_. --Bengali immigrants are usually Brahmans or Kayasths. 

_Bengani_. --(Brinjal. ) One of the 1444 sections of Oswal Bania. 

_Benglah_. --An immigrant from Bengal. Subcaste of Bharbhunja. 

_Beora Basia_. --(Hawk. ) A totemistic sept of Bhatra. 

_Beraria_, _Beradia_. --(Belonging to Berar. ) A subcaste of Bahna, Barai, Barhai, Chamar, Dhangar, Dhimar, Kasar and Kunbi. 

_Beria_. --A caste of gipsies and vagrants, whose women areprostitutes. Hence sometimes used generally to signify a prostitute. Asubcaste of Nat. 

_Besra_. --(Hawk. ) A totemistic sept of Bhatra and Rawat (Ahir). 

_Besta_. --A Telugu caste of fishermen. They are also called Bhoi andMachchnaik, and correspond to the Dhimars. They are found only in theChanda District, where they numbered 700 persons in 1911, and theirproper home is Mysore. They are a low caste and rear pigs and eatpork, crocodiles, rats and fowls. They are stout and strong and darkin colour. Like the Dhimars they also act as palanquin-bearers, andhence has arisen a saying about them, 'The Besta is a great man whenhe carries shoes, ' because the head of a gang of palanquin-bearerscarries the shoes of the person who sits in it. At their marriagesthe couple place a mixture of cummin and jaggery on each other'sheads, and then gently press their feet on those of the other seventimes. Drums are beaten, and the bridegroom places rings on the toesof the bride and ties the _mangal-sutram_ or necklace of black beadsround her neck. They are seated side by side on a plough-yoke, and theends of their cloths are tied together. They are then taken outsideand shown the Great Bear, the stars of which are considered to bethe spirits of the seven principal Hindu Saints, and the pole-star, Arundhati, who represents the wife of Vasishtha and is the pattern offeminine virtue. On the following two days the couple throw flowersat each other for some time in the morning and evening. Before themarriage the bridegroom's toe-nails are cut by the barber as an act ofpurification. This custom, Mr. Thurston [422] states, corresponds amongthe Sudras to the shaving of the head among the Brahmans. The Bestasusually take as their principal deity the nearest large river and callit by the generic term of Ganga. On the fifth day after a death theyoffer cooked food, water and sesamum to the crows, in whose bodiesthe souls of the dead are believed to reside. The food and water aregiven to satisfy the hunger and thirst of the soul, while the sesamumis supposed to give it coolness and quench its heat. On the tenth daythe ashes are thrown into a river. The beard of a boy whose father isalive is shaved for the first time before his marriage. Children aretattooed with a mark on the forehead within three months of birth, and this serves as a sect mark. A child is named on the eleventh dayafter birth, and if it is subsequently found to be continually ailingand sickly, the name is changed under the belief that it exercisesan evil influence on the child. 

_Betala_. --(Goblin. ) One of the 1444 sections of Oswal Bania. 

_Bhadauria_. --(From Bhadawar in Gwalior State. ) A clan of Rajputs. Aclan of Dangi in Saugor from whom Rajputs take daughters in marriage, but do not give daughters to them. A surname of Sanadhia Brahman. 

_Bhadonia_. --Subcaste of Dangi. 

_Bhadoria_. --(A drum-beater. ) Subcaste of Chamar. 

_Bhadri_, _Bhaddari_. --A synonym for Joshi, having a derogatory sense, as of one who begs with deceit or fraud. 

_Bhadune_. --(From the month Bhadon. ) A section of Kalar. 

_Bhagat_. --(Devotee. ) A section of Ahir or Gaoli, Barai and PanwarRajput. 

_Bhains-Mara_. --(Killer of the buffalo. ) A section of Kanjar. 

_Bhainsa_. --(Buffalo. ) A section of Chamar, Dhanwar, Ganda, Kawar, Kanjar, Mali, Panka and Rawat (Ahir). 

_Bhairon_. --(The god Bhairon. ) A section of Panwar Rajput. 

_Bhaiya_. --(Brother. ) One of the 72 1/2 sections of Maheshri Bania. 

_Bhala_. --(Spear. ) One of the 72 1/2 sections of Maheshri Bania. 

_Bhaldar_. --(A spear-man. ) A class of Dahaits, who have commonly beenemployed as village watchmen. 

_Bhale Sultan_. --(Lords of the spear. ) A clan of Rajputs. 

_Bhamti_, _Bhamtia_. --Synonyms of Bhamta. 

_Bhanare_. --Named after the town of Bhandara in the CentralProvinces. Subcaste of Dhimar. 

_Bhand_, _Bhanr_. [423]--A small caste of story-tellers andbuffoons. The name is derived from the Sanskrit Bhanda, a jester, and the caste are also known as Naqqal or actor. Only a triflingnumber of Bhands are shown by the census as belonging to the CentralProvinces. Mr. Crooke remarks: "The Bhand is sometimes employed inthe courts of Rajas and native gentlemen of rank, where he amusesthe company at entertainments with buffoonery and a burlesqueof European and native manners, much of which is of a very coarsenature. The Bhand is quite separate from and of a lower professionalrank than the Bahrupia. The bulk of the caste are Muhammadans, butthey have exogamous sections, some of which, as Kaithela (Kayasth), Bamhaniya (Brahman), Gujartha (Gujar), Nonela (Lunia), and so on, arederived from those of Hindu castes, and indicate that the caste is aheterogeneous community recruited from different sources. There aretwo recognised endogamous subcastes--the Chenr, which seems to meanlittle (Hindi, _Chenra_), and the Kashmiri. The former trace theirorigin to the time of Tamarlane, who, on the death of his son, gavehimself over to mourning for twelve years. Then one Sayyid Hasan, a courtier of the Emperor, composed a humorous poem in Arabic, which gained him the title of Bhanr. Sayyid Hasan is regarded asthe founder of the caste. Though he was a Sayyid the present Bhanrsare either Shaikhs or Mughals; and the difference of faith, Sunniand Shiah, is a bar to intermarriage. The Kashmiri Bhanrs are saidto be of quite recent origin, having been invited from Kashmir byNasir-ud-Din Haidar, king of Oudh. " The Bhands perform their marriagesby the Nikah form, in which a Kazi officiates. In virtue of beingMuhammadans they abstain from pork and liquor. Dr. Buchanan [424]quaintly described them as "Impudent fellows, who make long faces, squeak like pigs, bark like dogs, and perform many other ludicrousfeats. They also dance and sing, mimicking and turning into ridiculethe dancing boys and girls, on whom they likewise pass many jokes, and are employed on great occasions. " The Bhand, in fact, seems tocorrespond very nearly to the court jester of the Middle Ages. 

_Bhandari_. --(A barber, also a cook in the Uriya country. ) A synonymfor Nai. A subcaste of Gondhali. A section of Oswal Bania andHalba. Title of the deputies of the chief _guru_ of the Satnami sect. 

_Bhangi_. --(Hemp-smoker. ) Synonym of Mehtar. 

_Bhanr_. --Synonym of Bhand, a story-teller. 

_Bhanwar_. --(A bee, also honey. ) A section of Gadaria and Kawar. 

_Bhaosar_. --Synonym of Chhipa. 

_Bharadwaj_. --(A skylark. Name of a great Brahman Rishi or saint. ) Oneof the common eponymous sections of Brahmans. Also a section of Joshi, Lohar, Prabhu, Sunar, and of several clans of Rajputs. 

_Bharewa_. --(From _bharat_, a mixture of copper and lead. ) A groupof brass or bell-metal workers classed with the Kasar caste, but oflower social standing than the Kasars. A subcaste of Sunar in Raipur. 

_Bhargava_. --(Born of Bhrigu Rishi. ) A subcaste of Kanaujia Brahmans. Asection of Maratha Brahmans. Bhargava Dhusar is a subcaste ofBania. See Bania-Dhusar. 

_Bharia_. --(From the Bhar tribe. ) A tribe. A subcaste of Baiga inMandla, and of Kol. 

_Bharia-Bhumia_. --Synonym of Bharia. 

_Bharotia_ or _Mudia_. --(Shaven. ) Subcaste of Baiga, also of Ahir. 

_Bharthi_. --Name of one of the ten orders of Gosains. 

_Bhatia_. --A commercial caste of Sind and Gujarat, a few of whomsettle temporarily in the Central Provinces. Sir D. Ibbetson writesof them: [425] "The Bhatias are a class of Rajputs, originallycoming from Bhatner, Jaisalmer and the Rajputana desert, who havetaken to domestic pursuits. The name would seem to show that theywere Bhatis (called Bhatti in the Punjab); but be that as it may, their Rajput origin seems to be unquestioned. They stand distinctlybelow the Khatri, and perhaps below the Arora, and are for the mostpart engaged in petty shopkeeping, though the Bhatias of Dera IsmailKhan are described as belonging to a widely-spread and enterprisingmercantile community. They are very strict Hindus, far more so thanthe other trading classes of the western Punjab; and eschew meat andliquor. They do not practise widow-marriage. "

Mr. Crooke's account [426] leaves little doubt that the Bhatias are abranch of the Bhatti or Yaduvansi Rajputs of Jaisalmer who have goneinto trade; and Colonel Tod expresses the same view: "The Bhattiah isalso one of the equestrian order converted into the commercial, andthe exchange has been to his advantage. His habits are like those ofthe Arora, next to whom he ranks as to activity and wealth. " [427] "Thechief occupation of the Bhatias, " Mr. Crooke states, "is moneylending, and to this they add trade of all kinds, agriculture, landholding andGovernment service. Many of them go on expeditions to Arabia, Kabul, Bokhara and other distant places of business. Many in Bombay carryon trade with Zanzibar, Java and the Malay Peninsula. "

_Bhatnagar_. --A subcaste of Kayasth. 

_Bhatpagar_. --(Wage of rice. ) A section of Katia. 

_Bhikshakunti_. --(_Bhiksha_, begging; _kunti_, lame. ) A subcaste ofKapewar who are the Bhats or bards of the caste. 

_Bhil_. --A tribe. A subcaste of Pardhi. 

_Bhilaophod_. --(Those who extract oil from the _bhilawa_ nut, _Semecarpus anacardium_. ) Subcaste of Kol. 

_Bhilsaiyan_, _Bhilsia_, _Bhilasia_. --(From Bhilsa, a town in GwaliorState. ) A section and surname of Jijhotia Brahmans. A section ofPurania Sunar and of Rathor Teli and Teli. 

_Bhima_. --A small caste belonging to the Mandla and SeoniDistricts. They are musicians of the Gond tribe and dance and begat their weddings. The caste are an offshoot of the Gonds, theirexogamous septs having Gond names, as Marabi, Markam, Dhurwa, Parteti, Tekam and so on; but they now marry among themselves. They worshipthe Gond god, Bura Deo, their own elders serving as priests. Attheir performances the men play and dance, wearing hollow ankletsof metal with little balls of iron inside to make them tinkle. Thewomen are dressed like Hindu women and dance without ornaments. Theirinstrument is called Tuma or gourd. It consists of a hollow piece ofbamboo fixed horizontally over a gourd. Over the bamboo a string isstretched secured to a peg at one end and passing over a bridge at theother. Little knobs of wax are made on the bamboo so that the stringtouches them during its vibrations. The gourd acts as a sounding-board. 

_Bhogta_. --Subcaste of Khairwar. 

_Bhoi_. --(One who carries litters or palanquins. ) Synonym of Dhimarand Kahar. A title or honorific name for Gonds and one by which theyare often known. See article Kahar. A section of Binjhal. 

_Bhoir_. --Synonym for Bhoyar. 

_Bhojni_. --Subcaste of Chitrakathi. They serve the food at marriageand other ceremonies. 

_Bholia_. --(From _bhulna_, to forget. ) Synonym of Bhulia. 

_Bhona_. --A small caste of labourers in the Mandla District. They arepractically all employed by the local Pansaris (Barai) or _pan_-growersin tending their _barejas_ or betel-vine gardens. There is someground for supposing that the Bhonas are an offshoot of the Bharia orBharia-Bhumia tribe of Jubbulpore, which is itself derived from theBhars. One of the sections of the Bhonas is named after the vulture, and at their weddings a man of this section catches a young chickenand bites off the head in imitation of a vulture. 

_Bhondih_. --(From _bhond_, dung-beetle. ) A section of Ahir. 

_Bhonsla_. --A clan of Marathas to which the Rajas of Nagpur belong. 

_Bhope_ or _Bhoall_. --Subcaste of Manbhao. 

_Bhoriya_. --Synonym of Bhulia. 

_Bhoyar_. --A caste. A subcaste of Koshti and Marar. 

_Bhudes_. --(The gods on earth. ) Title of Brahmans. 

_Bhuinhar_. --Name of a landholding caste in Benares and Bengal whoclaim to be Brahmans or Rajputs. They are also known as Babhan. A titleof the Bhuiya tribe. See article Bhuiya. A title of the Bhaina tribe. 

_Bhumia_. --(Born from the land, or aboriginal. ) A title of the Bhariatribe in Jubbulpore, also a title of Baiga and Korku. A synonym ofBhuiya. A subdivision of Gond. A section of Kurmi. 

_Bhura_. --(Grey. ) One of the sections of Oswal Bania. A proper name. 

_Bhusar_. --(Lord of the earth. ) A title of Brahman. 

_Bhusarjin_. --(From _bhusa_, the chaff of wheat. ) Subcaste of Banjara. 

_Bhuskate_. --(From _bhusa_, fodder, one who supplies fodder. ) Afamily name. 

_Bhuta_. --A subtribe of Gond in Betul, the same as Koilabhuta. Theyare said to be of immoral character. 

_Biar_. --Synonym of Bayar. 

_Bichhuwa_, _Bichhi_. --(From _bichhu_, scorpion. ) A section of Dhobiand Kawar. 

_Bidur_. --Synonym of the Vidur caste. 

_Biloria_. --(From _bilori_, marble stone. ) A section of Chhipa. 

_Bilwar_. --Synonym of Belwar, a carrier and cattle-dealer. 

_Bind_. --A large non-Aryan caste of Bihar and the United Provinces, ofwhich 380 persons were returned in 1911. Sir H. Risley says of them:[428] "They are a tribe employed in agriculture, earthwork, fishing, hunting, making saltpetre and collecting indigenous drugs. Traditionscurrent among the caste profess to trace their origin to the Vindhyahills, and one of these legends tells how a traveller, passingby the foot of the hills, heard a strange flute-like sound comingout of a clump of bamboos. He cut a shoot and took from it a fleshysubstance which afterwards grew into a man, the supposed ancestor ofthe Binds. Another story says that the Binds and Nunias were formerlyall Binds and that the present Nunias are the descendants of a Bindwho consented to dig a grave for a Muhammadan king and was outcastedfor doing so. " A third legend tells how in the beginning of all thingsMahadeo made a lump of earth and endowed it with life. The creaturethus produced asked Mahadeo what he should eat. The god pointed toa tank and told him to eat the fish in it and the wild rice whichgrew near the banks. Mr. Crooke [429] says that they use fish largelyexcept in the fortnight (Pitripaksh) sacred to the dead in the month ofKunwar, and Sir H. Risley notes that after the rice harvest the Bindswander about the country digging up the stores of rice accumulatedby field rats in their burrows. From four to six pounds of grainare usually found, but even this quantity is sometimes exceeded. TheBinds also feast on the rats, but they deny this, saying that to doso would be to their own injury, as a reduction of the next year'sfind of grain would thus be caused. 

_Binjhal_. --Synonym of Binjhwar. 

_Binjhwar_. --A caste derived from the Baiga tribe. A subtribe ofBaiga and Gond. A subcaste of Gowari. 

_Birchheya_. --(A dweller in the forest. ) Subcaste of Ghosi. 

_Birchkia_. --(From _birchka_, a tree. ) A subcaste of Ghosi. 

_Birhor. _--A small Kolarian tribe of whom about 150 persons werereturned in 1911 from the Chota Nagpur States. The name means a dwellerin the forest. Sir H. Risley states that the Birhors live in tinyhuts made of branches of trees and leaves, and eke out a miserableliving by snaring hares and monkeys, and collecting jungle products, especially the bark of the _chob_ creeper, [430] from which a coarsekind of rope is made. They are great adepts at ensnaring monkeys andother small animals, and sell them alive or eat them. Colonel Daltondescribed them as, [431] "A small, dirty, miserable-looking race, who have the credit of devouring their parents, and when I taxed themwith it they did not deny that such a custom had once obtained amongthem. But they declared they never shortened lives to provide suchfeasts and shrank with horror from the idea of any bodies but those oftheir own blood-relatives being served up to them. " It would appearthat this custom may be partly ceremonial, and have some object, such as ensuring that the dead person should be born again in thefamily or that the survivors should not be haunted by his ghost. Ithas been recorded of the Bhunjias that they ate a small part of theflesh of their dead parents. [432] Colonel Dalton considered theBirhors to be a branch of the Kharia tribe, and this is borne outby Dr. Grierson's statement that the specimen of the Birhor dialectreturned from the Jashpur State was really Kharia. [433] Elsewherethe Birhor dialect resembles Mundari. 

_Birjhia, Birjia. _ (One who practises _bewar_ or shifting cultivationin a forest. ) Subcaste of Binjhwar, Baiga and Korwa. 

_Birkhandia. _--From Birkhand (Sand of heroes), a name for Rajputana. Asection of Teli. 

_Birtiya. _ Title of Nai or barber. 

_Bisen, Bisan. _--A clan of Rajput. A section of Daharia and of PanwarRajput. A section of Marar. 

_Bobaiaya. _--(From Bobbili, a town in Madras. ) A section of Teliin Chanda. 

_Bogam. _--A name for Madrasi prostitutes, perhaps a separatecaste. Their honorific title is Sani. 

_Bohra. _--A Muhammadan caste. A section of Oswal Bania. 

_Bombay. _--A subdivision of Valmiki Kayasth. 

_Bondoya_--A resident of Jitgarh and the Pachmarhi tract of theCentral Provinces. Subcaste of Korku. 

_Bopchi. _--A section of Panwar Rajput. 

_Bopchi_--A small caste in the Wardha District numbering a few hundredpersons. They are in reality Korkus, the name being a corruption ofthat of the Bendoya subtribe, but they have discarded their propertribal name and formed a separate caste. They retain some of the Korkusept names, while others are derived from the Marathi words or fromthe names of other castes, and these facts indicate that the Bopchisare of mixed descent from Korkus and other low Maratha castes withwhich unions have taken place. As might be expected, they are verytolerant of sexual and social offences, and do not expel a woman whohas a _liaison_ with a man of another caste or takes food from him. Sheis readmitted to caste intercourse, but has to undergo the penaltyof washing her body with cowdung and having a lock of her hair cutoff. A man committing a similar offence has his upper lip shaved. Theyemploy Gosains for their _gurus_ and their social position is very low. 

_Borakar. _(A mat-maker. ) Synonym of Gopal. 

_Borjharia. _--(_Bor_-plum. ) A sept of Halba. 

_Brahmachare. _--(A celibate. ) Subcaste of Manbhao. 

_Brahman Gaur_, or _Bamhan Gaur_. --A branch of the Gaur clan ofRajputs. A subcaste of Bhat. 

_Brid-dhari_. --Begging Bhats. Subcaste of Bhat. 

_Brihaspati, Brahaspati_. --An eponymous section of Brahmans. 

_Buchar_. --A corruption of the English word 'butcher. ' Subcaste ofKhatik in Agra. 

_Budalgir_. --(From _budla_, a leathern bag made for the transportand storage of oil and _ghi_ (butter). ) Subcaste of Chamar. 

_Bukekari_. --(A seller of scented powder _(bukka)_. ) Synonym of Atari. 

_Bundela_. --A clan of Rajputs of mixed descent. Name probably fromthe Vindhya hills. A subcaste of Basor. A sept of Manihar and Rawat. 

_Bundelkhandi_. --A resident of Bundelkhand. Subcaste of Basdewa, Barai, Basor, Chamar, Darzi, Dhobi, Kumhar, Lohar, Nai and Sunar. 

_Bundhrajia_. --Subcaste of Kamar. 

_Bunkar_. --(A weaver. ) Title of Balahi. 

_Burad_. --A synonym for the Basor caste of bamboo-workers. A sectionof Koshti and Oswal Bania. 

_Burthia_. --Subcaste of Charan Banjara. 

_Burud_. --(A bamboo-worker. ) Synonym for Basor in the Maratha country. 

_Butka_. --(One who brings leaves. ) Subcaste of Chasa. 

_Byahut_. --(Married. ) Subcaste of Kalar. 

_Chadar_. --A caste. A subcaste of Kori. 

_Chakere_. --(One who uses the potter's wheel in localities whereother Kumhars do not use it. ) Subcaste of Kumhar. 

_Chakla_. --(A professional washerman. ) Synonym for Dhobi. 

_Chalukya_. --A synonym for Solanki Rajputs. (Perhaps from _chhullu_or _challu_, hollow of the hand. ) A subcaste of Panwar Rajput. 

_Chamar, Chamara_. --(From _chamra_, a hide. ) The well-known caste oftanners. A subcaste of Banjara, Barhai and Darzi. 

_Chamar Gaur_. --(Chamar and Gaur. ) A well-known clan of Rajputs. SeeRajput-Gaur. 

_Chambhar_. --Name of the Chamar caste in Berar. 

_Chamra_. --A contemptuous diminutive for the Chamar caste inChhattisgarh. 

_Chandan, Chandania_. --(Sandalwood. ) A section of Chamar, Kawar, Khangar and Kurmi. 

_Chandel_. --A famous clan of Rajputs. See Rajput-Chandel. 

_Chandewar_. --(Belonging to Chanda. ) Subcaste of Injhwar. 

_Chandi_. --(One who hides behind a fishing-net. ) A sept of Korku. 

_Chandra, Chandraha_. (From _chanda_, the moon. ) A section of Gujarand Teli. 

_Chandravansi_ or _Somvansi_. --(Descended from the moon. ) A clanof Rajputs. 

_Chandravedi_. --Synonym of Sanaurhia, meaning 'One who observesthe moon. '

_Chankhatia_. --A subcaste of Bhuiya and Chamar. 

_Channagri_. --A small Jain sect. A subcaste of Bania. 

_Chanti_. --Name derived from _chiti_, an ant. Subcaste of Kawar. Asection of Kumhar. 

_Chanwar_. --(Whisk. ) A totemistic sept of Kawar and Pabia. 

_Charak_. --A subdivision of Maratha Brahman; a section of Brahman. 

_Charan_. --Subcaste of Banjara and Bhat. Title of Bhat in Rajputana. 

_Chardeve_. --A clan of Gonds worshiping four gods and paying specialreverence to the tortoise. 

_Charghar_. --(Four houses. ) A subdivision of Saraswat Brahmans. 

_Charnagri_. --A Jain sect or subcaste of Bania. 

_Chatrapati_. --(Lord of the umbrella. ) Title of the ancient Indiankings. 

_Chatri, Chhatri_. --A common synonym for a Rajput. A subcaste ofBhamta. 

_Chaturbhuji_. --(Four-armed. ) An epithet of Vishnu. A title of theChauhan clan of Rajputs. A class of Bairagis or religious mendicants. 

_Chaube, Chaturvedi_. --(From Chaturvedi, or one learned in thefour Vedas. ) A surname for Kanaujia, Jijhotia and other HindustaniBrahmans. Subcaste of Banjara. 

_Chaubhaiya_. --(Four brothers. ) A subdivision of SaraswatBrahmans. They take wives from the Athbhaiya subdivision, but do notgive girls to them in marriage. 

_Chaudhri_, _Chaudhari_, _Choudhri_. --(A headman, the firstperson. ) Title of Kalar Panwar, Rajput and other castes; title ofDhobi, vice-president of the caste committee. A section of Ahir, Maheshri Bania, Gadaria, Gujar, Halba and Marar (Mali). A subdivisionof Kapewar. 

_Chauhan_. --A famous clan of Rajputs. Name of a low caste of villagewatchmen in Chhattisgarh, perhaps the illegitimate descendants ofPanwar Rajputs. 

_Chauka_. --Title of the Kabirpanthi religious service. The _chauk_is a sanctified place on the floor of the house or yard, plasteredwith cowdung and marked out with lines of wheat-flour or quartz-dustwithin which ceremonies are performed. 

_Chaukhutia_. --A term which signifies a bastard inChhattisgarh. Subcaste of Bhunjia. 

_Chauske_. --Subcaste of Kalar. They are so called because theyprohibit the marriage of persons having a common ancestor up tofour generations. 

_Chaurasia_. --Resident of a Chaurasi or estate of eighty-fourvillages. Subcaste of Barai and Bhoyar. A section of Dhimar andKumhar. Many estates are called by this name, grants of eighty-fourvillages having been commonly made under native rule. 

_Chawara_, _Chaura_. --One of the thirty-six royal races of Rajputs. 

_Chenchuwar_, _Chenchuwad_ or _Chenchu_--A forest tribe of the Telugucountry of whom a few persons were returned from the Chanda Districtin 1911. In Madras the tribe is known as Chenchu, and the affix _wad_or _wadu_ merely signifies person or man. [434] The marriage ceremonyof the Chenchus may be mentioned on account of its simplicity. Thecouple sometimes simply run away together at night and return next dayas husband and wife, or, if they perform a rite, walk round and round abow and arrow stuck into the ground, while their relations bless themand throw rice on their heads. Each party to a marriage can terminateit at will without assigning any reason or observing any formality. Thebodies of the dead are washed and then buried with their weapons. 

_Chenr_. --(Little. ) Subcaste of Bhand. 

_Cheorakuta_. --(One who prepares _cheora_ or pounded rice. ) Subcasteof Dhuri. 

_Chero_. [435]--A well-known tribe of the Munda or Kolarian family, found in small numbers in the Chota Nagpur Feudatory States. Theyare believed to have been at one time the rulers of Bihar, wherenumerous monuments are attributed, according to the inquiries ofBuchanan and Dalton, to the Kols and Cheros. "In Shahabad [436]also most of the ancient monuments are ascribed to the Cheros, and itis traditionally asserted that the whole country belonged to them insovereignty. An inscription at Budh Gaya mentions one Phudi Chandra whois traditionally said to have been a Chero. The Cheros were expelledfrom Shahabad, some say by the Sawaras (Saonrs), some say by a tribecalled Hariha; and the date of their expulsion is conjectured to bebetween the fifth and sixth centuries of the Christian era. BothCheros and Sawaras were considered by the Brahmans of Shahabad asimpure or Mlechchas, but the Harihas are reported good Kshatriyas. 

"The overthrow of the Cheros in Mithila and Magadha seems to havebeen complete. Once lords of the Gangetic provinces, they are nowfound in Shahabad and other Bihar Districts only holding the meanestoffices or concealing themselves in the woods skirting the hillsoccupied by their cousins, the Kharwars; but in Palamau they retainedtill a recent period the position they had lost elsewhere. A Cherofamily maintained almost an independent rule in that pargana tillthe accession of the British Government; they even attempted to holdtheir castles and strong places against that power, but were speedilysubjugated, forced to pay revenue and submit to the laws. They were, however, allowed to retain their estates; and though the rightsof the last Raja of the race were purchased by Government in 1813, in consequence of his falling into arrears, the collateral branchesof the family have extensive estates there still. According to theirown traditions (they have no trustworthy annals) they have not beenmany generations in Palamau. They invaded that country from Rohtas, and with the aid of Rajput chiefs, the ancestors of the Thakurais ofRanka and Chainpur drove out and supplanted a Rajput Raja of the Rakselfamily, who retreated into Sarguja and established himself there. 

"All the Cheros of note who assisted in the expedition obtainedmilitary service grants of land, which they still retain. The Kharwarswere then the people of most consideration in Palamau, and theyallowed the Cheros to remain in peaceful possession of the hill tractsbordering on Sarguja. It is popularly asserted that at the commencementof the Chero rule in Palamau they numbered twelve thousand families, and the Kharwars eighteen thousand; and if an individual of one orthe other is asked to what tribe he belongs, he will say, not that heis a Chero or a Kharwar, but that he belongs to the twelve thousandor to the eighteen thousand, as the case may be. The Palamau Cherosnow live strictly as Rajputs and wear the _paita_ or caste thread. "

It has been suggested in the article on Khairwar that the closeconnection between the two tribes may arise from the Kharwars orKhairwars having been an occupational offshoot of the Cheros andSantals. 

In Palamau [437] the Cheros are now divided into two subcastes, the Bara-hazar or twelve thousand, and the Terah-hazar or thirteenthousand, who are also known as Birbandhi. The former are the higherin rank and include most of the descendants of former ruling families, who assume the title Babuan. The Terah-hazar are supposed to be theillegitimate offspring of the Bara-hazar. 

"The distinctive physical traits of the Cheros, " Colonel Dalton states, "have been considerably softened by the alliances with pure Hindufamilies, which their ancient power and large possessions enabledthem to secure; but they appear to me still to exhibit an unmistakableMongolian physiognomy. They vary in colour, but are usually of a lightbrown. They have, as a rule, high cheek-bones, small eyes obliquelyset, and eyebrows to correspond, low broad noses, and large mouthswith protuberant lips. "

_Cherwa_. --Subcaste of Kawar. 

_Chetti_. --Subcaste of Gandli. 

_Chhachan_. --(A hawk. ) A section of Rawat (Ahir). 

_Chhadesia_. --(A man of six districts. ) Subcaste of Banjara. 

_Chhadidar_ or _Darwan_. --Title of the Dahaits, who were door-keepersof the Rajas of Mahoba in former times. 

_Chhanava Kule_. --(The ninety-six houses. ) A subcaste of Maratha. 

_Chhatakia_. --An illegitimate group of the Kumhar caste. 

_Chhattisgarhi, Chhattisgarhia_. --Resident of Chhattisgarh or theregion of the thirty-six forts, a name given to the eastern tract ofthe Central Provinces. Subcaste of Bahna, Darzi and Halba. 

_Chhehghar (Chhenghar)_. --(Members of the six houses. ) A hypergamousdivision of Kanaujia Brahmans. They take daughters from the othertwo divisions, but do not give their daughters to them. 

_Chhipa_. --(A dyer. ) Synonym of Darzi. 

_Chhoha_ or _Saroria_. --A subcaste of Agharia of mixed descent. 

_Chholia_. --(Rubbish. ) A section of Rajjhar. 

_Chhote_. --(Inferior. ) Subcaste of Agharia and Teli. 

_Chhoti Pangat_. --A subcaste of Halba, Synonym Surait. Chhoti Pangatsignifies the inferior caste feast, and the implication is that thesemembers cannot join in the proper feast. 

_Chhotki Bhir or Gorhi_. --(Low. ) Subcaste of Rautia. 

_Chhura_, --(Razor. ) A section of Panka. It was their business toshave other members of the caste after a death;

_Chicham_. --(Hawk. )--A sept of Gonds. 

_Chicheria_. --(From _church_, forelock, which the children of thissept wear. ) A sept of Dhimar. 

_Chika_. --Subcaste of Majhwar. 

_Chikwa_. --Synonym of Khatik. 

_Chinchkul_. --A section of Komti. They abstain from the use of gingerand from the juice of the _bhilawa_ or marking-nut tree. 

_Chita Purdhi, Chilewala_. --(Leopard-hunter. ) A subcaste of Pardhi. 

_Chiturkar, Chitrakar_. --(A painter. ) Synonym for Chitari. 

_Chiter_. --(A painter. ) See Chitari. 

_Chitevari_. --(One who makes clay idols. ) Synonym for Mochi. 

_Chitpawan_. --(The pure in heart. ) A synonym for Konkanasth Brahman. 

_Chitragupta Vansi_. --(Descendants of Chitragupta. ) A name forKayasths. 

_Chobdar_. --(A mace-bearer. ) Title of Dahait. 

_Chorbans_. --(Family of thieves. ) A section of Chamar. 

_Chourdhar_. --(A whisk-carrier. ) A section of Sunar. 

_Chuhra_. --Subcaste of Mehtar. Name for the sweeper caste in thePunjab. 

_Chungia_. --(One who smokes a leaf-pipe. ) Subcaste of Chamar andSatnami. 

_Chunwiha_. --(From _chunri_, a coloured sheet worn by women. ) Asection of Tamera. 

_Churha_. --(Thief. ) A subcaste of Sunar. A section of Chhipa. 

_Cutchwaha_. --Clan of Rajput. Synonym for Kachhwaha. 

_Daharia_. --(From Dahar, the old name of the Jubbulpore country. ) Aclan of Rajputs which has developed into a caste. A subcaste of Bhoyar, Kalar, Mahar, Maratha and Teli. A section of Chadar, Chamar and Katia. 

_Dahat_. --A variant for Dahait. A subcaste of Khangar. 

_Dahia_. --One of the thirty-six royal races of Rajputs. 

_Daijanya_. --Subcaste of Chamar. They are so called because theirwomen act as _dai_ or midwives. 

_Dakhne, Dakshne, Dakshni, Dakshini. _--(Belonging to theDeccan. ) Subcaste of Bahna, Chamar, Gondhali, Gurao, Kunbi, Mahar, Mang and Nai. 

_Dakochia_. --A synonym for Bhadri, an astrologer. 

_Dal_. --(From _dal_, an army. ) Subcaste of Khond. 

_Dalboha, Dalbuha_. --(One who carries _dhoolies_ orpalanquins. ) Subcaste of Ghasia and Katia. 

_Dalia_. --(From _dal_ or the pulse of Burhanpur which had a greatreputation). Subcaste of Kunbi. 

_Dal Khalsa_. --(Army of God. ) Title of the Sikh army. 

_Dandewala_. --(One who performs acrobatic feats on a stick orbamboo. ) Synonym for Kolhati. 

_Dandi_. --(One who carries a stick. ) Name of a class of religiousmendicants. See article Gosain. 

_Dandsena_. --(One who carries a stick. ) Subcaste of Kalar. 

_Dang-charha. _--(A rope-climber. ) Synonym of Nut. 

_Dangiwara_. --Name of part of the Saugor District, which is calledafter the Dangi caste. Subcaste of Kadera. 

_Dangua_. --(A hill-dweller. ) Subcaste of Taonla. 

_Dangur_. --A small caste of hemp weavers numbering about 100 persons, and residing almost entirely in the village of Masod in BetulDistrict. They are of the same standing as the caste of Kumrawator Patbina which pursues this occupation in other Districts, butacknowledge no connection with them and are probably an occupationaloffshoot of the Kunbi caste, from whose members they readily acceptany kind of cooked food. Like many other small occupational casteswith no definite traditions, they profess to have a Kshatriya origin, calling themselves Bhagore Rajputs, while their families are knownby such high-sounding titles as Rathor, Chauhan, Gaur, Solanki andother well-known Rajput names. These pretensions have no foundationin fact, and the Dangurs formerly did not abjure pork, while theystill eat fowls and drink liquor. They neither bathe nor clean theirkitchens daily. They may eat food taken from one place to another, but not if they are wearing shoes, this being only permissible inthe case when the bridegroom takes his food wearing his marriage shoes. 

_Dantele_. --(With teeth. ) A section of Purania Sunars in Saugor. 

_Daraihan_. --A small caste of debased Rajputs found in the BilaspurDistrict of Chhattisgarh and numbering some 2000 persons in 1901. Theysay that their ancestors were Rajputs from Upper India who settledin Chhattisgarh some generations back in the village of Dargaonin Raipur District. Thence they were given the name of Dargaihan, which has been corrupted into Daraihan. Others say that the name isderived from _dari_, a prostitute, but this is perhaps a libel. Inany case they do not care about the name Daraihan and prefer tocall themselves Kshatriyas. They have now no connection with theRajputs of Upper India, and have developed into an endogamous groupwho marry among themselves. It seems likely that the caste are aninferior branch of the Daharia cultivating caste of Chhattisgarh, which is derived from the Daharia clan of Rajputs. [438]

Like other Rajputs the Daraihans have an elaborate system of septsand subsepts, the former having the names of Rajput clans, while thelatter are taken from the eponymous _gotras_ of the Brahmans. Thereare fourteen septs, named as a rule after the principal Rajput clans, of whom four, the Chandel, Kachhwaha, Dhandhul and Sakrawara, rankhigher than the other ten, and will take daughters from these inmarriage, but not give their daughters in return. Besides the septsthey have the standard Brahmanical _gotras_, as Kausilya, Bharadwaj, Vasishtha and so on to the number of seven, and the members of eachsept are divided into these _gotras_. Theoretically a man shouldnot take a wife whose sept or _gotra_ is the same as his own. Themarriage of first cousins is forbidden, and while the grandchildrenof two sisters may intermarry, for the descendants of a brotherand a sister the affinity is a bar till the third generation. Butthe small numbers of the caste must make the arrangement of matchesvery difficult, and it is doubtful whether these rules are strictlyobserved. They permit the practice of Gunravat or giving a bride fora bride. In other respects the social customs of the caste resemblethose of their neighbours, the Daharias, and their rules as to theconduct of women are strict. The men are well built and have regularfeatures and fair complexions, from which their Rajput ancestry maystill be recognised. They wear the sacred thread. The Daraihans aregood and intelligent cultivators, many of them being proprietors orlarge tenants, and unlike the Daharias they do not object to drivingthe plough with their own hands. In the poorer families even thewomen work in the fields. They have a strong clannish feeling andwill readily combine for the support or protection of any member ofthe caste who may be in need of it. 

_Darbania_. --(Door-keeper. ) Title of Khangur. 

_Darshani_. --Title of the most holy members of the Kanphata Jogis. 

_Darshni_. --(From _darshan_, seeing, beholding, as of a god. ) Asub-division of Jogi. 

_Darwan_. --(A door-keeper. ) Title of Dahait. 

_Darwe_ or _Dalwe_. --A subcaste of Gonds in Chanda; the Darwes arealso called Naik. 

_Darwesh_. --Persian name for a Muhammadan Fakir or religious mendicant. 

_Darzi_. --A caste of tailors. Subcaste of Ghasia. 

_Das_. --(Servant. ) Used as the termination of their names byBairagis or religious mendicants. A term applied by Pankas and otherKabirpanthis to themselves. 

_Dasa_. --(Ten. ) A subdivision of Agarwala and other subcastes of Bania, meaning those of pure blood. 

_Dasghar_. --(Ten houses. ) One of the three subdivisions of KanaujiaBrahmans. They give their daughters to members of the Chheghar orsix houses and receive them from the Panchghar or five houses. 

_Dasnami_. --A member of the ten orders. Synonym for Gosain. 

_Datta_ or _Dutt_. --Surname of Bengali Kayasths. 

_Daune_. --A subdivision of Prabhu or Parbhu in Nagpur, so called onaccount of their living in the island of Diu, a Portuguese possession. 

_Deccani_. --See Dakhne. 

_Dehalwi_. --(From Delhi. ) A subdivision of Gaur Kayasths. 

_Dehri_. --(A worshipper. ) Subcaste of Sudh. 

_Dekkala_. --(A genealogist. ) Subcaste of Madgi. 

_Delki_. --Subcaste of Kharia. 

_Deo_. --(God. ) A hereditary title borne by certain Feudatory Chiefs. Asurname of Karhara Brahmans in Saugor. A subcaste of Gandli in Chanda. 

_Deobansi_. --(A descendant of a god. ) Subcaste of Patwa. 

_Deogarhia_ or _Rajkunwar_. --(From Deogarh. ) A subcaste of Pardhan. Asubcaste of Audhelia made up of prostitutes. A sept of Dhimar. 

_Deokia_. --Title used in the Bedar caste. 

_Deoputra_. --(Son of god. ) Synonym of Charan. 

_Desa_ or _Kota_. --Subcaste of Balija. 

_Desai_. --A variant for Deshmukh or a Maratha revenue officer. Titleof the Pardhan caste. 

_Desawal_. --A subdivision of Brahman in Jubbulpore. They take theirname from Disa, a town in Palanpur State in Bombay Presidency. 

_Desha, Desaha_. --(Belonging to the home country. ) The name is usuallyapplied to immigrants from Malwa or Hindustan. A subcaste of Ahir, Bargah, Bari, Chamar, Dhuri, Gadaria, Kalar, Kol, Kurmi, Lakhera, Lohar, Mahar, Sunar and Teli. 

_Deshastha_. --A subcaste of Maratha Brahmans inhabiting the country(Desh) above the Western Ghats. A subcaste of Gurao. 

_Deshkar_. --(One belonging to the country. ) A subcaste of Gondhali, Gurao, Kasar, Koshti, Kunbi, Mahar, Mali, Maratha, Nai, Sunar and Teli. 

_Deshmukh_. --Under Maratha rule the Deshmukh was a Pargana officerwho collected the revenue of the Pargana or small subdivision, andother taxes, receiving a certain share. The office of Deshmukh wasgenerally held by a leading Kunbi of the neighbourhood. He also heldrevenue-free land in virtue of his position. The Deshmukh families nowtend to form a separate subcaste of Kunbis and marry among themselves. 

_Deshpande_. --The Deshpande was the Pargana accountant. He wasgenerally a Brahman and the right-hand man of the Deshmukh, and havingthe advantage of education he became powerful like the Deshmukh. Nowused as a surname by Maratha Brahmans. 

_Deswali_. --Synonym for Mina. 

_Devadasi_. --(Handmaidens of the gods. ) Synonym for Kasbi. 

_Devarukhe_. --A subdivision of Maratha Brahmans. The word is derivedfrom Devarishi, a Shakha (branch) of the Atharva Veda, or fromDevarukh, a town in Ratnagiri District of Bombay Presidency. AmongBrahmans they hold rather a low position. 

_Dewangan_. --(From the old town of this name on the Wardhariver. ) Subcaste of Koshti. 

_Dhaighar_. --(2 1/2 houses. ) A subcaste of Khatri. 

_Dhakan_. --(A witch. ) Subcaste of Bhat. 

_Dhakar_. --Name of a caste in Bastar. A clan of Rajputs. A subcaseof Barai, Bania and Kirar. A sept of Halba. 

_Dhalgar_. --A small occupational caste who made leather shields, and are now almost extinct as the use of shields has gone out offashion. They are Muhammadans, but Mr. Crooke [439] considers them tobe allied to the Dabgars, who make leather vessels for holding oiland _ghi_ and are also known as Kuppesaz. The Dabgars are a Hinducaste whose place in the Central Provinces is taken by the BudalgirChamars. These receive their designation from _budla_, the name ofthe leather bag which they make. _Budlas_ were formerly employedfor holding _ghi_ or melted butter, oil and the liquid extract ofsugarcane, but vegetable oil is now generally carried in earthenvessels slung in baskets, and _ghi_ in empty kerosene tins. Smallbottles of very thin leather are still used by scent-sellers forholding their scents, though they also have glass bottles. The song ofthe Leather Bottél recalls the fact that vessels for holding liquidswere made of leather in Europe prior to the introduction of glass. TheDhalgars also made targets for archery practice from the hides ofbuffaloes; and the similar use of the hides of cattle in Europesurvives in our phrase of the bull's eye for the centre of the target. 

_Dhamonia_. --(From Dhamoni, a town in Saugor. ) A subcaste of Sonkar. Aterritorial sept of Darzi and Dhobi. 

_Dhanak Sammani_. --(One who reverences the bow. ) A section of Barai. 

_Dhandere_. --(Probably from Dhundhar, an old name of Jaipur or AmberState. ) A sept of Rajputs. 

_Dhangar_. --(A farmservant. ) Synonym of Oraon. 

_Dhanka_. --Perhaps a variant for Dhangar. Subcaste of Oraon. 

_Dhanoj_, _Dhanoje_. --(From _dhangar_, a shepherd. ) Subcaste of Areand Kunbi. 

_Dhanpagar_. --(One serving for a pittance of paddy. ) A section of Teli. 

_Dhanuhar_. --(A corrupt form of Dhanusdhar or a holder of abow. ) Synonym of Dhanwar. 

_Dhanuk_. --(A bowman. ) A caste. A subcaste of Mehtar. 

_Dhanushban_. --(Bow and arrow. ) A sept of Kawar. 

_Dharampuria_. --(Resident of Dharampur. ) Subcaste of Dhobi. 

_Dhare_. --Title of Gowari. 

_Dhari_. --A subcaste of Banjara. They are the bards of the caste. 

_Dharkar_. --Subcaste of Basor. 

_Dharmik_. --(Religious or virtuous. ) A subcaste of Mahar and Maratha. 

_Dhed_. --Synonym for Mahar. 

_Dhengar_. --A subcaste of Bharewa (Kasar) and Gadaria. 

_Dhera_. [440]--A small Telugu caste of weavers, the bulk of whomreside in the Sonpur State, transferred to Bengal in 1905. The Dheraswere brought from Orissa by the Raja of Sonpur to make clothes forthe images of the gods, which they also claim to be their privilege inPuri. Their exogamous groups are named after animals, plants or otherobjects, and they practise totemism. The members of the Surya or sungroup will not eat during an eclipse. Those of the Nalla (black) septwill not wear black clothes. Those of the Bansethi and Bhanala septswill not use the _bandi_, a kind of cart from which they consider theirname to be derived. The Otals take their name from _utti_, a net, fromwhich pots are hung, and they will not use this net. Those of the Gundasept, who take their name from _gunda_, a bullet, will not eat anygame shot with a gun. Marriage within the sept is prohibited, but theDheras always, where practicable, arrange the marriage of a boy withhis maternal uncle's daughter. Even in childhood the members of suchfamilies address each other as brother-in-law and sister-in-law. Whenthe bridegroom and bride go home after the marriage ceremony, thebridegroom's sister bars the door of the house and will not let themin until they have severally promised to give her their daughter forher son. A girl must be married before arriving at adolescence on painof permanent exclusion from the caste. If a suitable husband has nottherefore been found when the period approaches, the parents marrythe girl to her elder sister's husband or any other married man. Sheis not bound to enter into conjugal relations with the man to whomshe is thus united, and with his consent she may be consequentlymarried to any other man in the guise of a widow. If a bachelor takessuch a girl to wife, he must first be married to a _sahara_ tree(_Streblus asper_). When a betrothal is arranged, an elderly memberof the bridegroom's family proceeds to the bride's house and asks herpeople three times in succession whether the betrothal is arranged, and at each reply in the affirmative ties a knot in his cloth. Hethen goes home and in the bridegroom's house solemnly unties theknots over another cloth which is spread on the ground. This clothis then considered to contain the promises and it is wrapped up andcarefully put away to keep them as if they were material objects. 

_Dherha_. --(Brother-in-law or paternal aunt's husband. ) Title ofKharia. 

_Dhimar_. --A caste. Subcaste of Kori. 

_Dhimra_. --Synonym for Dhimar. 

_Dhobi_. --The caste of washermen. A sept of Bharia and Bhaina. 

_Dhokhede_. --One of doubtful parentage. A sept of Teli. 

_Dholewar_. --(From _dhola_, a drum. ) A subcaste of Bhoyar and Gaoli. Asection of Basor. 

_Dholi_. --(A minstrel. ) Subcaste of Bhat. 

_Dhubela_. --Origin perhaps from the Dhobi caste. Subcaste of Basor. 

_Dhulbajia_. --(From _dhol_, a drum. ) A subcaste of Chamar, also knownas Daijania. 

_Dhulia_, _Dholin_, _Dholi_. --(A player on a _dhol_ or drum. ) Synonymfor the Basor caste. A subcaste of Gond in Chanda and Betul. A subcasteof Mahar. 

_Dhunak Pathan_. --Synonym for Bahna. 

_Dhunia_. --(From _dhunna_, to card cotton. ) Synonym for Bahna. 

_Dhunka_. --(A cotton-cleaner. ) Subcaste of Kadera. 

_Dhur Gond_. --(From _dhur_, dust. ) A subcaste of Gonds. They are alsoknown as Rawanvansi or descendants of Rawan. 

_Dhuri_. --A caste of grain-parchers. A subcaste of Dhimar. 

_Dhuria_. --Subcaste of Nagasia and Dhimar. They are so called becausethey mark the forehead of the bride with dust (_dhur_) taken fromthe sole of the bridegroom's foot. 

_Dhurwa_. --The word may be derived from _dhur_, dust. Dhur is a namegiven to the body of Gonds as opposed to the Raj-Gonds. One of thecommonest septs of Gonds. A sept of Baiga, Kolta, Kalar and Nat. Atitle of Parja. 

_Dhusar_. --Subcaste of Bania. 

_Dhusia_. --Subcaste of Murha. 

_Digambari_. --A sect of Jain Banias who do not clothe their idols andapply saffron to their feet. Also a class of Bairagis or religiousmendicants. 

_Diharia_ or _Kisan_. --(One who lives in a village or acultivator. ). Subcaste of Korwa. 

_Dikhit_, _Dikshit_, _Dixit_. --(The Initiator. ) A subcaste ofBrahman. A clan of Rajputs of the solar race formerly dominant inthe United Provinces. 

_Dila_. --(A pointed stick tied to a calf's mouth to prevent him fromsucking. ) A totemistic sept of Kawar. They do not use a stick in thismanner. A section of Ahir. 

_Dillawal_. --A subcaste of Kasar. Those belonging to or comingfrom Delhi. 

_Dingkuchia_. --(One who castrates cattle and ponies. ) Subcasteof Ghasia. 

_Dipawalia_. --(One who supplies oil for the lamps at Diwali. ) A septof Teli. 

_Dipbans_. --(Son of the lamp. ) Title of Teli. 

_Diwan_. --Title of the members of the Dahait caste committee. 

_Dixit_. --See Dikhit. 

_Dobaile_. --(One who yokes two bullocks to the oil-press. ) Subcasteof Telis in the Nagpur country. 

_Dobisya_. --(Two score. ) Subcaste of Halwai. 

_Doda_ or _Dor_. --One of the thirty-six royal races of Rajputs. 

_Dogle_. --Name applied to Kayasths of illegitimate descent. 

_Dohor_. [441]--A small caste of Berar, who are really Chamars;in the Central Provinces the Dohors are a well-known subcaste ofChamars, but in Berar they appear to have obtained a separate name, under which about 6000 persons were returned in 1911. They work inleather like the Chamars or Mochis. With the ambition of betteringtheir social status among the Hindus the caste strictly observe thesanctity of animal life. No Dohor may molest an animal or even peltit with stones. A man who sells a cow or bullock to butchers is putout of caste, but if he repents and gets the animal back before it isslaughtered, a fine of Rs. 5 only is imposed. If, on the other hand, the animal is killed, the culprit must give his daughter in marriagewithout taking any price from the bridegroom, and must feed the wholecaste and pay a fine of Rs. 50, which is expended on liquor. Failingthis he is expelled from the community. Similarly the Pardeshi Dohorsrigidly enforce infant-marriage. If a girl is not married beforeshe is ten her family are fined and put out of caste until the fineis paid. And if the girl has leprosy or any other disease, whichprevents her from getting married, a similar penalty is imposed onthe family. Nevertheless the Dohors are considered to be impure andare not allowed to enter Hindu temples; the village barber does notshave them nor the washerman wash their clothes. A bachelor desiringto marry a widow must first perform the ceremony with a _rui_ orcotton-tree. But such a union is considered disgraceful; the manhimself must pay a heavy fine to get back into caste, and his childrenare considered as partly illegitimate and must marry with the progenyof similar unions. Either husband or wife can obtain a divorce bya simple application to the caste _panchayat_, and a divorced womancan marry again as a widow. The caste offer sheep and goats to theirdeities and worship the animals before killing them. At Dasahra theyalso pay reverence to the skinning-knife, and the needle with whichshoes are sewn. The caste burn the bodies of those who die marriedand bury the unmarried. Before setting out for a funeral they drinkliquor and again on their return, and a little liquor is sprinkledover the grave. When a man has been cremated his ashes are takenand thrown into a river on the third day. The chief mourner, afterbeing shaved by his brother-in-law, takes the hair with some coppercoins in his hand and, diving into the river, leaves them there asan offering to the dead man's spirit. 

_Dolia_. --(Palanquin-bearer. ) A section of Dhimar. 

_Dom_. --An important caste in Bengal. See article Kanjar. Used as asynonym for Ganda in the Uriya country. 

_Domra_. --Subcaste of Turi. 

_Dongaria_, _Dongarwar_. --(From _dongar_, a hill. ) A sept of Bhil, Dhobi, Mali, Mang and Sonkar. A surname of Maratha Brahmans. 

_Dora_. --(Sahib or Lord. ) Title of the Mutrasi caste. 

_Dosar_. --Subcaste of Bania. 

_Dravida_. --(Southern. ) See Panch-Dravida. 

_Dube_. --(A teacher and a man learned in two Vedas. ) A common surnameof Hindustani Brahmans. A subcaste of Banjara. 

_Dudh_. --(Milk. ) Dudh-Barai, a subcaste of Barai; Dudh-Gowari, a subcaste of Ahir or Gowari; Dudh-Kawar, a subcaste of Kawar. 

_Dudh Bhai_. --(Milk-brothers. ) A fraternity of Gonds in Betul, whoare apparently foster-brothers. They do not marry, though they havedifferent septs. 

_Dukar_. --A subcaste of Kolhati. From _dukar_, hog, because theyare accustomed to hunt the wild pig with dogs and spears when theseanimals become too numerous and damage the crops of the villagers. 

_Dukaria_. --Title of the officer of the Andh caste who constitutesthe caste committee. 

_Dulha_. --(Bridegroom. ) A section of Chadar. 

_Dumar_ or _Dom_. --A low caste of sweepers in Bengal. SeeKanjar. Subcaste of Basor, Ganda, Panka and Turi. Synonym and subcasteof Mehtar. A section of Kawar. 

_Durgbansi_. --A clan of Rajputs in Ragnandgaon. 

_Dusre_. --(Second. ) A subdivision of Shrivastab, Gaur and SaksenaKayasths, meaning those of inferior or mixed origin as opposed toKhare or those of pure origin. 

_Dwarka_. --One of the most holy places in India, situated on ornear the sea in Gujarat. It is supposed to have been founded byKrishna. Site of one of the monasteries (Ashram) of Sankaracharya, the founder of the non-dualistic or Vedanta philosophy. 

_Dwija_. --(Twice-born. ) A title applied to the three higher classicalcastes, Brahman, Kshatriya and Vaishya, and now especially to Brahmans. 

_Ekbahia_. --(One-armed. ) Subcaste of Teli, so called because theirwomen wear glass bangles only on one arm. 

_Ekbaile_. --One who yokes one bullock only to the oil-press. Subcasteof Teli. 

_Elama, Elma_. --Synonym for Velama. A subcaste of Kapewar or Kapu. 

_Erenga. _--Subcaste of Kharia in Bengal. 

_Erna_. --(From Eran, in Saugor district. ) A section of Teli. 

_Fakir_. --A Muhammadan mendicant. Synonym Sain. See article. 

_Farid_. --Sheikh Farid was a well-known Muhammadan saint. A sectionof Panwar Rajput. 

_Farsi_. --Persian. From the Province of Fars. The term Farsi isalso used by the Hindus to signify foreign or non-Aryan languageslike Gondi. 

_Fidawi. _--(A disciple. ) An order of devotees of the Khojah sectknown to the Crusaders as Assassins. Title of Khojah. 

_Gadaba_. --Synonym of Gadba. 

_Gadaria_. --A caste. Subcaste of Ahir. 

_Gadha_. --(An ass. ) A sept of the Uika clan of Gonds in Betul, sonamed because their priest rode on an ass in crossing a river. 

_Gadhao_. --(From _gadha_, an ass. ) Subcaste of Kunbi. 

_Gadhewal, Gadhere, Gadhwe, Gadhilla_. --(One who keeps donkeys. From_gadha_, an ass. ) A subcaste of Dhimar, Katia, Koshti, Kumhar andSonkar. A sept of Gond and Pardhan. 

_Gadhwana_. --(From Garha, near Jubbulpore. ) Subcaste of Nai. 

_Gadiwan_. --(A cart-driver. ) Subcaste of Dangri. 

_Gadri_. --(From _gadar_, a sheep. ) A synonym of Gadaria. A subcasteof Dhangar. 

_Gaharwar, Gaharval, Gherwal_. --One of the thirty-six royal races ofRajputs chiefly found in Bilaspur and Khairagarh. A section of Patwas. 

_Gahbainya_ or _Gahboniya_. --(Those who hid in a village when calledby a king to his presence. ) A subcaste of Kurmi. A section of Kurmi. 

_Gahlot_ or _Sesodia_. --A famous clan of Rajputs. A section of Daraihaand Joshi. 

_Gahoi_. --Subcaste of Bania. See article Bania-Gahoi. 

_Gahra_. --Synonym for Ahir or herdsman in the Uriya country. 

_Gai-Gowari. _--Subcaste of Gowari. 

_Gaiki_. --A cowherd. (A subcaste of Gond in Betul. ) A section ofChamar. 

_Gaikwar_ or _Gaika_. --(A cowherd. ) A clan of Maratha. A section ofAhir, Bhil, Kunbi and Mahar. 

_Gaita_. --Subcaste of Gond. 

_Gaiwale_. --(Cow-keeper. ) A subcaste of Moghia. 

_Gajarha_. --_(Gajar_, a carrot. ) A section of Teli in Mandla. 

_Gajjam_. --A sept of the Dhurwa clan of Gonds in Betul named afterGajjami. (Bow and arrows in Gondi. )

_Ganda_. --(A messenger. ) A low caste of village watchmen. In the Uriyacountry the Gandas are known as Dom. A subcaste of Pardhan. Titleof Kharia. 

_Gandhi_. --A scent-seller. (From _gandh_, a Sanskrit word forscent. ) Synonym of Atari. A section of Maheshir Bania. 

_Gandli_. --The Telugu caste of oil-pressers, numbering about 3000persons in the Central Provinces, in the Chanda, Nagpur and BhandaraDistricts. They are immigrants from the Godavari District of Madras andhave been settled in the Central Provinces for some generations. Heremany of them have prospered so that they have abandoned the hereditarycalling and become landowners, traders and moneylenders. Like thewell-to-do Telis they are keenly desirous of bettering their socialposition and now repudiate any connection with what may be known as'the shop, ' or the profession of oil-pressing. As this ranks verylow, among the more despised village handicrafts, the progress ofthe Gandlis and Telis to the social standing of Banias, to whichthey generally aspire, is beset with difficulties; but the Gandlis, in virtue of having migrated to what is practically a foreign countryso far as they are concerned, have achieved a considerable measure ofsuccess, and may be said to enjoy a better position than any Telis. Afew of them wear the sacred thread, and though they eat flesh, theyhave abjured liquor except in Chanda, where they are most numerousand the proportion of wealthy members is smallest. Here also theyare said to eat pork. Others eat flesh and fowls. 

The Gandlis are divided into the Reddi, Chetti and Telkala subcastes, and the last are generally oil-pressers. It is probable that theReddis are the same as the Redu-eddu or Rendu-eddu subcaste of Madras, who derive their name from the custom of using two bullocks to turnthe oil-press, like the Do-baile Telis of the Central Provinces. Butit has been changed to Reddi, a more respectable name, as being asynonym for the Kapu cultivating caste. Chetti really means a trader, and is, Mr. Francis says, [442] "One of those occupational or titularterms, which are largely employed as caste names. The weavers, oil-pressers and others use it as a title, and many more tack it onto their names to denote that trade is their occupation. " Marriageis regulated by exogamous groups, the names of which are said to bederived from those of villages. Girls are generally married duringchildhood. A noticeable point is that the ceremony is celebratedat the bridegroom's house, to which the bride goes, accompanied byher party, including the women of her family. The ceremony followsthe Maratha form of throwing fried rice over the bridal couple, and Brahman priests are employed to officiate. Widow-marriage ispermitted. The dead are both buried and burnt, and during mourningthe Gandlis refrain from eating _khichri_ or mixed rice and pulse, anddo not take their food off plantain leaves, in addition to the otherusual observances. They have the _shantik_ ceremony or the seclusionof a girl on the first appearance of the signs of adolescence, whichis in vogue among the higher Maratha castes, and is followed by a feastand the consummation of her marriage. They now speak Marathi fluently, but still use Telugu in their houses and wear their head-cloths tiedafter the Tulugu fashion. [443]

_Gangabalu_. --(Sand of the Ganges. ) A family name of Ganda. 

_Gangabasia_. --(Living on the banks of the Ganges. ) A section of Ahir. 

_Gangapari_. --(One coming from the further side of theGanges. ) Subcaste of Barai, Barhai, Chamar, Dhobi, Gondhali, Kumharand Umre Bania. 

_Gangasagar_. --(Sea of the Ganges. ) A section of Chitari and Kawar. 

_Gangavansi_. --(Descended from the Ganges. ) A clan of Rajputs. Thechief of Bamra State is a Gangavansi. 

_Gangthade_. --Dwellers on the banks of the Godavari andWainganga. These rivers are sometimes called Ganga or Ganges, whichis used as a general term for a great river. A subcaste of Maratha. 

_Gannore_. --Name of a minor Rajput clan. Subcaste of Balahi. 

_Ganth-chor_. --(A bundle-thief. ) Title of Bhamta. 

_Gaolan_. --A synonym of Ahir or Gaoli, applied to an inferior sectionof the caste. 

_Gaoli_, _Gauli_. --(A milkman. ) Synonym for Ahir. Subcaste of Hatkar. 

_Gaontia_. --(A village headman. ) Title of the head of the Kol castecommittee. Title of Kol. 

_Garde_. --(Dusty. ) A surname of Karhara Brahmans in Saugor. 

_Garg_ or _Gargya_. --The name of a famous Rishi or saint. An eponymoussection of Brahmans. A section of Agarwala Banias. Gargabansi is aclan of Rajputs. 

_Garhawala_, _Garhewala_, _Garhewar_. --A resident of Garha, an oldtown near Jubbulpore which gave its name to the Garha-Mandla dynasty, and is a centre of weaving. A subcaste of Katia, Koshti and Mahar, all weaving castes. A subcaste of Binjhal. 

_Garkata_. --(Cut-throat. ) A section of Koshti. 

_Garpagari_. --A body of Jogis or Naths who avert hailstorms and areconsidered a separate caste. See article. From _gar_, hail. A subcasteof Koshta and Kumhar. A section of Ghasia. 

_Gate_. --(A bastard. ) Subcaste of Naoda. 

_Gaur_. --The ancient name of part of Bengal and perhaps applied alsoto the tract in the United Provinces round about the modern GondaDistrict. A subcaste of Brahman and Kayasth. A clan of Rajputs. Seearticles. 

_Gauria_, _Gauriya_. --A caste. A subcaste of Dhimar, Khond, Kumharand Uriya Sansia. 

_Gauriputra_. --A son of Gauri, the wife of Mahadeo. Title of Balija. 

_Gautam_. --A name of a famous Rishi or saint. A common eponymoussection of Brahmans. A clan of Rajputs. A section of Agharia, Ahir, Maratha, Panwar Rajput, Rangari and Jangam. 

_Gayake_. --Subcaste of Pardhi, meaning a man who stalks deer behinda bullock. 

_Gayawal_. --(From the town of Gaya on the Ganges, a favourite placefor performing the obsequies of the dead. ) A subcaste of Brahmans whoact as emissaries for the owners of the shrines at Gaya and wanderabout the country inducing villagers to undertake the pilgrimage andpersonally conducting their constituents. 

_Gazulu_. --(A bangle-seller. ) Subcaste of Balija. 

_Gedam_. --A sept of Gonds. A sept of Baigas. 

_Ghadyachi Tong_. --(The rim of the pitcher. ) A section of Kirar. 

_Ghanta_. --(Bell. ) A section of Kumhar. 

_Ghantra_. --Name of a caste of Lohars or blacksmiths in the Uriyacountry. 

_Gharbari_. --One who while leading a mendicant life is permittedto marry with the permission of his _guru_. A householder, synonymGrihastha. The married groups of the Gosain, Bairagi and Manbhaoorders as distinguished from the Nihang or celibate section. 

_Ghasi Mali_. --Subcaste of Mali. 

_Ghatole_, _Ghatode_. --Those who dwell on the _ghats_ or passes of theSainhyadri Hills to the south of the Berar plain. Subcaste of Bahna, Gondhali and Kunbi. 

_Ghatmathe_. --(Residents of the Mahadeo plateau in Berar. ) Subcasteof Maratha. 

_Gherwal_. --A clan of Rajputs. Synonym for Gaharwar. 

_Ghidoda_. --(Giver of _ghi_. ) A section of Telis so named becausetheir first ancestors presented _ghi_ to the king Bhoramdeo. 

_Ghisadi_, _Ghisari_. --A group of wandering Lohars orblacksmiths. Synonym for Lohar. 

_Ghoderao_. --(_Ghoda_, a horse. ) Subcaste of Chitrakathi. They havethe duty of looking after the horses and bullock-carts of the castemenwho assemble for marriage or other ceremonies. 

_Ghodke_. --Those who tend horses. Subcaste of Mang. 

_Ghodmaria_. --(Horse-killer. ) A sept of Binjhwar. 

_Ghopi_. --(Wild _jamun_ tree. ) A sept of Gonds. 

_Ghosi_. --A caste. A subcaste of Ahir. A section of Chamar. 

_Ghudchoda_. --A subcaste of Pasi, who have become grooms. (From_ghora_, a horse. )

_Ghughu, Ghughwa_. --(Owl. ) A section of Ganda, Kawar, Kewat andPanka. Pankas of the Ghughu sept are said to have eaten the leavingsof their caste-fellows. 

_Ghunnere_. --(Worm-eater. ) A section of Teli in Betul and Rathor Teli. 

_Ghura_ or _Gura_. --(Dunghill. ) A section of Chadar and Sunar. 

_Ghuttin_. --A sept of Bhils. They reverence the _gular_, or fig tree. 

_Gingra_. --A subcaste of Tiyar. 

_Girgira_. --A small caste found in Sonpur State and Sambalpurdistrict. They are fishermen, and also parch rice. They are perhapsan offshoot of the Kewat caste. 

_Giri_ or _Gir_. --(_Gir_, mountain. ) An order of Gosains. 

_Girnara_. --A subcaste of Brahmans in Jubbulpore. They are said totake their name from Girnar in Kathiawar, where they were settled byKrishna after he rose from the Damodar reservoir in the bed of theSonrekha river at Junagarh. They have the monopoly of the office ofpriests to pilgrims visiting Girnar. _(Bombay Gazetteer_, ix. )

_Goal_ or _Gowala, Guala_. --(Sanskrit Gopal, a cowherd. ) Synonym ofAhir, also subcaste of Ahir. 

_Gaoli_. --(A cowherd. ) Synonym for Ahir. Subcaste of Maratha. 

_Gobardhua_. --(From _gobar_, cowdung. ) Subcaste of Chamar. 

_Gohia, Gohi_. --(From _goh_ or _gohi_, a large lizard. ) A section ofJain Bania or Khatik. A sept of Bhatra and Parja. 

_Gohil_. --A well-known clan of Rajputs in the United Provinces. 

_Goia_. --(From _gohi_, a mango-stone. ) A section of Chadar. Theydraw a picture of the mango-stone at the Maihar or distribution ofsacrificial cakes. 

_Gola. _--Synonym of Golar. 

_Golak_. --Synonym Govardhan or Gaomukh. An illegitimate group ofMaratha Brahmans. 

_Golalare_. --A subcaste of Bania. 

_Golandaz_. --(An artilleryman. ) Synonym of Kadera. 

_Golapurab_. --A subcaste of Bania, Darzi and Kalar. 

_Golkar_. --Synonym of Golar and Ahir. 

_Golia_. --One who dyes cloth with _goli ka rang_, the fugitive anilinedyes. Subcaste of Chhipa. 

_Golla_. --Synonym of Golar. 

_Gollam_. --Synonym of Golar. 

_Gondadya_. --(Gond. ) Subcaste of Otari. 

_Gondi_. --(From the Gonds. ) A subcaste of Ahir, Binjhwar and Lohar. 

_Gondia_. --Subcaste of Dhimar. 

_Gondi-Lohar. _--A Gond who works as a blacksmith. Subcaste of Lohar. 

_Gondvansi_. --(Descendants of Gonds. ) A section of Ghasia. 

_Gondwaina_. --Subcaste of Baiga. 

_Gopal_. --A caste. Synonym of Ahir in Rajputana. 

_Goranda_. --Synonym of Goyanda. 

_Gorakhnath_. --A sect of Jogis. From Guru Gorakhnath, a great Jogi. 

_Gorasia_. --(From _goras_, milk. ) A section of Lonare Mali. 

_Gorigawar, Gaigowal_. --(A cowherd. ) A section of Otari and Panka. 

_Gosain, Goswami_. --A caste. A surname of Sanadhya Brahmans in Saugor. 

_Gotte_. --A subcaste of Gond. They are also called Made in Chanda. 

_Goundia_. --A class of Bairagi. Synonym Madhavachari. A section ofBharia-Bhumia. 

_Gowalvansi_. --Subcaste of Ahir. 

_Goyanda, Goranda_. --A name applied to a small class of personsin Jubbulpore, who are descendants of Thug approvers, formerlyconfined there. The name is said to mean, 'One who speaks, ' andto have been applied to those Thugs who escaped capital punishmentby giving information against their confederates. Goranda is saidto be a corruption of Goyanda. The Goyandas are both Hindus andMuhammadans. The latter commonly call themselves Deccani Musalmans asa more respectable designation. They are said to be a gipsy class ofMuhammadans resembling the Kanjars. The Hindus are of different castes, but are also believed to include some Beria gipsies. The Goyandasare employed in making gloves, socks and strings for pyjamas, havingprobably taken to this kind of work because the Thug approvers wereemployed in the manufacture of tents. Their women are quarrelsome, andwrangle over payment when selling their wares. This calling resemblesthat of the Kanjar women, who also make articles of net and string, andsell them in villages. Some of the Goyandas are employed in Governmentand railway service, and Mr. Gayer notes that the latter are givento opium smuggling, and carry opium on their railway engines. [444]

_Grihastha, Gharbari_. --(A householder. ) A name given to thosedivisions of the religious mendicant orders who marry and havefamilies. 

_Guar_. --(From _guara_ or _gwala_, a milkman. ) Subcaste of Banjara. 

_Gudarh_ or _Gudar_. --(From _gudra_, a rag. ) A sect of the Bairagi, Gosain and Jogi orders of mendicants. 

_Gudha_ or _Gurha_. --(From _gudh_, a pigsty. ) Subcaste of Basor. 

_Gugaria_. --One who trades in _gugar_, a kind of gum. Subcasteof Banjara. 

_Gujar_. --A caste. A subcaste of Ahir, Darzi, Koshti and Pasi. A clanof Maratha. A section of Khatik. 

_Gujarati_. --(From Gujarat. ) A territorial subcaste of Bahelia, Bania, Barhai, Chhipa, Darzi, Gopal, Nai, Sunar and Teli. 

_Gurasthulu_. --A synonym for the Balija caste. 

_Gurbhelia_. --(A ball of molasses. ) A section of Gohira Ahirs inChanda. 

_Guria_. --(A preparer of _gur_ or unrefined sugar. ) Synonym of Halwaiin the Uriya country. 

_Gurujwale_. --A class of Fakirs or Muhammadan beggars. 

_Guru-Mata. _--Title of the great council of the Sikhs and theirreligious meal. 

_Guru_. --(A preacher or teacher or spiritual guide. ) Brahmans andmembers of the religious orders, Bairagis and Gosains, are the Gurusof ordinary Hindus. Most Hindu men and also women of the higher andmiddle castes have a Guru, whose functions are, however, generallyconfined to whispering a sacred verse into the ear of the discipleon initiation, and paying him a visit about once a year; it is notclear what happens on these occasions, but the Guru is entertainedby this disciple, and a little moral exhortation may be given. 

_Gurusthulu_. --Synonym of Balija. 

_Guthau_. --Title of Gadba. 

_Gwalbansi, Gokulbansi, Goalbansi_. --(Descended from a cowherd. ) Asubcaste of Ahir or Gaoli, A subcaste of Khairwar. 

_Gwalhare_. --(Cowherd. ) A subcaste of Lodhi. 

_Habshi_. --Synonym of Siddi. An Abyssinian. 

_Hadi_. --(Sweeper or scavenger. ) One of the 72 1/2 gotras of MeheshriBania. A synonym for Mangan. 

_Hadia_. --(From _hadi_, bone. ) A section of Raghuvansi. 

_Haihaya, Haihaivansi_. --(Race of the horse. ) A clan of Rajputs ofthe lunar race. 

_Hajjam_. --Muhammadan name for Nai or barber. 

_Hakkya_. --Title of Hatkar. 

_Halai_. --Subcaste of Cutchi. 

_Halbi_. --Synonym of Halba. Subcaste of Koshti. 

_Haldia, Hardiya, Hardiha, Halde_. --(A grower of _haldi_, orturmeric. ) Subcaste of Kachhi, Lodhi, Mali, Rajjhar and Teli. Asection of Rajjhar. 

_Halia_. --(Ploughman. ) A subcaste of Teli in Nandgaon State. 

_Halua_. --A subcaste of Uriya Brahmans, so called because they usethe plough (_hal_). 

_Hans, Hansi, Hansa_, --(The swan. ) A section of Agharia, Ahir, Maliand Savar. 

_Hansele_. --(_Hansna_, to laugh. ) A section of Ahir. 

_Hanuman, Hanumanta_. --(The monkey-god Hanuman. ) A section of Bhatra, Mahar and Mowar. 

_Hara_. --A clan of Rajputs, a branch of the Chauhans. 

_Harbola_. --Derived from Hari, a name of Vishnu or Krishna, and _bolna_to speak. Synonym of Basdewa and also subcaste of Basdewa. 

_Hardas_. --A religious mendicant who travels about and tells storiesabout heroes and gods accompanied with music. Synonym of Chitrakathi. 

_Hari_. --(A bone-gatherer. ) Synonym of Mehtar and subcaste of Mehtar. 

_Haria_. --(_Hal_, plough. ) A subcaste of Mahar. 

_Harial_. --(Green pigeon. ) A section of Ahir. 

_Harshe_. --(Glad. ) Surname of Karhara Brahmans in Saugor. 

_Hatgar_. --Synonym of Hatkar. 

_Hatghar_. --Subcaste of Koshti. 

_Hathgarhia_. --Subcaste of Kumhar, meaning one who moulds vesselswith his hands only, without using the wheel as an implement. 

_Hathia, Hasti_. --(From _hathi_, elephant. ) A section of Ahir, Chasa, Mehra and Mowar. 

_Hatkar, Hatgar_. --A caste. A subcaste of Koshta and Maratha. 

_Hatwa_. --A small caste of pedlars and hawkers in the Uriya country, who perambulate the village bazars or _hats_, from which wordtheir name is derived. They sell tobacco, turmeric, salt, and othercommodities. The caste are in reality a branch of the Kewats, andare also called Semli Kewat, because their ancestors travelled on theMahanadi and other rivers in canoes made from the bark of the _semal_tree (_Bombax Malabaricum_). They were thus Kewats or boatmen whoadopted the practice of carrying small articles up and down the riverfor sale in their canoes, and then beginning to travel on land as wellas on water, became regular pedlars, and were differentiated into aseparate caste. The caste originated in Orissa where river travellinghas until lately been much in vogue, and in Sambalpur they are alsoknown as Uriyas, because of their recent immigration into this part ofthe country. The Hatwas consider themselves to be descended from theNag or cobra, and say that they all belong to the Nag _gotra_. Theywill not kill a cobra, and will save it from death at the handsof others if they have the opportunity, and they sometimes pay thesnake-charmers to set free captive snakes. The oath on the snake istheir most solemn form of affirmation. For the purposes of marriagethey have a number of exogamous sections or _vargas_, the namesof which in some cases indicate a military calling, as Dalai, fromDalpati, commander of an army, and Senapati, commander-in-chief; whileothers are occupational, as Maharana (painter), Dwari (gatekeeper)and Mangual (steersman of a boat). The latter names show, as mightbe expected, that the caste is partly of functional origin, while asregards the military names, the Hatwas say that they formerly foughtagainst the Bhonslas, under one of the Uriya chiefs. They say thatthey have the perpetual privilege of contributing sixteen poles, called Naikas, for the car of Jagannath, and that in lieu of thisthey hold seven villages in Orissa revenue-free. Those of them who usepack-bullocks for carrying their wares worship Banjari Devi, a deitywho is held to reside in the sacks used for loading the bullocks;to her they offer sweetmeats and grain boiled with sugar. 

_Havelia_. --(Resident of a Haveli or fertile wheat tract. ) Subcasteof Ghosi and Kurmi. 

_Hawaidar_. --(A maker of fireworks. ) Synonym of Kadera. 

_Hela_. --(From _hela_, a cry. ) Subcaste of Mehtar. 

_Hichami_. --(A comb. ) A sept of Maria Gonds. 

_Hijra_. --(A eunuch. ) See article. A subcaste of Gondhali. 

_Hindustani_. --Subcaste of Kunbi. 

_Hira, Hirani_. --(Diamond. ) A section of Bhulia and of Uriya Sansia. 

_Hirangotri_. --(_Hiran_, deer. ) A section of Agarwal Bania. 

_Ho_. --Synonym of Kol. 

_Holer_. --(A hide-curer. ) Subcaste of Mang. 

_Holia, Holer_. --A caste. A subcaste of Golar. Holer, perhaps fromHolia, a subcaste of Mang. 

_Hudila_. --(Wolf. ) A totemistic sept of Kawar. 

_Hulhulia Sahu_. --A section of Chasa so named, because as a mark ofrespect they make the noise 'Hulhuli, ' when a king passes throughthe village. 

_Huna, Hoon_ or _Hun_. --One of the thirty-six royal races ofRajputs. Probably descendants of the Hun invaders of the fifthcentury. See articles Rajput and Panwar Rajput. 

_Husaini_. --Subcaste of Brahman. 

_Ikbainha_. --A subcaste of Kurmi, so called because their women putbangles on one arm only. 

_Iksha Kul_ or _Ikshawap Kul_. --A section of Komti. They abstain fromusing the sugarcane and the _sendia_ flower. 

_Ilakeband_. --(From _ilaqa_ or _alaqa_, meaning connection, and_bandhna_, to bind. ) Synonym of Patwa. 

_Inga_. --Subcaste of Gowari. 

_Irpachi_. --(Mahua flowers. ) A sept of Dhurwa Gonds in Betul. 

_Ivna Inde_. --(_Inde_, chicken. ) A sept of Dhurwa Gonds in Betul. Theyoffer chickens to their gods. 

_Ivna Jagleya_. --(_Jagna_, to be awake. ) A sept of the Dhurwa clan ofGonds in Betul. They are so named because they kept awake to worshiptheir gods at night. 

_Jadam, Jaduvansi, Yadava_. --An important clan of Rajputs now becomea caste. Name derived from Yadu or Yadava. A subcaste of Gujar. Asubcaste and section of Ahir; a section of Rathor Rajputs in Betul. 

_Jadia, Jaria_. --(An enameller. ) A subcaste of Sunar. Theypractise hypergamy by taking wives from the Pitariye and Sudihesubdivisions, and giving daughters to the Sri Nagariye and BanjarMahuwe subdivisions. Also an occupational term meaning one who setsprecious stones in rings. 

_Jadubansi, Yadubansi_. --See Jadum. A subcaste of Ahir. 

_Jaga_. --(Awakener. ) Synonym of Basdewa. 

_Jagat_. --(An awakener or sorcerer. ) A sept of Gond in manylocalities. A section of Nat and Kasar. 

_Jaharia_. --(From _jahar_, an essence. ) Subcaste of Satnami. 

_Jain_. --Name of a religion. See article. A subcaste of Kalar, Kumbarand Simpi (Darzi). 

_Jaina_. --(One who follows the Jain faith. ) Subcaste of Komti, Gurao. 

_Jain Koshti_. --Subcaste of Koshti. 

_Jaipuria_. --(A resident of Jaipur. ) Subcaste of Mali. 

_Jaiswar_. --(From the old town of Jais in Rai Bareli District. ) Asubcaste of Chamars, who usually call themselves Jaiswara in preferenceto their caste name. A subcaste of Barai, Kunbi and Kalar. 

_Jalalia_. --A class of Fakirs or Muhammadan beggars. 

_Jaitwa_ or _Kamari_. --A clan of Rajputs; one of the thirty-six royalraces mentioned by Colonel Tod. 

_Jallad_. --(An executioner. ) Subcaste of Kanjar. 

_Jamadagni_. --An eponymous section of Karhare Brahman and Agharia. 

_Jambu_. --(From the _jaman_ tree. ) A subcaste of Brahman and Marar. Asept of Korku. 

_Jambu Dalia_. --(Born in a shed made of _jaman_ branches. ) A sectionof Ghasia. 

_Jamnabasi_. --(Residing on the banks of the Jumna. ) A subcasteof Dhobi. 

_Jangam_. --A caste of Saiva mendicants, who call themselves Vir Shaiva, and are priests of the Lingayat sect; a subcaste of Jogi. 

_Jangra_. --(Perhaps the same as Jharia or jungly. ) A subcaste ofLodhi. A section of Dhimar, Mali and Sunar. 

_Jani_. --A wise man; an exorciser. 

_Janta_. --(Flour grinding-mill. ) A section of Panka, a sept of Kawar. 

_Janughanta_. --Mendicants who tie bells to their thighs; a kindof Jogis. 

_Jaria_. --A totemistic section of Basor, who worship the _ber_ orwild plum tree. 

_Jasondhi, Dasaundhi_. --A caste. A subcaste of Bhat. 

_Jasondhi, Karohla_. --A small caste of the Narsinghpur District, who were employed at the Gond and Maratha courts to sing the _jas_or hymns in praise of the chiefs. They may be considered as a branchof the Bhat caste, and some of them are said to be addicted to pettytheft. Some Jasondhis, who are also known as Karohla, now wander aboutas religious mendicants, singing the praises of Devi. They carry animage of the goddess suspended by a chain round the neck and askfor gifts of _tilli_ (sesamum) or other vegetable oil, which theypour over their heads and over the image. Their clothes and bodiesare consequently always saturated with this oil. They also have alittle cup of vermilion which they smear on the goddess and on theirown bodies after receiving an offering. They call on Devi, saying, '_Maiji, Maiji Mata meri, kahe ko janam diya_' or 'Mother, mother, why did you bring me into the world?' Women who have no childrensometimes vow to dedicate their first-born son as a Karohla, and itis said that such children were bound to sacrifice themselves to thegoddess on attaining manhood in one of three ways. Either they wentto Benares and were cut in two by a sword, or else to Badrinarayan, a shrine on the summit of the Himalayas, where they were frozen todeath, or to Dhaolagiri, where they threw themselves down from a rock, and one might occasionally escape death. Their melancholy refrain maythus be explained by the fate in store for them. The headquaters ofthe order is the shrine of the Bindhyachal Devi in the Vindhyan Hills. 

_Jat_. --A caste. One of the thirty-six royal races of Rajputs. Asubcaste of Barhai, Bishnoi and Kumhar. 

_Jatadhari_. --(With matted hair. ) A sect of celibate Manbhaos. 

_Jati_. --Name of Jain mendicant ascetics. 

_Jaunpuri_. --(From Jaunpur. ) A subcaste of Halwai and Lohar. 

_Jemadar_. --Honorific title of Khangar and Mehtar. 

_Jemadarin_. --Title of the female leaders of the Yerukala communitiesof thieves. 

_Jera_. --(A forked stick for collecting thorny wood. ) A sectionof Dangi. 

_Jhadi, Jhade, Jharia, Jharkua_. (Jungly. )--A name often appliedto the oldest residents of a caste in any locality of the CentralProvinces. In Berar it is used to designate the Wainganga Valleyand adjacent hill ranges. A subcaste of Ahir, Barai, Barhai, Chamar, Dhangar, Dhanwar, Dhobi, Gadaria, Gurao, Kapewar, Kasar, Katia, Kewat, Khatik, Khond, Kirar, Kumhar, Kunbi, Kurmi, Mahar, Mali, Nai, Sunar, Teli and Turi. 

_Jhadukar_. --(From _jhadu_, a broom. ) A synonym of Mehtar. 

_Jhal_ or _Jhala_. --One of the thirty-six royal races of Rajputs. Asubcaste of Raj-Gond. 

_Jhankar_. --Name of a village priest in the Uriya country. The Jhankaris usually a Binjhwar or member of another primitive tribe. 

_Jhara, Jhira, Jhora_. --Synonym of Sonjhara. 

_Jharha_. --subcaste of Lodhi. _Jharia_. --(Jungly. ) SeeJhadi. _Jharola_. --(Perhaps from the town of Jhalor in Marwar. ) Asubcaste of Brahmans in Jubbulpore. 

_Jhinga_. --(A prawn-catcher. ) Subcaste of Dhimar. 

_Jijhotia_ or _Jujhotia_. --(From Jajhoti, the old name of the countryof Lalitpur and Saugor. ) A subcaste of Brahmans of the Kanaujiadivision. A subcaste of Ahir; a section of Joshi and Kumhar. 

_Jildgar_. --(A bookbinder. ) A class of _Mochi. _

_Jingar. _--(A saddlemaker. ) A class of Mochi. A subcaste of Chamarand of Simpi (Darzi). 

_Jirayat_. --Synonym for Mochis in Berar who have taken up the finerkinds of ironwork, such as mending guns, etc. 

_Jire-Mali. _--Formerly was the only subcaste of Mali who would growcumin or _jira_. 

_Jiria_. --(From _jira_, or cumin. ) Subcaste of Kachhi. 

_Jogi, Jugi_. A caste. A subcaste of Dewar. A section of Chamar, Chhipa and Lohar. 

_Joharia_. --(From _johar_, a form of salutation. ) Subcaste of Dahaitsin Bilaspur. 

_Johri_. --A subcaste of Rajput. 

_Jokhara_. --A small class of Muhammadans who breed leeches and applythem to patients, the name being derived from _jonk_, a leech. Theywere not separately classified at the census, but a few familiesof them are found in Burhanpur, and they marry among themselves, because no other Muhammadans will marry with them. In other partsof India leeches are kept and applied by sweepers and sometimesby their women. [445] People suffering from boils, toothache, swellings of the face, piles and other diseases have leeches appliedto them. For toothache the leeches are placed inside the mouth onthe gum for two days in succession. There are two kinds of leechesknown as Bhainsa-jonk, the large or buffalo-leech, and Rai-jonk, the small leech. They are found in the mud of stagnant tanks and inbroken-down wells, and are kept in earthen vessels in a mixture ofblack soil and water; and in this condition they will go without foodfor months and also breed. Some patients object to having their bloodtaken out of the house, and in such cases powdered turmeric is givento the leeches to make them disgorge, and the blood of the patientis buried inside the house. The same means is adopted to prevent theleeches from dying of repletion. In Gujarat the Jokharas are a branchof the Hajjam or Muhammadan barber caste, [446] and this recalls thefact that the barber chirurgeon or surgeon in mediæval England wasalso known as the leech. It would be natural to suppose that he wasnamed after the insect which he applied, but Murray's Dictionary holdsthat the two words were derived from separate early English roots, and were subsequently identified by popular etymology. 

_Jondhara_. --(Indian millet. ) A totemistic sept of Korku and Halba. 

_Joshi_. --(An astrologer. ) A caste. A surname of Karhara Brahmans. 

_Juthia_. --(One who eats the leavings of others. ) Subcaste of Basor. 

_Jyotishi_. --A synonym for Joshi; an astrologer. 

_Kabiraya_. --(Followers of Kabir. ) A subcaste of Kori. A sectionof Koshti. 

_Kabirpanthi_. --A member of the Kabirpanthi sect. A subcaste of Pankaand Agharia. A class of Bairagis or religious mendicants. 

_Kabra_. --(Spotted. ) One of the 72 1/2 sections of Maheshri Bania. 

_Kabutari_. --(Pigeon. ) A synonym for Kolhati. A name given to femaledancers of the Nat caste. 

_Kabutkunia_. --(Those who find place at the corner of the door. ) Asubcaste of Sudh in Sambalpur, being the illegitimate issues of theBaro Sudh subcaste. 

_Kachara_. --Synonym of Kachera. 

_Kachchhi_. --(From Cutch in Gujarat. ) A subdivision of Balmiki Kayasthsand Mathur Kayasths. 

_Kachhap_. --(Tortoise. ) A totemistic sept of Agharia, Sudh, Bhulia, Chasa, Kamar and Khandait. 

_Kachhotia_. --Subcaste of Jadam. 

_Kachhutva_. --(The tortoise. ) A totemistic sept of several groups ofGonds, also of Darzi, Halba, Kol, Rawat, Munda, Jat, Kachhi and Lohar. 

_Kachhwaha_. --(The tortoise. ) One of the thirty-six royal races ofRajputs, the princes of Jaipur or Amber being of this clan. Theyderive the name from Cutch, or from Kush, an eponymous ancestor. Asection of Nandbansi Ahir, Gadaria, Kachhi and Nat. The Kachhwahasection of Gadarias worship the tortoise. 

_Kada-kalle-bhallavi. _--One who uses donkeys for pack-carriage(_bhallavi_), but stole a horse (_kalle-kada_). A sept of the Dhurwaclan of Satdeve Gonds in Betul. 

_Kagar_. --Synonym of Dhimar. 

_Kagwaria_. --From _kagwar_, an offering made to the ancestors in themonth of Kunwar. Subcaste of Kol. 

_Kaibartta_. --Synonym of Kewat. 

_Kaikadi_. --Synonym of Kaikari. 

_Kainthwans_. --A subcaste of Pasi in Saugor and Betul, said to haveoriginated in a cross between a Badhak or Baori, and a Kayasth woman. 

_Kaith_. --Synonym for Kayasth. 

_Kaitha, Kaithia_. --Subcaste of Bharbhunja and Darzi. 

_Kakra_. --One who arranges for the lighting at the marriage and otherceremonies. Subcaste of Chitrakathi. 

_Kala_. --(Black. ) A subcaste of Golkar (Ahir. 

_Kalachuri_. --Synonym for the Haihaya clan of Rajputs. 

_Kalanga_. --A caste. A subcaste of Gond. 

_Kalanki_. --A subdivision of Maharashtra Brahmans found in Nagpur. Theyare considered degraded, as their name indicates. They are said tohave cut up a cow made of flour to please a Muhammadan governor, and to follow some other Muhammadan practices. 

_Kalapithia_, --(Having black backs. ) A subcaste of Savars in Puri ofOrissa. They have the right of dragging the car of Jagannath. 

_Kalawant_. --Title of Mirasi. 

_Kalbelia_. --(Catcher of snakes. ) A subcaste of Nat. 

_Kalibelia_. --(_Bel_, an ox. ) A section of Chadar. They draw a pictureof an ox at their weddings. 

_Kalihari_. --(Bridle. ) A section of Teli in Nandgaon, so named becausethey presented a bridle to their king. 

_Kalkhor_. --(Castor-oil plant. ) A totemistic sept of the Audhaliacaste. 

_Kalutia, Kalota_. --A subtribe of Gonds in Chanda and Betul. 

_Kalwar_. --Synonym of Kalar. 

_Kamad. _ [447]--A small caste of jugglers, who come from Rajputanaand travel about in the Hoshangabad and Nimar Districts. They werenot returned at the census, and appear to belong to Rajputana. Theirspecial entertainment consists in playing with cymbals, and women arethe chief performers. The woman has eight or nine cymbals securedto her legs before and behind, and she strikes these rapidly inturn with another held in her hand, twisting her body skilfully soas to reach all of them, and keeping time with the music played onguitar-like instruments by the men who accompany her. If the womanis especially skilful, she will also hold a naked sword in her mouth, so as to increase the difficulty of the performance. 

The Kamads dress after the Rajputana fashion, and wear yellowochre-coloured clothes. Their exogamous sections have Rajput names, as Chauhan, Panwar, Gudesar, Jogpal and so on, and like the Rajputsthey send a cocoanut-core to signify a proposal for marriage. Butthe fact that they have a special aversion to Dhobis and will nottouch them makes it possible that they originated from the Dom caste, who share this prejudice. [448] Reason has been found to suppose thatthe Kanjars, Kolhatis and other migrant groups of entertainers aresprung from the Doms, and the Kamads may be connected with these. Nocaste, not even the sweepers, will accept food from the Kamads. Theyemploy a Brahman, however, to officiate at their marriage and deathceremonies. Like the Gosains the Kamads bury their dead in a sittingposture, a niche being hollowed out at the side of the grave in whichthe corpse is placed. Crushed bread (_malida_) and a gourd full ofwater are laid beside the corpse. The caste worship the footprints ofRamdeo, a saint of Marwar, and pay special reverence to the goddessHinglaj, who is a deity of several castes in Rajputana. 

_Kamalbansi_. --(Stock of the lotus. ) Subcaste of Kawar. 

_Kamal Kul_. --(Lotus. ) A section of Komti. They do not use lotusroots nor yams. 

_Kamari, Kailwa_. --One of the thirty-six royal races of Rajputs. 

_Kamaria_. --(From _kambal_, blanket. ) A subcaste of Ahir. A sectionof Dhimar and Sonkar. 

_Kamathi, Kamati_. --A term applied in the Maratha Districts toimmigrants from Madras. It is doubtful whether the Kamathis havebecome a caste, but about 150 persons returned this name as theircaste in the Central Provinces and Berar in 1911, and there areabout 7000 in India, none, however, being recorded from the MadrasPresidency. It is stated that the word Kamathi means 'fool' in Tamil, and that in Bombay all Telugus are called Kamathis, to whatever castethey may belong. Similarly, Maratha immigrants into Madras are knownby the generic name of Arya, [449] and those coming from Hindustaninto the Nerbudda valley as Pardeshi, while in the same locality theBrahmans and Rajputs of Central India are designated by the Marathas asRangra. This term has the signification of rustic or boorish, and istherefore a fairly close parallel to Kamathi, if the latter word hasthe meaning given above. In the Thana District of Bombay [450] peopleof many classes are included under the name of Kamathi. Though they donot marry or even eat together, the different classes of Kamathis havea strong feeling of fellowship, and generally live in the same quarterof the town. In the Central Provinces the Kamathis are usually masonsand house-builders or labourers. They speak Telugu in their housesand Marathi to outsiders. In Sholapur [451] the Kamathis dress likeKunbis. They are bound together by a strong caste feeling, and appearto have become a regular caste. Their priests are Telugu Brahmans, and their ceremonies resemble those of Kunbis. On the third day aftera child is born the midwife lifts it up for the first time, and it isgiven a few light blows on the back. For three days the child sucksone end of a rag the other end of which rests in a saucer of honey, and the mother is fed on rice and clarified butter. On the fourth daythe mother begins to suckle the child. Until the mother is pregnanta second time, no _choti_ or scalp-lock is allowed to grow on thechild's head. When she becomes pregnant, she is taken with the childbefore the village god, and a tuft of hair is thereafter left to growon the crown of its head. 

_Kamma. _--A large cultivating caste of the Madras Presidency, ofwhich a few representatives were returned from the Chanda District in1911. They are derived from the same Dravidian stock as the other greatcultivating castes of Madras, and, originally soldiers by profession, have now settled down to agriculture. No description of the casteneed be given here, but the following interesting particulars maybe recorded. The word Kamma means an ear ornament, and accordingto tradition a valuable jewel of this kind belonging to a Raja ofWarangal fell into the hands of his enemies. One section of the greatKapu caste, boldly attacking the foe and recovering the jewel, werehence called Kamma, while another section, which ran away, receivedthe derogatory title of Velama (_veli_, away). Another story says thatthe Kammas and Velamas were originally one caste, and had adopted theMuhammadan system of _gosha_ or _purda_. But finding that they werethus handicapped in competition with the other cultivating castes, itwas proposed that the new custom should be abandoned. Those who agreedto this signed a bond, which was written on a palm-leaf (_kamma_), and hence received their new name. In the Central Provinces the Kammasare divided into three subcastes, the Illuvellani or those who do notgo out of the house, the Tadakchatu or those who live within _tadaks_or mat screens, and the Polumtir or those who go into the fields. Thesenames are derived from the degrees in which the different subdivisionsseclude their women, the Illuvellani observing strict _purda_ and thePolumtir none whatever, while the Tadakchatu follow a middle course. Onthis account some social difference exists between the three subcastes, and when the Illuvellani dine with either of the other two they willnot eat from the plates of their hosts, but take their food separatelyon a leaf. And the Tadakchatu practise a similar distinction with thePolumtir, but the two latter divisions do not decline to eat fromplates or vessels belonging to an Illuvellani. The Kammas forbid aman to marry in the _gotra_ or family group to which he belongs, but a wife from the same _gotra_ as his mother's is considered amost desirable match, and if his maternal uncle has a daughter heshould always take her in marriage. A man is even permitted to marryhis own sister's daughter, but he may not wed his mother's sister'sdaughter, who is regarded as his own sister. Among the Kammas of theTamil country Mr. (Sir H. ) Stuart [452] states that a bride is oftenmuch older than her husband, and a case is cited in which a wife oftwenty-two years of age used to carry her boy-husband on her hip asa mother carries her child. One other curious custom recorded of thecaste may be noticed. A woman dying within the lifetime of her husbandis worshipped by her daughters, granddaughters or daughters-in-law, and in their absence by her husband's second wife if he has one. Theceremony is performed on some festival such as Dasahra or Til-Sankrant, when a Brahman lady, who must not be a widow, is invited and consideredto represent the deceased ancestor. She is anointed and washed withturmeric and saffron, and decorated with sandal-paste and flowers;a new cloth and breast-cloth are then presented to her which sheputs on; sweets, fruit and betel-leaf are offered to her, and thewomen of the family bow down before her and receive her benediction, believing that it comes from their dead relative. 

_Kammala. _--A small Telugu caste in the Chanda District. The nameKammala is really a generic term applied to the five artisan castesof Kamsala or goldsmith, Kanchara or brazier, Kammara or blacksmith, Vadra or carpenter, and Silpi or stone-mason. These are in realitydistinct castes, but they are all known as Kammalas. The Kammalasassert that they are descended from Visva Karma, the architect of thegods, and in the Telugu country they claim equality with Brahmans, calling themselves Visva Brahmans. But inscriptions show that as lateas the year A. D. 1033 they were considered a very inferior caste andconfined to the village site. [453] Mr. (Sir H. ) Stuart writes in the_Madras Census Report_ that it is not difficult to account for thelow position formerly held by the Kammalas, for it must be rememberedthat in early times the military castes in India as elsewhere lookeddown upon all engaged in labour, whether skilled or otherwise. Withthe decline of military power, however, it was natural that a usefulcaste like the Kammalas should gradually improve its position, and thereaction from this long oppression has led them to make the exaggeratedclaims described above, which are ridiculed by every other caste, highor low. The five main subdivisions of the caste do not intermarry. Theyhave priests of their own and do not allow even Brahmans to officiatefor them, but they invite Brahmans to their ceremonies. Girls must bemarried before puberty. The binding ceremony of the marriage consistsin the tying of a circular piece of gold on a thread of black beadsround the bride's neck by the bridegroom. Widow-marriage is prohibited. 

_Kammari. _--Telugu Lohars or blacksmiths. 

_Kamsala. _--(A goldsmith. ) Subcaste of Kammala. 

_Kanalsia. _--(_Kanelu_, a tile. ) A section of Ahir in Nimar who donot live in tiled huts. 

_Kanare. _--(A resident of Canara. ) A subcaste of Dhangar. 

_Kanaujia, Kankubja. _--A very common subcaste name, indicating personswhose ancestors are supposed to have come from the town of Kanauj innorthern India, into the Central Provinces. A subcaste of Ahir, Bahna, Bharbhunja, Bhat, Brahman, Dahait, Darzi, Dhobi, Halwai, Lohar, Mali, Nai, Patwa, Sunar and Teli. 

_Kanbajia_ or _Ahirwar. _--Same as Kanaujia. Subcaste of Chamar. 

_Kanchara. _--(A brassworker. ) Subcaste of Kammala. 

_Kand. _--(Roots or tubers of wild plants. ) A section of RaghuvansiRajputs in Hoshangabad. 

_Kanda Potel_. --(One who grows roots. ) A section of Mali. 

_Kande_. --Subcaste of Bedar. 

_Kandera_. --Synonym for Kadera. Subcaste of Bahna. 

_Kandh_. --Synonym of Khond. A subcaste of Taonla in Sambalpur. 

_Kandhana_. --Subcaste of Khond. 

_Kandhia_. --(A big-beaked vulture. ) A sept of Dhanwar. 

_Kandia_. --(_Kandi_, a shell, also a snake. ) A section of Teliin Betul. 

_Kandol_. --A subcaste of Brahmans, who take their name from thevillage Kandol, in Kathiawar. 

_Kandra_. --A small caste of bamboo-workers in the Uriya country, akin to the Basors elsewhere. Members of the caste are found in smallnumbers in the Raipur and Balaghat Districts. The word Kandra maybe derived from _kand_, an arrow, just as Dhanuk, often a synonymfor Basor, has the meaning of an archer. It is not improbable thatamong the first articles made of bamboo were the bow and arrow of theforest tribes, and that the bow-maker was the parent of the modernBasor or basket-maker, bows being a requisite of an earlier stage ofcivilisation than baskets. In Bhandara the Kandras are an offshoot ofGonds. Their women do not wear their cloths over the head, and knottheir hair behind without plaiting it. They talk a Gondi dialect andare considered an impure caste. 

_Kandu_. --(A grain-parcher. ) A synonym and subcaste of Bharbhunja. Asubcaste of Halwai. 

_Kandua_. --(From _kand_, onion, as they eat onions. ) A subcasteof Bharbhunja. 

_Kanera_. --(From the _kaner_ tree. ) A totemistic section of Gandaand Khangar. 

_Kangali_. --(Poor. ) A common sept of Gonds. 

_Kanhejin_. --Subcaste of Banjara. 

_Kanhpuria_. --(From Cawnpore, which was founded by their eponymoushero Kanh. ) A clan of Rajputs. 

_Kanjar_. --A caste of gipsies. A subcaste of Banjara. 

_Kankubja_. --See Kanaujia. 

_Kannow_. --A sectarian division of Brahmans. 

_Kanphata_. --(One who has his ears bored or pierced. ) A class ofJogi mendicants. 

_Kansari_. --Synonym of Kasar. 

_Kanwar_. --Synonym of Kawar. 

_Kanwarbansi_. --A subtribe of Khairwar. 

_Kaonra_ or _Kora_. --A caste. A subcaste of Ahir. 

_Kaore_. --A sept of Gonds. A surname of Maratha Brahmans. 

_Kapalia_. --(Covered with skulls. ) A section of Telis in Betul. 

_Kaparia_. --(From _kapra_ cloth, owing to their wearing severaldresses, which they change rapidly like the Bahrupia. ) Synonymof Basdewa. 

_Kapasia_. --(From _kapas_, cotton. ) A section of Mahar. 

_Kapdi_. --Synonym of Basdewa. 

_Kapur_. --(Camphor. ) A section of Khatri. 

_Kapuria_. --A subdivision of Arhaighar Saraswat Brahmans inHoshangabad, probably deriving their title from being the priests ofthe Kapur section of Khatris. 

_Karai Nor_. --A section of Basor. They perform the Meher ceremony ofeating the marriage cakes near a well and not in the house. 

_Karait_. --(A poisonous snake. ) A section of Ahir, Halba and Panka. 

_Karan_ (Mahanti). --A caste. A subcaste of Kayasth. An eponymoussection of Binjhwar and Tanti. 

_Karaola_. --(One who pours sesamum oil on his clothes andbegs. ) Synonym for Jasondhi and Bhat. 

_Karbal_. --Subcaste of Khangar. 

_Karchuli_. --A clan of Rajputs, formerly a ruling race in theJubbulpore country. See Rajput-Haihaya. A section of Joshi and Mochi. 

_Kare, Karia_. --(Black. ) A subcaste of Marar. A section of Binjhwar, Ahir, Chhipa and Lodhi. 

_Karela_. --(Bitter gourd. ) A section of Sonkar. 

_Karhada_. --A subcaste of Maharashtra Brahmans deriving their namefrom Karhad, near the junction of the Krishna and Koyana rivers, about fifteen miles from Satara. 

_Karhaiya_. --(Frying-pan. ) A section of Raghuvansi. 

_Karigar_. --(A workman. ) An honorific title of Barhai and Lohar. Asubcaste and synonym of Beldar. 

_Karijat_. --Subcaste of Pardhi. The members of this subcaste onlykill birds of a black colour. 

_Karkarkadhe_. --(Stone-diggers. ) Subcaste of Mang. 

_Karnam_. --Synonym of Karan, a palm-leaf writer. 

_Karnata, Karnataka_. --One of the five orders of Panch Dravida orsouthern Brahmans, inhabiting the Canarese country. 

_Karnati_. --(From the Carnatic. ) Synonym for a class of Nats oracrobats. 

_Karohla_. --A religious mendicant who wanders about singing praisesof Devi. See Jasondhi. 

_Karpachor_. --(Stealer of straw. ) A sept of the Uika clan of Gondsin Betul. 

_Karsayal_. --(A deer. ) A sept of the Kawar tribe. Also a sept of Ahir, Bhaina, Dhobi in Chhattisgarh, Kewat, Lohar and Turi. 

_Karsi_. --(From _kalas_, a pitcher. ) A totemistic sept of Kawar. Theydo not drink water from a red jar on the Akti festival. 

_Karwa_. --Subcaste of Kunbi. 

_Karwar_. --(An oar. ) A section of Dangi in Damoh. A section of Kawar. 

_Kasai_. --A caste of butchers. Name applied to Banjaras. 

_Kasar_. --A caste. A subdivision of Audhia Sunar. A section of Kewat. 

_Kasarwani_. --A subcaste of Bania. 

_Kasaundhan_. --A subcaste of Bania. 

_Kasda_. --(One who hides himself in the bed of the river. ) A sept ofKorku; a man of this sept has the privilege of directing the ceremonyfor the readmission of an outcaste. 

_Kasdhonia_. --A subcaste of Dhimar. They wash the sand in the sacredrivers for coins thrown there by pilgrims, and dive into water tofind lost ornaments or gold. 

_Kasera_. --Synonym of Kasar. 

_Kashi_. --(Benares. ) A section of Agharia, Ahir, Dhuri, Kewat, Kurmiand Mali. 

_Kashyap_. --Name of a famous Rishi or saint. The name may perhapsbe really derived from _kachhap_, a tortoise. One of the commoneponymous sections of Brahmans. Also a section of Barai, Bari, Beldar, Bharbhunja, Bhulia, Binjhwar, Chandnahu Kurmi, Gond, Jangam, Joshi, Kalar, Kasar, Kasarwani Bania, Khangar, Nai, Rajput, Sunar. Somecastes say that they are all of the Kashyap _gotra_ or section, thetortoise being considered a common ancestor of mankind, because itsupports the world. 

_Kasia_. --(Kansa, or bell-metal. ) A section of Chamar. They draw apicture of a bell-metal dish at their weddings. 

_Kasondhi_. --A subcaste of Bania. 

_Kassab, Kassia_. --(A butcher. ) Synonym of Kasai. 

_Kast_. --A small caste found in the Maratha Districts and Bombay, who appear to be a separate or inferior group of the Kayasths. InChanda they work as patwaris and clerks to moneylenders, while someare merchants and landholders. Like the Kayasths, they wash their pensand inkstands on the Dasahra festival and worship them. Their principaldeity is the god Venkatesh, a Maratha incarnation of Vishnu. In Bombaythe Kasts claim to be Yajur-Vedi Brahmans, dress like them and keepthe regular Brahman ceremonies. [454] But they are considered to behalf Marathas and half Brahmans, and strict Deshasth and KokanasthBrahmans hold their touch unclean. [455]

_Katare_. --(_Katar_, dagger. ) A surname of Sanadhya Brahmans inSaugor. A section of Agarwal and Oswal Bania, Chhattisgarhi Ahir orRawat, Chadar and Basor. The Katare sept of Basors worship a dagger. 

_Katharia_. --(From Kathibar, the old name of eastern Rohilkhand. ) Asection of Gadaria and Kasar. 

_Kathbhaina_;--Subcaste of Baiga in Bilaspur. 

_Kathi_. --A Rajput clan included in the thirty-six royal races ofRajputs. Originally an indigenous tribe of Gujarat, who gave theirname to Kathiawar. 

_Kathia_. --Name of an Akhara or school of Bairagi religiousmendicants. See Bairagi. 

_Kathotia_. --(_Kathotia_, a wooden bowl. ) A section of Darzi. 

_Kati_ or _Khatti_. --Subcaste of Bhuiya. 

_Katia_. --A cast of spinners. A subcaste of Balahi and Mahar. 

_Kattri_. --Subcaste of Are. 

_Katwa_. --(From _Katna_, to cut. ) Synonym of Katia and Chamar. 

_Kaur_. --Synonym of Kawar. 

_Kaushalya_. --(From Koshal, the name of a famous Rishi or saint. ) Asection of Agarwal Bania, Darzi, Lodhi and Khatri Sunar. 

_Kaushik_. --The name of a Rishi or saint. An eponymous section ofBrahmans. A section of Ahir, Dhobi, Rajput, Sunar and other castes. 

_Kaviraj_. --Title of a Bhat who has the qualification of literacy, and can therefore read the old Sanskrit medical works. A physician. 

_Kayasth Patwa_. --A subcaste of Patwa in Hoshangabad and Saugor. 

_Kekre_. --Subcaste of Gujar. 

_Kesaria_. --(From _kesar_, saffron. ) A section of Ahir and Gadaria. 

_Kewat_. --A caste. A subcaste of Dhimar and Mallah. 

_Khad_. --Subcaste of Mana. 

_Khadal_. --A caste of palanquin-carriers. 

_Khadal_ [456] (honorific titles _Nayak_ and _Behera_). --A smallDravidian caste of labourers in the Uriya country. In 1901 theynumbered 1200 persons and resided principally in the Patna andSonpur States now transferred to Bengal. The Khadals are probably anoffshoot of the great Bauri caste of Bengal, with which the membersof the caste in Patna admitted their identity, though elsewhere theydeny it. Their traditional occupations of palanquin-bearing andfield labour are identical with those of the Bauris, as stated bySir H. Risley. [457] The name Khadal is a functional one, denotingpersons who work with a hoe. The Khadals have totemistic exogamousgroups, the Kilasi sept worshipping a tree, the Julsi and Kandualsisept a snake-hole, and Balunasi a stone and others the sun. Eachsept salutes the revered object or totem on seeing it, and thosewho worship trees will not burn them or stand in their shade. When amarriage takes place they worship the totem and offer to it flowers, sandalwood, vermilion, uncooked rice, and the new clothes and ornamentsintended for the bride, which she may not wear until this ceremonyhas been performed. Another curious custom adopted by the Khadalsin imitation of the Hindus is that of marrying adult boys and girls, for whom a partner has not been found, to a tree. But this does notoccur when they arrive at puberty as among Hindu castes, but when aboy still unmarried becomes thirty years old and a girl twenty. Insuch a case he or she is married to a mango, cotton or _jamun_ tree, and after this no second ceremony need be performed on subsequentunion with a wife or husband. A widower must pay Rs. 10, or double theusual price, for a second wife, owing to the risk of her death beingcaused by the machinations of the first wife's spirit. When a corpsehas been buried or burnt the mourners each take a twig of mango andbeat about in the grass to start a grasshopper. Having captured onethey wrap it in a piece of new cloth, and coming home place it besidethe family god. This they call bringing back the life of the soul, and consider that the ceremony procures salvation for the dead. TheKhadals are usually considered as impure, but those of Sonpur haveattained a somewhat higher status. 

_Khadia_. --(A kind of snake. ) A section of Ahir and Raghuvansi. Asept of Nahal. 

_Khadra_, [458] _Khadura_ or _Kharura_. --A small Uriya caste whoseoccupation is to make brass ornaments. They are immigrants fromCuttack and say that they are called there Sankhari, so that theKhadras may not improbably be an offshoot of the Sankhari caste ofshell-cutters of Bengal. According to their traditions their originalancestor was created by Viswakarma, the celestial architect, for thebusiness of making a pinnacle for the temple of Jagannath at Puri, in which eight metals had to be combined. He left two sons, one ofwhom became the ancestor of the Khadras, and the other of the Kasars, with whom the Khadras thus claim affinity. They have no subcastes butfour _gotras_ or clans called after the Nag or cobra, the Singh orlion, and Kasyap and Kachchap, both derived from the tortoise. Theyalso have four _bargas_ or family names, which are Patra (a term ofrespect), Das (slave), Sao (banker) and Maharana (artificer). Thegroups are supposed to be descended from four families who migratedfrom Curtack. Neither _bargas_ nor _gotras_ are now considered in thearrangement of marriages, which are prohibited between blood relativesfor three generations. Marriage is infant, and a girl arriving atpuberty while still unwed is permanently expelled from the caste. TheKhadras still follow the old rule of writing the _lagun_ or dateof the marriage on a palm-leaf, with which they send Rs. 10-4 as abride-price to the girl's father, the acceptance of this constitutinga confirmation of the betrothal. The marriage ceremony resemblesthat of the other Uriya castes, and the Khadras have the rite called_badapani_ or breaking the bachelorhood. A little water brought fromseven houses is sprinkled over the bridegroom and his loin-cloth isthen snatched away, leaving him naked. In this state he runs towardshis own house, but some boys are posted at a little distance who givehim a new cloth. Widow-marriage and divorce are permitted, but thehand of a widow must not be sought so long as she remains in her latehusband's house, and does not return to her father. When a bachelormarries a widow he must first perform the regular ceremony with aleaf-cup filled with flowers, after which he can take the widow ashis second wife. All important agreements are confirmed by a peculiarcustom called _heskani_. A deer-skin is spread on the ground beforethe caste committee, and the person making the agreement bows beforeit a number of times. To break an agreement made by the _heskani_rite is believed to involve terrible calamities. The Khadras eat theflesh of animals and fish but not that of birds, and they do not drinkcountry liquor. When an estate is to be partitioned the eldest sonfirst takes a tenth of the whole in right of primogeniture and theremainder is then divided equally. The Khadras rank as an artisancaste of somewhat low status. 

_Khadura_. --Synonym of Khadra. 

_Khaijraha_. --(A resident of Khaira, a town in Central India. ) Subcasteof Chamar. 

_Khair, Khaira_. --(From _khair_, catechu or the catechu tree. A makerof catechu. ) Synonym for Khairwar. 

_Khairchura_. --(Carechu preparer. ) A subcaste of Khairwar. 

_Khaire_. --A subcaste of Are (Gondhali), Kanbi and Oraon. 

_Khairwar_. --A catechu-making caste. A section of Chamar. 

_Khaiyaware_. --(_Khai_, ditch; owing to their houses having beenoriginally built on the ditch of Hatta fort. ) A section of BeldarSonkars in Damoh. 

_Khaki_. --(From _khak_, ashes. ) A class of Bairagi, or religiousmendicants. 

_Khalifa_. --(Lord. ) An honorific title for Darzis or tailors, andMuhammadan barbers. 

_Khaltaha_. --Subcaste of Ghasia. 

_Khaltati_. --(Illegitimate. ) Subcaste of Andh. 

_Khaltia_. --Subcaste of Basdewa. 

_Khamari_. --(Farmservant. ) A section of Kolta. 

_Khambi_. --(One who hides behind the graveyard. ) A sept of Korku. 

_Khanda_. --(A sword. ) A section of Panka and Mahar. 

_Khandait_. --(A swordsman. ) An Uriya caste. A subcaste of Sansia, Taonla and Chasa. Also a name of Koltas in Cuttack. 

_Khandapatra_. --(One who cleans swords. ) A section of Khandwal. 

_Khandapi_. --(_Khanda_, a sword. ) A sept of the Dhurwa clan of Sahdeveor six-god Gonds in Betul, named after the sword of Raja Durga Shahby which a victory was gained over the Muhammadans. 

_Khandele_. --(From _khanda_, sword. ) A section of Raghuvansi Rajputsin Hoshangabad. 

_Khandelwal_. --A subcaste of Bania. 

_Khandeshi_. --(A resident of Khandesh. ) A territorial subcaste ofDarzi, Joshi, Mahar and Mang. 

_Khanne, Khanna_. --A subdivision of Chargarh Saraswat Brahmans inHoshangabad, probably deriving their name from being priests of theKhanna section of Khatris. A section of Khatri. 

_Khanonkha_. --(A kind of basket to catch birds with. ) A totemisticsept of Rautia Kawars in Bilaspur. 

_Kharadi_. --(A turner, one who turns woodwork on a lathe. ) A synonymof Kundera and Barhai. 

_Kharchi_. --Bastard Marathas forming a separate division asdistinguished from the Khasi or pure Marathas. 

_Khare_. --A subdivision of Srivastab, Gaur and Saksena Kayasths, meaning those of pure descent. 

_Khari Bind Kewat_. --Title of the Murha caste. 

_Kharodia_. --(A resident of Kharod in Bilaspur. ) A subcaste of Nunia. 

_Kharsisjha_. --(Maker of cowdung cakes. ) A section of Mali. 

_Kharwade_. --(Refuse. ) A subcaste of Simpi or Maratha Darzi (tailor)originally formed of excommunicated members of the caste, but nowoccupying a position equal to other subcastes in Nagpur. 

_Kharwar_. --Synonym of the Khairwar tribe. Subcaste of Chero and Kol. 

_Khasi_. --A subdivision of Marathas, meaning those born in wedlock. 

_Khasua_. --(A eunuch. ) Synonym of Hijra. 

_Khati_. --(From the Sanskrit _kskatri_, one who cuts. ) A subcaste ofBarhai and Lohar. 

_Khatik_. --A caste. Synonym of Chikwa. A subcaste of Pasi in Saugor, said to have originated in a cross between a Bauri and a Khatik woman. 

_Khatkudia_. --(Illegitimate. ) A section of Teli in Betul. 

_Khatri_. --A caste. A subcaste of Chhipa and of Sunar in Narsinghpur. 

_Khatua_. --(Having a cot. ) A section of the Hatwa caste. 

_Khatulha_ or _Khatola_. --A subtribe of Gond. 

_Khatulwar_. --A subtribe of Gonds in Chanda, the same as the Khatulhaof the northern Districts. 

_Khawas_. --A title of Nai or barber. A subcaste of Dhuri. A sectionof Halba. 

_Khedawal_. --A subcaste of Gujarati Brahmans. They take their namefrom Kheda or Kaira, a town in Gujarat. 

_Khedule_. --From _kheda_, a village. Subcaste of Kunbi. 

_Khendro_. --Subcaste of Oraon. 

_Kheralawala_. --An immigrant from Kherala in Malwa. Subcaste ofRangrez. 

_Kherawal_. --See Khedawal. 

_Kheti_. --(Cultivation. ) A section of Dumal. 

_Khewat_. --Synonym of Kewat. 

_Khichi_. --A clan of Rajputs, a branch of the Sesodia clan. 

_Khoba_. --(Sticks for fencing the grain-store. ) A sept of Kawar;they abstain from using these sticks. 

_Khoksa_. --(A kind of fish. ) A totemistic sept of Rautia Kawar inBilaspur. 

_Khuntia_. --A subcaste of Agaria. One who uses a _khunti_ or peg to fixthe bellows in the ground for smelting iron. A sept of Savars. (Thosewho bury their dead on a high place. )

_Khursam_. --A sept of Pardhan and Dhur Gond. 

_Khutha_. --(Impure. ) A section of Tamera in Mandla. 

_Khyaurokar_. --(One who shaves, from _kshaur_, to shave. ) A synonymof Nai or Bhandari. 

_Kilanaya_. --(_Kilna, _ a dog-house. ) A nickname section of Ahir. 

_Kilkila_. --(The kingfisher. ) A sept of Khairwar. 

_Killibusum_. --(One who eats dead animals. ) A sept of Korku. 

_Kindra_. --(One who hides behind a tree. ) A sept of Korku. 

_Kirachi_ or _Karachi_. --A sept of Gonds of Raipur and Betul. 

_Kirad_. --Synonym of Kirar. 

_Kirahiboijir_. --(A kind of fruit. ) A section of Teli in Nandgaon. 

_Kirar_. --A caste. Synonym Dhakar. A subcaste of Kachhi. A sectionof Khatik. 

_Kirnakha_. --A sept of Gonds in Chanda. 

_Kirvant_ or _Kilvant_. --A subdivision of Maharashtra Brahmans inKhairagarh. The name is said to be derived from _kira_, an insect, because they kill insects in working their betel-vine gardens. Anotherexplanation is that the name is really Kriyavant, and that theyare so called because they conducted _kriya_ or funeral services, anoccupation which degraded them. A third form of the name is _Kramwant_or reciters of the Veda. 

_Kisan_. --(A cultivator. ) Oraons are commonly known by this name inChota Nagpur and Gonds in Mandla and other Districts. A section ofMarar, Rawat or Ahir, and Savar. 

_Koathia_. --A section of Bais Rajputs. 

_Kochia_. --Perhaps a name for Bahnas or cotton cleaners. 

_Kodjet_. --(A conqueror of crores of people. ) A section of Bhulia. 

_Kohistani_. --(A dweller on mountains. ) A section of Pathan. 

_Kohkatta_. --A sept of Gonds in Khairagarh. 

_Kohri_. --A synonym for the Kohli caste. 

_Koi_. --A class of Gonds. 

_Koikopal_. --A subcaste of Gond. 

_Koilabhut_ or _Koilabhuti_. --A subtribe of Gonds. Their women areprostitutes. 

_Koiri_. --A synonym of the Murao caste. 

_Koitur_. --A synonym for Gond. The name by which the Gonds callthemselves in many Districts. 

_Kokonasth_ or _Chitpavan_. --A subcaste of Maharashtra Brahmansinhabiting the Konkan country. Chitpavan means the pure in heart. 

_Koksinghia_. --_(Koka, _ the Brahmani duck. ) A subsection of thePardhan section of Koltas. 

_Kol_. --A tribe. Subcaste of Dahait. 

_Kolabhut_. --A name for Gonds. 

_Kolam_. --A tribe. A subtribe of Gonds in Chanda. 

_Kolchar_. --A clan of Maratha. 

_Kolia_. --(From _kolu_, oil-press. ) A section of Teli in Betul. 

_Koliha_. --(Jackal. ) A section of Panwar Rajput, Chamar and Kawar. 

_Kolita_, _Kulta_. --Synonyms of Kolta. 

_Kolta_. --A caste. A subcaste of Chasa. 

_Kolya_. --(One who hides behind a jackal-hole. ) A sept of Korku. 

_Komalwar_. --(_Komal_, soft. ) A section of Kurumwar. 

_Komati_. --Synonym of Komti. 

_Kommu_. --(A story-teller. ) Subcaste of Madgi. 

_Kondawar_. --(_Konda_, a mountain. ) A section of Palewar Dhimar andKoshti in Chanda. 

_Kondwan_ or _Kundi_. --A name of a tract south of the Mahanadi which iscalled after the Khond tribe, and was formerly owned by them. Subcasteof Baiga. 

_Korai_. --A subcaste of Ahir or Rawat in Bilaspur. 

_Koraku_. --(Young men. ) Subcaste of Korwa. 

_Koratkul_. --A section of Komti; they do not eat the _kumhra_or pumpkin. 

_Korava_. --Synonym of Yerukala. 

_Korchamar_. --A descendant of alliances between Chamars and Koris orweavers. Subcaste of Chamar. 

_Kori_. --A caste. A subcaste of Balahi, Jaiswara Chamar and Katia. 

_Korku_. --A tribe. A subtribe of Nahal. 

_Korre_. --(Residents of the Korai hill-tract in Seoni. ) Subcasteof Injhwar. 

_Kosaria_. --A subcaste of Rawat or Ahir, Barai, Dhobi, Kalar, Mali, Panka and Teli; a section of Chamar and Gond. 

_Koshti_, _Koshta_. --A caste of weavers. See article. A subcaste ofKatia and Bhulia. 

_Koskati_. --A subcaste of Koshti. 

_Kothari_--(A store-keeper, from _kotha_, a store-room. ) A sectionof Oswal and Maheshri Banias. 

_Kotharya_. --(A store-keeper. ) Subcaste of Chitrakathi. 

_Kotwal_. --(Keeper of a castle, or a village watchman. ) Honorific titleof the Khangar caste. A surname of Yajurvedi Brahmans in Saugor. Asection of Halba. 

_Kotwar_. --A person holding the office of village watchman. This postis usually assigned to members of the lowest or impure castes derivedfrom the aboriginal tribes, such as the Mahars, Ramosis, Gandas, Pankas, Minas and Khangars. Some of these were or still are muchaddicted to crime. The name _kotwar_ appears to be a corruption of_kotwal_, the keeper or guardian of a _kot_ or castle. Under nativerule the kotwal was the chief of police in important towns, and thecentral police office in some towns is still called the kotwali afterhim. In some villages there are still to be found both a kotwal anda kotwar; in this case the former performs the duties of watch andward of the village, and the latter has the menial work of carryingmessages, collecting supplies and so on. Both are paid by fixedannual contributions of grain from the cultivators. In Hoshangabadthe kotwar is allowed to glean for a day in the fields of each tenantafter the crop has been removed. It would appear that the kotwar waschosen from the criminal castes as a method of insurance. The kotwarwas held responsible for the good behaviour of his caste-fellows, and was often under the obligation of making good any property stolenby them. And if a theft occurred in another village and the thief wastraced into the borders of the kotwar's village he was bound to takeup the pursuit and show that the thief had passed beyond his village, or to pay for the stolen property. Thieves were sometimes tracked bythe kotwar, and sometimes in Gujarat and Central India by a specialofficial called Paggal, [459] who measured their footprints with astring, and in this way often followed them successfully from villageto village. [460] The rule that the kotwar had to make good all theftsoccurring in his village or perpetrated by criminals belonging to it, can only have been enforced to a very partial extent, as unless hecould trace the property he would be unable to pay any substantialsum out of his own means. Still, it apparently had a considerableeffect in the protection of property in the rural area, for whichthe regular police probably did very little. It was similarly thecustom to employ a _chaukidar_ or night-watchman to guard privatehouses when the owners could afford it, and this man was taken froma criminal caste on the same principle. 

The kotwar was also the guardian of the village boundaries, and hisopinion was often taken as authoritative in all cases of disputesabout land. This position he perhaps occupied as a representative ofthe pre-Aryan tribes, the oldest residents of the country, and hisappointment may have also been partly based on the idea that it wasproper to employ one of them as the guardian of the village lands, just as the priest of the village gods of the earth and fields wasusually taken from these tribes. 

In some localities those members of an impure caste such as theMahars, who hold the office of village watchman, obtain a certainrise in status on account of the office, and show a tendency tomarry among themselves. Similarly persons of the impure Ganda caste, who joined the Kabirpanthi sect and now form a separate and somewhathigher caste under the name of Panka, usually work as village watchmenin preference to the Gandas. Under British rule the kotwar has beenretained as a village policeman, and his pay increased and generallyfixed in cash. Besides patrolling the village, he has to report allcognisable crime at the nearest police post as well as births anddeaths occurring in the village, and must give general assistanceto the regular police in the detection of crime. Kotwar is used inSaugor as a synonym for the Chadar caste. It is also a subcaste ofthe Kori caste. 

_Kowa_. --(A crow. ) A section of Tamera and of Gond in Chanda. 

_Koya_ A subtribe of Gond in Bastar. 

_Koyudu_. --A synonym of Gond in Chanda used by Telugus. 

_Kramikul_. --A section of Komti. They do not use the black radish. 

_Kshatriya_. --Name of the second Hindu classical caste or the warriorcaste. Synonym for Rajput. 

_Kshirsagar_. --(Ocean of Milk. ) A section of Panwar Rajput, and aproper name of Maratha Brahmans. 

_Kuch_. --(A weaver's brush. ) A section of Raghuvansi Rajputs inHoshangabad. 

_Kuchbandhia_, _Kunchbandhia_. --(A maker of weavers' brushes. ) Synonymand subcaste of Beldar in Chhattisgarh. 

_Kudaiya_. --(_Kodon_, a small millet. ) A section of Ahir. 

_Kudappa_. --A sept of Gonds in Raipur and Khairagarh. 

_Kudarbohna_. --A Hindu Bhana. 

_Kudaria_. --(_Kudali_, a pickaxe. ) A section of the Bharia tribe. 

_Kukra_. --(A dog. ) A totemistic sept of Bhatra Gonds. A sectionof Kumhar. 

_Kukuta_. --(Cock. ) A sept of Gonds in Raipur. 

_Kulatia_. --A section of Basor. From _kulara_, a somersault, becausethey perform somersaults at the time of the _maihir_ ceremony, oreating the marriage cakes. 

_Kuldip_. --(The lamp of the family. ) A section of Panka in Raipur. 

_Kuldiya_. --(Those who stop eating if the lamp goes out at supper. ) Asection of Ghasia. 

_Kulin_. --(Of high caste. ) A well-known class of Bengali Brahmans. Asubdivision of Uriya Mahantis. A section of Panka. 

_Kulshreshta_. --(Of good family. ) A subcaste of Kayasth. 

_Kuman_. --Subcaste of Barai. 

_Kumarrha_ or _Kumarra_. --(A bird. ) A sept of Sahdeve or six-godGonds. In Betul the members of this sept do not eat or kill a goator sheep, and throw away any article smelt by one. 

_Kumarshishta_. --A section of Komti. They do not use _mehndi_ orhenna leaves. 

_Kumbhar_. --(Potter. ) Marathi synonym for Kumhar. A section of Gandaand Bhulia. 

_Kumbhoj_. --(Born of a pitcher, a Rishi or saint. ) An eponymoussection of Agharia. 

_Kumbhira_. --(Crocodile. ) A totemistic sept of Bhulia. 

_Kumbhwar_. --(_Kumbh_, a pot. ) A surname of Gandli in Chanda. 

_Kumharbans_. --(Descended from a potter. ) A section of Ghasia. 

_Kumrayete_. --(_Yete_, a goat. ) A sept of the Uika clan of Sahdeveor six-god Gonds in Betul. They do not eat goats, and are said tohave offered human sacrifices in ancient times. 

_Kunbi_. --A caste. Subcaste of Dangri, Gondhali and Maratha. 

_Kumrawat, [461] Patbina, Dangur_. --A small caste of _san_-hemp growersand weavers of sacking. They are called Kumrawat in the northernDistricts and Patbina (_pat patti_, sacking, and _binna_, to weave)in Chhattisgarh. A small colony of hemp-growers in the Betul Districtare known as Dangur, probably from the _dang_ or wooden steelyard whichthey use for weighing hemp. Both the Kumrawats and Dangurs claim Rajputorigin, and may be classed together. The caste of Barais or betel-vinegrowers have a subcaste called Kumrawat, and the Kumrawats may be anoffshoot of the Barais, who split off from the parent body on takingto the cultivation of hemp. As most Hindu castes have until recentlyrefused to grow hemp, the Kumrawats are often found concentrated insingle villages. Thus a number of Patbinas reside in Darri, a villagein the Khujji zamindari of Raipur, while the Dangurs are almostall found in the village of Masod in Betul; in Jubbulpore Khapa istheir principal centre, and in Seoni the village of Deori. The threedivisions of the caste known by the names given above marry, as a rule, among themselves. For their exogamous groups the Dangurs have usuallythe names of different Rajput septs, the Kumrawats have territorialnames, and those of the Patbinas are derived from inanimate objects, though they have no totemistic practices. 

The number of girls in the caste is usually insufficient, and hencethey are married at a very early age. The boy's father, accompaniedby a few friends, goes to the girl's father and addresses a proposalfor marriage to him in the following terms: "You have planted atamarind tree which has borne fruit. I don't know whether you willcatch the fruit before it falls to the ground if I strike it with mystick. " The girl's father, if he approves of the match, says in reply, 'Why should I not catch it?' and the proposal for the marriage isthen made. The ceremony follows the customary ritual in the northernDistricts. When the family gods are worshipped, the women sit round agrinding-stone and invite the ancestors of the family by name to attendthe wedding, at the same time placing a little cowdung in one of theinterstices of the stone. When they have invited all the names theycan remember they plaster up the remaining holes, saying, 'We can'trecollect any more names. ' This appears to be a precaution intendedto imprison any spirits which may have been forgotten, and to preventthem from exercising an evil influence on the marriage in revenge fornot having been invited. Among the Dangurs the bride and bridegroomgo to worship at Hanuman's shrine after the ceremony, and all alongthe way the bride beats the bridegroom with a tamarind twig. Thedead are both buried and burnt, and mourning is observed during aperiod of ten days for adults and of three days for children. But ifanother child has been born to the mother after the one who has died, the full period of mourning must be observed for the latter; becauseit is said that in this case the mother does not tear off her _sari_or body-cloth to make a winding-sheet for the child as she does whenher latest baby dies. The Kumrawats both grow and weave hemp, thoughthey have no longer anything like a monopoly of its cultivation. Theymake the _gons_ or double bags used for carrying grain on bullocks. InChhattisgarh the status of the Patbinas is low, and no castes exceptthe most debased will take food or water from them. The Kumrawats ofJubbulpore occupy a somewhat more respectable position and take rankwith Kachhis, though below the good cultivating castes. The Dangursof Betul will take food from the hands of the Kunbis. 

_Kumrayete_. --(_Yete_, a goat. ) A sept of the Uika clan of Sahdeveor six-god Gonds in Betul. They do not eat goats, and are said tohave offered human sacrifices in ancient times. 

_Kunbi_. --A caste. Subcaste of Dangri, Gondhali and Maratha. 

_Kundera_. --A caste. A subcaste of the Larhia Beldars. 

_Kundera_, _Kharadi_. --A small caste of wood-turners akin to theBarhais or carpenters. In 1911 the caste numbered 120 persons, principally in Saugor. When asked for the name of their caste theynot infrequently say that they are Rajputs; but they allow widows toremarry, and their social customs and position are generally the sameas those of the Barhais. Both names of the caste are functional, beingderived from the Hindi _kund_, and the Arabic _kharat_, a lathe. Someof them abstain from flesh and liquor, and wear the sacred thread, merely with a view to improve their social position. The Kunderasmake toys from the _dudhi_ (_Holarrhena antidysenterica_) and huqqastems from the wood of the _khair_ or catechu tree. The toys arecommonly lacquered, and the surface is smoothed with a dried leaf ofthe _kevara_ tree. [462] They also make chessmen, wooden flutes andother articles. 

_Kundgolakar_. --A subdivision of degraded Maratha Brahmans, theoffspring of adulterous connections. 

_Kunjam_. --A sept of Solaha in Raipur. A section of Basor andBhunjia. A sept of Gond and Pardhan. 

_Kunnatya_--(Rope-dancer. ) A name applied to Nats. 

_Kunti_ or _Kunte_. --(_Kunti_, lame. ) A subcaste of Kapewar, synonymBhiksha Kunti or lame beggars. 

_Kunwar_. --(Prince. ) A title of Rajput ruling families. A section ofRajput and Kawar. 

_Kura Sasura_. --Husband's elder brother. Title of Kharia. 

_Kurathiya_, _Kuratia_. --(From _kur_, a fowl, which they have givenup eating. ) A subtribe of Gonds in Khairagarh. 

_Kurha_ or _Sethia_. --Title of the Sonkar caste headman. 

_Kurkere_. --One who moulds his vessels on a stone slab revolving ona stick and not on a wheel. Subcaste of Kumhar. 

_Kurmeta_. --A sept of Gonds in Chanda. 

_Kurmgutia_. --(From _kurm_, tortoise. ) A section of Mahar. 

_Kurmi_. --A caste. A subcaste of Agharia in the Uriya country. Asubcaste of Barai. A sept of Pardhan. A section of Mahar. 

_Kurochi_. --(_Kur_, hen. ) A sept of the Uika clan of Sahdeve orsix-god Gonds in Betul, so named because their priest once stole a hen. 

_Kurpachi_. --(_Kur_, hen. ) A sept of the Uika clan of Gonds inBetul, so named because their priest offered the contents of a hen'sintestines to the gods. 

_Kurru_ or _Kura_. --Title of Yerukala. 

_Kusangia_. --(Of bad company. ) A section of Lohar. 

_Kushbansi_. --A subcaste of Ahir. (Descendants of Kush, one of thetwo sons of Rama. )

_Kush Ranjan_. --A section of Brahman, Barai, Chamar, Chandnahu Kurmi, Rawat (Ahir), Marar and Rajbhar. 

_Kushta_, _Koshta_. --Subcaste of Kori. 

_Kuslia_. --(_Kusli_, boat. ) A subcaste of Mali. 

_Kusram_. --_(Kusri_, pulse. ) A sept of the Uika Gonds in Betuland Chanda. 

_Labhana_. --Synonym and subcaste of Banjara. 

_Lad_. --The old name for the territory of Gujarat. A subcaste of Bania, Kalar, Koshti and Sunar. 

_Ladaimar_. --One who hunts jackals and sells and eats theirflesh. Subcaste of Jogi. 

_Ladele_. --(Quarrelsome. ) A section of Shribathri Teli. 

_Ladjin_. --Subcaste of Banjara. 

_Ladse_ or _Ladvi_. --Subcaste of Chamar and Dhangar. 

_Ladwan_, _Ladvan_. --A subcaste of Mahar. Perhaps from Lad, the oldname of Gujarat. 

_Laheri_. --Synonym of Lakhera. 

_Laheria_. --Subcaste of Brahman. 

_Lahgera_ or _Lahugera_. --(_Lahanga_, weaver. ) A subcaste of Kori. 

_Lahuri Sen_. --A subcaste of Barai in the northern Districts who areformed of excommunicated members of the caste. 

_Lahuria_. --(From Lahore. ) A section of Rathor and Chauhan Banjaras. 

_Lajjhar_. --Synonym of Rajjhar. 

_Lakariha_. --A subdivision of Pardhan in Kawardha. While begging theyplay a musical instrument, hence the name from _lakri_, a stick. 

_Lala_. --(A term of endearment. ) Synonym for Kayasth. A subcasteof Chamar. 

_Lalbegi_. --A follower of Lalbeg, patron saint of the sweepers. Synonymof Mehtar. 

_Lal Padri_. --Red priests, because they rub _geru_ or red ochre ontheir bodies. Title of Jogi. 

_Lamechu_. --A subcaste of Bania. 

_Langoti_. --Subcaste of Pardhi. They wear only a narrow strip ofcloth called _langoti_ round the loins. 

_Lanjia_. --A subcaste of Lohar and Nai, from Lanji in Balaghat. Asubtribe of Gonds in Khairagarh. 

_Lanjiwar_. --(One living round Lanji in Balaghat. ) Subcaste of Injhwar. 

_Laphangia_. --(Upstart. ) A section of Kolta. 

_Laria_, _Larhia_. --(Belonging to Chhattisgarh. ) A synonym ofBeldar. A subcaste of Bhaina, Binjhwar, Chamar, Ganda, Ghasia, Gond, Gosain, Kalar, Kewat, Koshti, Mahar, Marar, Mowar, Panka, Savar, Sunar and Teli. 

_Lasgaria_. --A class of Bairagi mendicants. 

_Lasukar_. --A subcaste of Gondhalis who sell books and calendars. 

_Lat_. --Subcaste of Chamar. 

_Lave_. --Subcaste of Kunbi. 

_Laya_. --(Bird. ) A section of Binjhwar, Mahar, and Panka. 

_Lekha_. --Subcaste of Gujar. 

_Lemuan_, _Limuan_. --(Tortoise. ) A totemistic sept of Audhelia, Munda and Oraon. 

_Lidha_. --(Excrement of swine. ) Subcaste of Khatik in Jubbulpore. 

_Lilia_. --(From _lil_ or _nil_, the indigo plant. ) Subcaste of Kachhi. 

_Lilorhia_. --Subcaste of Gujar. 

_Limba_. --_(Nim_ tree. ) A totemistic section of Dumals. 

_Lingayat_. --A religious order which has become a caste. See articleand subordinate article to Bania. A subcaste of Bania and Kumhar. 

_Lodha_. --Synonym of Lodhi. Subcaste of Lodhi. 

_Lohar_. --A caste of blacksmiths, synonym Luhura. A section of Binjhwarand Ganda. 

_Lohar Barhai_. --A subcaste of Barhai in Bundelkhand. 

_Loharia_. --A subcaste of Ahir. 

_Lonaria_. --A salt-maker. Subcaste of Mahar. 

_Lonchatia_. --(Salt-licker. ) A sept of the Uika clan of Gonds. Themembers of this sept lick salt on the death of their relatives. Anotheraccount from Betul says that they spread salt on a platform raisedin honour of the dead and make cattle lick it up. 

_Londhari_. --A small caste of cultivators found in the BhandaraDistrict. They appear to be immigrants from northern India, as theirwomen wear the Hindustani dress and they speak Hindi at home. At theirweddings the bridal couple walk round the sacred post according tothe northern custom. When a widow marries again the couple worship asword before the ceremony. If a man is convicted of an intrigue witha low-caste woman, he has to submit to a symbolical purification byfire. A heap of juari-stalks is piled all round him and set alight, but as soon as the fire begins to burn he is permitted to escapefrom it. This rite is known as Agnikasht. The Londharis appear to bedistinct from the Lonhare Kunbis of Betul, with whom I was formerlyinclined to connect them. These latter derive their name from theLonar Mehkar salt lake in the Buldana District, and are probablyso called because they once collected the salt evaporated from thelake. They thus belong to the Maratha country, whereas the Londharisprobably came from northern India. The name Lonhare is also found asa subdivision of one or two other castes living in the neighbourhoodof the Lonar Mehkar lake. 

_Londhe_, _Londe_. --(One who hides himself behind cloth. ) A sectionof Kohli. A sept of Korku. 

_Londibacha_. --A subcaste of Kasar, including persons of illegitimatedescent. 

_Lonhare_, _Lonare_. --(From Lonar-Mehkar, the well-known salt lakeof the Buldana District. ) A subcaste of Kunbi. A section of Arakhand Ahir. 

_Ludhela_. --A section of Basor who worship the _ludhia_, a roundstone for pounding food, at the Maihar ceremony. 

_Luhura_. --(One who works in iron. ) Synonym of Lohar. Subcasteof Sidhira. 

_Lunia_. --Synonym of Murha, Nunia. 

_Machhandar_. --(One who catches fish. ) Synonym of Dhimar. 

_Machhandra Nath_. --A subdivision of Jogi. 

_Machhia_. --(From _machhi_, fish. ) A section of Dhimar and Lodhi. 

_Machhri_. --(Fish. ) A sept of Oraon. 

_Mada Kukuria_. --(Dead dog. ) A subsection of the Viswal sectionof Koltas. 

_Madankul_. --A section of Komti. They do not use red clothes, northe wood of the swallow-wort tree. 

_Madari_. --A class of Fakirs or Muhammadan beggars. 

_Made_. --A resident of the Mad country in Chanda and Bastar. Subcasteof Pardhan. 

_Madgi_, _Madiga_. [463]--The Telugu caste of workers in leathercorresponding to the Chamars, which numbers nearly 1 1/2 millions inMadras, Mysore and Hyderabad. In 1911 there were nearly 6000 Madgisin the Central Provinces and 3000 in Berar. According to tradition, the Madigas derive their name from that of a sage called Matanga Muni, and it is said that a dynasty belonging to the caste once ruled inthe Canarese country. The following legend of their origin comes fromMysore: [464] In former times the sage Jambava Rishi was habituallylate in attending at Siva's court. Siva asked him why this happened, and he replied that he was occupied in tending his children. Onthis Siva took pity on him and gave him the sacred cow, Kamdhenu, from which all the needs of the children could be satisfied. But oneday while Jambava was absent at Siva's court, another sage, Sankhya, visited his hermitage and was hospitably entertained by his son, Yugamuni. The cream which Sankhya was given was so good that hedesired to kill the cow, Kamdhenu, thinking that her flesh wouldtaste even better. In spite of Yugamuni's objections Sankhya killedthe cow and distributed the meat to various persons. While this wasin progress Jambava returned, and, on hearing what had been done, dragged Sankhya and Yugamuni before Siva's judgment seat. The twooffenders did not enter the court but stood outside the doorway, Sankhya on the right side and Yugamuni on the left. Siva condemned themto become Chandalas or outcastes, and the descendants of Sankhya havebecome the right-hand Holias, while those of Yugamuni and his wifeMatangi are the left-hand caste of Madigas. The latter were set tomake shoes to expiate the sin committed by their ancestor in killinga cow. Another story given in the Central Provinces is that the Gollacaste of cowherds, corresponding to the Ahirs and the Madgis, are thedescendants of two brothers. The brothers had a large herd of cattleand wanted to divide them. At this time, however, cattle disease wasprevalent, and many of the herd were affected. The younger brother didnot know of this, and seeing that most of the herd were lying on theground, he proposed to the elder brother that he himself should takeall the cattle lying on the ground, and the elder brother all thosewhich were standing up, as a suitable method of division. The elderbrother agreed, but when the younger came to take his cattle whichwere on the ground he found that they were all dead, and hence he hadno alternative but to take off the hides and cure and sell them. Hisdescendants continued his degraded profession and became the Madgicaste. In Chanda the following six subcastes of Madgis are reported:The Nulka Chandriah or caste priests; the Anapa or leather dealers;the Sindhi who are supposed to have been performers of dramas; theMasti or dancers; the Kommu or tellers of stories; and the Dekkalaor genealogists of the caste. It is said that Kommu really means ahorn and Dekka a hoof. These last two are the lowest subdivisions, and occupy a most degraded position. In theory they should not sleepon cots, pluck the leaves of trees, carry loads on any animal otherthan a donkey, or even cook food for themselves, but should obtaintheir subsistence by eating the leavings of other Madgis or membersof different castes. The Nulka Chandriah or priests are the highestsubdivision and will not take food or water from any of the others, while the four remaining subcastes eat and drink together, but donot intermarry. There are also a number of exogamous groups, most ofwhich have territorial names; but a few are titular or totemistic, as--Mukkidi, noseless; Kumawar, a potter; Nagarwar, a citizen;Dobbulwar, one who possesses a _dobbulu_ or copper coin; Ippawar, fromthe mahua tree; Itkalwar from _itkal_ a brick, and so on. The castecustoms of the Madigas need not be recorded in detail. They are animpure caste and eat all kinds of food, and the leavings of others, though the higher subdivisions refuse to accept these. They liveoutside the village, and their touch is considered to convey pollution. 

_Madhavacharya_. --A Vishnuite sect and order of religiousmendicants. See Bairagi. 

_Madhyanjan, Madhyandina_. --A class of Brahmans, the same as theYajur-Vedis, or a section of them. 

_Madia_. --A class of Gonds in Bastar. 

_Madpotwa_. --(One who distils liquor. ) Subcaste of Teli. 

_Madrasi_. --Subcaste of Dhobi. 

_Magadha_. --A subcaste of Ahir or Rawat in Chhattisgarh, who ask forfood from others and do not cook for themselves. 

_Magar, Magra_. --A sept of Khangar, Ahir or Rawat, Gond and Chadar. 

_Magida_. --Synonym of Madgi. 

_Mahabrahman_. --A degraded class of Brahmans who accept gifts forthe dead. 

_Mahadeva Thakur_. --(Lord Mahadeo. ) A section of Mali. 

_Mahajalia_. --(Deceitful. ) A section of Lohar. 

_Mahajan_. --A banker. Title of the Bania caste. 

_Mahakul_. --Synonym for Ahir. 

_Mahalodhi_. --(Great Lodhi. ) Subcaste of Lodhi. 

_Mahanadiya_. --(Those who came from the Mahanadi river. ) A subcasteof Lodhi. A section of Ganda, Ghasia and Panka. 

_Mahant_. --Chief of a _math_ or monastery. A superior class ofpriest. A section of Ahir, Panka, Chamar and Koshta. 

_Mahanti_. --A synonym for the Karan or writer caste of Orissa. Asection of Chasa. 

_Mahapatra_. --A subdivision of degraded Brahmans who take funeralgifts. An honorific title of Thanapati and of Uriya Brahmans. Asubcaste of Bhat. 

_Mahar_. --A caste. A subcaste of Balahi and Gondhali. A section ofRawat in Raigarh. 

_Maharaj_. --(Great king. ) A title of Brahmans. 

_Mahurana_. --Synonym of Chitari. 

_Maharashtra_ or _Marathe_. --One of the five orders of Panch DravidaBrahmans inhabiting the Maratha country. They are also called DakshiniBrahmans. A subcaste of Kumhar, Kasar and Lohar. 

_Mahedia_. --A section of Basors who worship pounded rice mixedwith curds. 

_Mahenga_. --(An elephant. ) A totemistic sept of Rautia and Kawarin Bilaspur. 

_Maheshri_. --Subcaste of Baina. 

_Mahili_. --Synonym for Mahli. 

_Mahipia_. --(A drinker of curds. ) A subsection of the Viswal sectionof Koltas. 

_Mahisur_. --(Lord of the earth. ) A synonym of Brahmans. 

_Mahli-Munda. _--Subcaste of Mahli. 

_Mahobia_. --(From the town of Mahoba in Central India. ) A subcaste ofBarai, Chamar, Dangi, Ghasia, Khangar and Mahar. A section of Dangi, Kumhar and Kori. 

_Mahoda_. --A subdivision of Brahmans in Jubbulpore. 

_Mahore, Mahure_. --A subcaste of Bania, Kori, Kumhar and Kalar. 

_Mahratta_. --Synonym of Maratha. 

_Mahto, Mahton_. --A chief or village headman. Subcaste and title ofTeli and Khairwar; title of the leader of the Bhuiya caste. A sectionof Ganda and Rawat (Ahir). 

_Mahur_. --(Poison. ) A subcaste of Sunars in Chhindwara. 

_Mahure, Mahuria_. --(From Mahur, a town in Hyderabad. ) Subcaste ofBarhai and Dhangar. 

_Mai_. --(Mother. ) A division of the Kabirpanthi sect. 

_Maichhor_. --A small clan of Rajputs. Perhaps from Maichuri in Jaipur. 

_Mailwar_. --(Dirty. ) A group of Sunars in Raipur. 

_Maina_. --Synonym of Mina. 

_Mair_. --A subcaste of Sunar named after Mair, their original ancestor, who melted down a golden demon. 

_Maithil_. --One of the five divisions of Panch Gaur Brahmans inhabitingthe province of Maithil or Bihar and Tirhut. 

_Majarewar_. --A territorial section of Binjhwar (from Majare inBalaghat). 

_Majhi_. --(A village headman. ) Title of Bhatra. 

_Majhia_. --Synonym of Majhwar. 

_Majhli_. --(Middle. ) Subcaste of Rautia. 

_Makaria_. --(From _makad_, monkey. ) A subcaste of Kamar, so calledbecause they eat monkeys. 

_Makhia_. --Subcaste of Mehtar. 

_Malaiya_. --An immigrant from Malwa. Subcaste of Chhipa. 

_Male_, _Maler_. --Synonyms of Mal. 

_Malha_. --A boatman. Synonym of Mallah. 

_Malhar_. --Subcaste of Koli. 

_Mali_. --(A caste. ) A section of Kalar. 

_Mal-Paharia_. --Synonym of Mal. 

_Malvi_, _Malwi_. --(From _Malwa_. ) A subdivision of Brahmans inHoshangabad and Betul. A subcaste of Ahir, Barhai, Darzi, Dhobi, Gadaria, Kalar, Koshti, Kumhar, Nai and Sunar. 

_Malyar. _ [465]--A small and curious caste of workers in gold andsilver in Bastar State. They are known alternatively as MarhatiaSunar or Panchal, and outsiders call them Adhali. The name Malyar issaid to be derived from _mal_, dirt, and _jar_ or _jalna_, to burn, the Malyars having originally been employed by Sunars or goldsmithsto clean and polish their ornaments. No doubt can be entertained thatthe Malyars are in reality Gonds, as they have a set of exogamoussepts all of which belong to the Gonds, and have Gondi names. Sofar as possible, however, they try to disguise this fact and performtheir marriages by walking round the sacred post like the Hindustanicastes. They will take food cooked without water from Brahmans, Rajputs and Banias, but will not eat _katcha_ (or food cooked withwater) from anybody, and not even from members of their own casteunless they are relatives. This custom is common to some other castesof mixed descent, and indicates that illicit connections are frequentamong the Malyars, as indeed would necessarily be the case owing tothe paucity of their numbers. But their memories are short, and theoffspring of such irregular unions are recognised as belonging tothe caste after one or two generations. An outsider belonging to anyhigher caste may be admitted to the community. The caste worship MataDevi or the goddess of smallpox, and revere the spirit of a Malyarwoman who became a Sati. They have learned as servants of the Sunarsthe rudiments of their art, and manufacture rough ornaments for theprimitive people of Bastar. 

_Mana Ojha_. --Subcaste of Ojha. 

_Mandal_. --(A name for a prosperous cultivator in Chhattisgarh. ) Asection of Chamar and Panka. See article Kurmi. 

_Mandilwar_. --Name derived from Mandla. Subcaste of Katia. 

_Mandkul_. --A section of Komti who do not eat mangoes. 

_Mandlaha_. --(From Mandla town. ) Subtribe of Gond. 

_Mane Kunbi_. --Subcaste of Gondhali. 

_Mang_ or _Mangia_. --A caste. Subcaste of Ganda, Gondhali, Bahrupia. 

_Mangan_. --(From _Manghunia_, beggar. ) A caste. 

_Mangan_. [466]--A small caste found in Chhattisgarh and Sambalpurwho are the musicians and genealogists of the Ghasias. The termis considered opprobrious, as it means 'beggar, ' and many Mangansprobably return themselves as Ghasias. They are despised by theGhasias, who will not take food or water from them. At the marriagesof the former the Mangans play on a drum called _ghunghru_, which theyconsider as the badge of the caste, their cattle being branded with arepresentation of it. The only point worth notice about the caste isthat they are admittedly of mixed descent from the unions of membersof other castes with Ghasia prostitutes. They have five totemisticexogamous sections, about each of which a song is sung relating itsorigin. The Sunani sept, which worships gold as its totem and occupiesthe highest position, is said to be descended from a Brahman fatherand a Ghasia mother; the Sendaria sept, worshipping vermilion, froma Kewat ancestor and a Ghasia woman; the Bhainsa sept, worshippinga buffalo, from a Gaur or Ahir and a Ghasia; the Mahanadia sept, having the Mahanadi for their totem, from a Gond and a Ghasia woman;while the Bagh sept, who revere the tiger, say that a cow once gavebirth to two young, one in the form of a tiger and the other of ahuman being; the latter on growing up took a Ghasia woman to himselfand became the ancestor of the sept. As might be expected from theirancestry, the Mangan women are generally of loose character. TheMangans sometimes act as sweepers. 

_Mangta. _--(A beggar. ) A subcaste of Pasi in Sangor, who beg fromtheir caste-fellows. 

_Maniara. _--(A Pedlar. ) Subcaste of Jogi. 

_Manihar. _--A caste. The Manihars are also known as Bisati. Anoccupational name of Jogis. 

_Manikpuria. _--(A resident Manikpur. ) Subcaste of Panka. 

_Manjhi. _--(Headman. ) A synonym of Santal and Kewat. A section ofChasa, Dhanuhar and Kolta. A title of Chasa. 

_Manjur. _--(Peacock. ) A totemistic sept of Munda. 

_Manjmar. _--Term for a boatman. Included in Kewat. 

_Mankar. _--Name of a superior class of village watchmen in NimarDistrict. See article Bhil. A subcaste of Mana and Halba. 

_Mannepuwar. _--A subcaste of Mala. Synonym, Teluga Bhoi. 

_Manwa. _--Subcaste of Kunbi. 

_Marabi. _--A common sept of Gond. A section of Nat. 

_Marai. _--(A name for the goddess of cholera, who is called MaraiMata. ) A common sept of Gond. Also a sept of Baiga, Pasor andBhunjia. A subcaste of Majhwar. 

_Maral. _--Synonym of Mali. 

_Marapa. _--A sept of Gonds in Betul, who abstain from killing oreating a goat or sheep and throw away any article smelt by them. 

_Marar. _--Synonym for Mali, a gardener. Also a subcaste of Kachhi. 

_Maratha, Marathe. _--A caste. A subcaste of Barhai, Bedar, Chamar, Dhimar, Gadaria, Kumhar, Mahar, Mali, Mang, Nai and Teli. 

_Marathi, Maratha, Marthe, Marathe. _--(A resident of the Marathacountry. ) Subcaste of Bahrupia, Chamar, Dhargar, Gundhali, Gopal, Injhwar, Kaikari, Kasar, Koshti, Nahal, Otari. 

_Marathia. _--Resident of Bhandara or another Maratha District. Subcasteof Halba. 

_Maria. _--A well-known tribe of Gonds in Bastar and Chanda. See articleGond. A subcaste of Gowari. A section of Ahir, Chamar and Kumhar. 

_Markam. _--(_Marka, _ mango. ) One of the principal septs of Gonds. Alsoa sept of Baiga, Basor, Bhumjia, Pardhan and Solaha. 

_Marori. _ [467]--A small caste of degraded Rajputs from Marwar foundin the Bhandara and Chhindwara Districts and also in Berar. Thename is a local corruption of Marwari, and is applied to them bytheir neighbours, though many of the caste do not accept it and callthemselves Rajputs. In Chhindwara they go by the name of Chhatri, andin the Tirora Tahsil they are known as Alkari, because they formerlygrew the _al_ or Indian madder for a dye, though it has now beendriven out of the market. They have been in the Central Provinces forsome generations, and though retaining certain peculiarities of dress, which show their northern origin, have abandoned in many respects thecaste usages of Rajputs. Their women wear the Hindustani _angia_ tiedwith string behind in place of the Maratha _choli_ or breast-cloth, anddrape their _saris_ after the northern fashion. They wear ornamentsof the Rajputans shape on their arms, and at their weddings theysing Marwari songs. They have Rajput sept names, as Parihar, Rathor, Solanki, Sesodia and others, which constitute exogamous groups andare called _kulis. _ Some of these have split up into two or threesubdivisions, as, for instance, the Pathar (stone) Panwars, the Pandhreor white Panwars and the Dhatura or thorn-apple Panwars; and membersof these different groups may intermarry. The reason seems to be thatit was recognised that people belonged to the same Panwar sept whowere not blood kin to each other, and the prohibition of marriagebetween them was a serious inconvenience in a small community. Theyalso have eponymous _gotras_, as Vasishtha, Batsa and others of theBrahmanical type, but these do not influence exogamy. The paucity oftheir numbers and the influence of local usage have caused them torelax the marriage rules adhered to by Rajputs. Women are very scarce, and a price varying from forty to a hundred rupees is commonly paidfor a bride, though they feel keenly the degradation attaching to theacceptance of a bride-price. Widow-marriage is permitted, no doubtfor the same reasons, and a girl going wrong with a man of anothercaste may be readmitted to the community. Divorce is not permitted, and an unfaithful wife may be abandoned; she cannot then marry againin the caste. Formerly, on the arrival of the marriage procession, thebride's and bridegroom's parties let off fireworks, aiming them againsteach other, but this practice is now discontinued. When the bridegroomapproaches the marriage-shed the bride comes out and strikes him on thebreast or forehead with a ball of dough, a sheet being held betweenthem; the bridegroom throws a handful of rice over her and strikesthe festoons of the shed with a naked sword. A bachelor espousing awidow must first be married to a ring, which he thereafter carriesin his ear, and if it is lost funeral ceremonies must be performedas for a real wife. Women are tattooed on the arms only. Childrenhave as many as five names, one for ordinary use, and the others forceremonial purposes and the arrangement of marriages. If a man killsa cow or a cat he must have a miniature figure of the animal made ofgold and give it to a Brahman in expiation of his sin. 

_Marskola_. --(From _markets_, an axe. ) A common sept of Gonds andPardhans. 

_Maru_. --Subcaste of Charan Bhats. 

_Marwari_. --A resident of Marwar or the desert tract of Rajputana;Marwar is also used as a name for Jodhpur State. See subordinatearticle Rajput-Rathor. The name Marwari is commonly applied to Baniascoming from Marwar. See article Bania. A subcaste of Bahna, Gurao, Kumhar, Nai, Sunar and Teli. 

_Masania_. --(From _masin_, straw or grass mats, or _masina_, thatchedroof. ) A section of Lohar. A synonym for San Bhatras in Bastar. 

_Mashki_. --(A water-bearer. ) Synonym of Bhishti. 

_Masram_. --A common sept of Gonds. 

_Masti_. --(Dancer. ) Subcaste of Madgi. 

_Mastram_. --(Mastra, brass bangles. ) A sept of Gonds in Betul. Thewomen of this sept wear brass bangles. 

_Masuria_. --A subcaste of Kurmi. From _masur_, lentil. A sectionof Rajput. 

_Mathadhari_. --(Living in a monastery. ) A celibate clan of Manbhaomendicants. 

_Mathpati_. --(Lord of the hermitage. ) A subcaste of Jangam. 

_Mathur, Mathuria_. --(From Mathura or Muttra. ) A subcaste of Kayasth. Asubdivision of Brahman. A subcaste of Banjara, Darzi and Nai. 

_Matkuda_, _Matkora_. --(Earth-digger. ) A subcaste and synonym ofBeldar. A name for Gonds and Pardhans who take to earthwork. 

_Mattha_. --Corruption of Maratha. A subcaste of Koshti, Mahar and Teli, and a title of Teli. 

_Matti_. --A subdivision of low-class Brahmans returned fromKhairagarh. Also a class of Kashmiri Brahmans. 

_Matwala_. --(A drinker of country liquor. ) Subcaste of Kadera. 

_Mawasi_, _Mirdhan_. --Subcaste of Dahait. Title of the headman ofthe Dahait caste committee. 

_Mayaluar_. --(Chief man of the caste. ) A subcaste of Turi. 

_Mayur_. --(Peacock. ) A totemistic section of the Ahir, Hatwa, Gond, Sonjhara and Sundi castes. 

_Mayurmara_. --(Killer of peacock. ) A section of Bahelia. 

_Meda Gantia_. --(Counter of posts. ) Title of Bhatra. Official whofixes date and hour for wedding. 

_Medara, Medari_. --The Telugu caste of bamboo-workers and mat-makers, corresponding to the Basors. They have the same story as the Basorsof the first bamboo having been grown from the snake worn by Sivaround his neck, which was planted head downwards in the ground. Thecustoms of the Medaras, Mr. Francis says, [468] differ from placeto place. In one they will employ Brahman _purohits_ (priests), andprohibit widow-marriage, while in the next they will do neither, and will even eat rats and vermin. The better classes among themare taking to calling themselves Balijas or Baljis, and affixing thetitle of Chetti to their names. 

_Medari_. --Synonym of Medara. 

_Mehar_. --Synonym of Bhulia. 

_Meher_. --A section of Malwi Ahir, a synonym for Bhulia. A titleof Chamar. 

_Mehra_. --Synonym for Mahar. A subcaste of Katia and Kori. 

_Mehta_. --A group of Brahmans. A section of Oswal Bania. 

_Mehtar_. --(A prince or leader. ) Common name for the sweepercaste. Title of the president of the Dhobi caste committee. 

_Meman_. --Synonym of Cutchi. 

_Meshbansi_. --(Descendant of a sheep. ) A clan of Rajputs. 

_Mewada, Mewari_. --(From _Mewar_. ) A division of Gujarati or KhedawalBrahmans. A subcaste of Chhipa, Darzi, Mali and Sunar. 

_Mewati_. --Synonym of Meo. See article. A class of Fakirs or Muhammadanbeggars. 

_Mhali_. --Synonym of Nai. 

_Mhasia, Mhashi_. --(_Mhas_, buffalo. ) A sept of Halba. A sectionof Kohli. 

_Mihir_. --Synonym of Bhulia. 

_Mina_. --A caste. A section of Raghuvansis. 

_Mirdaha_. --A subcaste of Dahait, Khangar, and Nat. A section ofRaghuvansi. Name used for the mate of a gang of coolies. 

_Mir-Dahait. _--Title of the Mirdha caste. 

_Mirdha_. --A small caste found only in the Narsinghpur District. Theyare a branch of the Khangar or Dahait caste of Saugor and Damoh. Thenames of their exogamous sections tally with those of the Khangars, andthey have the same story of their ancestors having been massacred ata fort in Orchha State and of one pregnant woman escaping and hidingunder a _kusum_ tree (_Schleichera trijuga_), which consequentlythey revere. Like Khangars they regard Muhammadan eunuchs and Fakirs(beggars) with special friendship, on the ground that it was aFakir who sheltered their ancestress when the rest of the caste weremassacred by Rajputs, and Fakirs do not beg at their weddings. Oneexplanation of the name is that this section of the caste were bornfrom a Muhammadan father and a Dahait woman, and hence were calledMir-Dahaits or Mirdaha, Mir being a Muhammadan title. Mirdha is, however, as noted by Mr. Hira Lal, the name of the head of the castecommittee among the Dahaits; and in Hoshangabad he is a servant ofthe village proprietor and acts as assistant to the Kotwar or villagewatchman; he realises the rents from the tenants, and sometimes worksas a night guard. In Gujarat the name is said to be a corruptionof _mir-deh_ or 'mason of the village. ' [469] Here it is said thatthe Mirdhas are held to be of part foreign, part Rajput origin, and were originally official spies of the Gujarat sultans. They arenow employed as messengers and constables, and therefore seem to beanalogous to the same class of persons in the Central Provinces. 

_Mirshikar_. --Synonym of Pardhi. 

_Misra_ or _Misar_. --A surname of Kanaujia, Jijhotia, Sarwaria andUriya Brahmans. 

_Mistri_. --(Corruption of the English Mister. ) A master carpenter ormate of a gang. Title of Barhai, Beldar and Lohar. 

_Mithia_. --(A preparer of sweets. ) Synonym of Halwai. 

_Mochi_. --(A shoemaker. ) A caste. Subcaste of Chamar. 

_Modh_. --A subdivision of Khedawal or Gujarati Brahmans who taketheir name from Modhera, an ancient place in Gujarat. A subcaste ofGujarati Bania. 

_Modh-Ghaneli_. --Subcaste of Teli in Gujarat. 

_Moghia_. --Synonym of Pardhi. 

_Mohania_. --(Captivator. ) A section of Rajjhar and Kirar. 

_Mohtaria_. --Title of the headman of the Andh caste committee. 

_Mohtera_. --One who fixes the auspicious moment, hence the headmanof the caste. A titular section of Basor. 

_Monas_. --A subdivision of Brahmans. 

_Mongre_, _Mongri_, _Mongrekair_. --(A club or mallet. ) A section ofAhir or Rawat in Chhattisgarh, and of Chamar, Ganda, and Panka. 

_Mori_. --A branch of the Panwar Rajputs. 

_Mor Kachhi_. --One who prepares the _maur_ or marriage-crown forweddings. Subcaste of Kachhi. 

_Morkul_. --A section of Komti. They do not use asafoetida (_hing_)nor the fruit of the _umar_ fig-tree. 

_Motate_. --(From _mot_, water-bag. ) A subcaste of Kapewar. 

_Moujikul_. --A section of Komti. They do not use pepper. 

_Mowar_. --Subcaste of Rajwar. 

_Mowasi_. --A resident of the forests of Kalibhit and Melghat knownas the Mowas. Subcaste of Korku. 

_Muamin_. --Synonym of Cutchi. 

_Muasi_. --Title of Korku; subcaste of Korwa. 

_Muchi_. --Synonym of Mochi. 

_Mudara_. --Subcaste of Parja. 

_Mudgalia_. --(From _mudgal_, Indian club--an athlete. ) A surname ofAdi Gaur Brahmans in Saugor. 

_Mudha_. --Synonym for Munda. 

_Mudotia_. --(From _mudha_, a cheat. ) A surname of Sanadhia Brahmansin Saugor. 

_Mughal_. --A tribal division of Muhammadans. See article MuhammadanReligion. 

_Muhammadan_. --Subcaste of Koli. 

_Muhjaria_. --(Burnt mouth. ) A section of Lodhi. 

_Mukeri_. --Or Kasai, a small Muhammadan caste of traders in cattleand butchers. In 1891 more than 900 were returned from the SaugorDistrict. Their former occupation was to trade in cattle like theBanjaras, but they have now adopted the more profitable trade ofslaughtering them for the export of meat; and as this occupation isnot considered very reputable, they have perhaps thought it desirableto abandon their caste name. The derivation of the term Mukeri isuncertain. According to one account they are a class of Banjaras, andderive their name from Mecca, on the ground that one of their Naiksor headmen was camping in the neighbourhood of this town, at the timewhen Abraham was building it, and assisted him in the work. When theyemigrated from Mecca their illustrious name of Makkai was corruptedinto Mukeri. [470] A variant of this story is that their ancestor wasone Makka Banjara, who also assisted in the building of Mecca, andthat they came to India with the early Muhammadan invaders. [471]The Mukeris form a caste and marry among themselves. In theirmarriage ceremony they have adopted some Hindu observances, suchas the anointing of the bride and bridegroom with turmeric and theerection of a marriage-shed. They take food from the higher Hinducastes, but will not eat with a Kayasth, though there is no objectionto this on the score of their religion. They will admit an outsider, if he becomes a Muhammadan, but will not give their daughters to himin marriage, at any rate until he has been for some years a memberof the caste. In other matters they follow Muhammadan law. 

_Mullaji_. --Title of the priests of the Bohra caste. 

_Multani_. --Subcaste and synonym of Banjara. 

_Munda_. --(A village headman, from _munda_, the head. ) Title andsynonym of Kol. A subcaste of Kharia and Oraon. 

_Mundela_. --(Bald-headed. ) A surname of Jijhotia Brahmans in Saugor. 

_Mundle_. --(Shaven ones. ) Subcaste of Gujar. 

_Munikul_. --A section of Komti. They do not use _munga_ beans. 

_Munjia_. --Name of an Akhara or school of Bairagi religiousmendicants. See Bairagi. 

_Munurwar_. --Synonym of Kapewar. 

_Murai, Murao_. --(From _muli_, or radish. ) Subcaste of Kachhi. 

_Murchulia_. --(One who puts rings on the fingers of the caste. ) Asection of Ganda and Panka in Raipur. 

_Muria_. --A well-known subtribe of Gonds in Bastar and Chanda. 

_Murli_. --Synonym of Waghya. 

_Musabir_. --Synonym of Mochi. 

_Musahar_. --(A rat-eater. ) Subcaste and title of Bhuiya. 

_Musare_. --(_Musar_, a pestle. ) A section of Mali. 

_Mussali_. --Title of Mehtar. 

_Mutracha_. --Synonym of Mutrasi. 

_Mutrasa_. --Synonym of Mutrasi. 

_Mutrasi_, _Mutrasa_, _Muthrasi_, _Mutracha_. --(From the Dravidianroots _mudi_, old, and _racha_, a king, or from Mutu Raja, a sovereignof some part of the Telugu country. ) [472] A caste which is numerousin Hyderabad and Madras, and of which a few persons are found in theChanda District of the Central Provinces. The Mutrasis are the villagewatchmen proper of Telingana or the Telugu country. [473] They wereemployed by the Vijayanagar kings to defend the frontier of theircountry, and were honoured with the title of Paligar. Their usualhonorific titles at present are Dora (Sahib or Lord) and Naidu. Asservants they are considered very faithful and courageous. Someof them have taken to masonry in Chanda, and are considered goodstone-carvers. They are a comparatively low caste, and eat fowls anddrink liquor, but they do not eat beef or pork. It is compulsory amongthem to marry a girl before she arrives at adolescence, and if thisis not done her parents are put out of caste, and only readmitted onpayment of a penalty. 

_Nabadia_. --(Boatman or sailor. ) A synonym for Kewat. 

_Naddaf_. --A synonym for Bahna or Pinjara. 

_Nadha_. --(Those who live on the banks of streams. ) Subcaste of Dhimar. 

_Nadia_. --A clan of Dangi. 

_Nag, Nagesh_. --(Cobra. ) A sept of the Ahir or Rawat, Binjhal, Bhatia, Chasa, Hatwa, Halba, Khadal, Kawar, Khangar, Karan, Katia, Kolta, Lohar, Mahar, Mali, Mowar, Parja, Redka, Sulia, Sundi andTaonla castes. Most of these castes belong to Chhattisgarh and theUriya country. 

_Naga_. --A clan of Gosains or mendicants. See Gosain. 

_Nagar_. --A subcaste of Brahmans belonging to Gujarat; a subcaste ofBania; a section of Teli. 

_Nagarchi_. --(A drum-beater. ) A class of Gonds. A subcaste of Gandaand Ghasia. 

_Nagarchi_. --The Nagarchis appear to be a class of Gonds, whose specialbusiness was to beat the _nakkara_ or kettledrums at the gates offorts and palaces. In some Districts they now form a special community, marrying among themselves, and numbered about 6000 persons in 1911. The_nagara_ or _nakkara_ is known in Persia as well as in India. Herethe drum is made of earthenware, of a tapering shape covered at bothends with camel-hide for the _zir_ or treble, and with cowhide for the_bam_ or bass. It is beaten at the broader end. In Persia the drumswere played from the Nakkara-khana or gateway, which still existsas an appanage of royalty in the chief cities of Iran. They werebeaten to greet the rising and to usher out the setting sun. Duringthe months of mourning, Safar and Muharram, they were silent. [474]In India the _nagara_ were a pair of large kettledrums bound withiron hoops and twice as large as those used in Europe. They werea mark of royalty and were carried on one of the state elephants, the royal animal, in the prince's _sowari_ or cavalcade, immediatelypreceding him on the line of march. The right of displaying a bannerand beating kettledrums was one of the highest marks of distinctionwhich could be conferred on a Rajput noble. When the titular MarathaRaja had retired to Satara and any of the Maratha princes enteredhis territory, all marks of royalty were laid aside by the latterand his _nagara_ or great drum of empire ceased to be beaten. [475]

The stick with which the kettledrum was struck was called _danka_, and the king's jurisdiction was metaphorically held to extend sofar as his kettledrums were beaten. _Angrezi raj ka danka bajta hai_or 'Where the English drum is beaten, ' means 'So far as the Englishempire extends. ' In Egypt the kettledrums were carried on camels. [476]

_Nagaria_. --(A drum-player. ) A section of Jasondhi Bhat and Teli. 

_Nagbans_. --(Descended from the cobra. ) A totemistic sept of Gadba, Ghasia, and Gond. 

_Nagla_. --(Naked. ) Subcaste of Khond. 

_Nagpure_. --(From Nagpur. ) A section of Lodhi and Kohli. 

_Nagvansi_. --A clan of Rajputs. See article Rajput-Nagvansi. A subcasteand section of Sunar. A section of Daharia or Daraiha and Gond. 

_Nahar_. --(Tiger. ) A subtribe of Baiga. A section of Rajputs in Saugor. 

_Nahonia_. --A clan of Dangi in Damoh and Saugor. They were formerlyKachhwaha Rajputs from Narwar, but being cut off from their owndomicile they married with Dangis. Rajputs accept daughters from thembut do not give their daughters to Nahonias. 

_Naidu_. --Title of the Balija, Mutrasi and Velama castes. Often usedby Balijas as their caste name. 

_Naik_. --(Leader. ) A subdivision of Gond, also known as Darwe. A titleof Banjara headmen. A title of Teli and Kolta. A section of Ahir, Chamar, Chasa, Gadaria, Halba, Kewat, Khond, Mali, Sudh. 

_Nakib_. --Mace-bearer or flag-bearer in a procession. Subcaste ofJasondhi Bhat and Khangar. 

_Nakshbandia_. --A class of Fakirs or Muhammadan beggars. 

_Naksia_. --Synonym of Nagasia. 

_Namdeo_. --A religious sect confined to members of the Chhipa andDarzi castes, which has become a subcaste. 

_Nanakshahi_. --Synonym of Nanakpanthi. 

_Nandia_. --(One who leads about with him a performing bullock). FromNandi, the bull on which Mahadeo rides. Subcaste of Jogi. 

_Nandvansi_. --Subcaste of Ahir. 

_Nanghana_. --A name given to the Kol tribe in Hoshangabad. 

_Napita_. --Sanskrit name for Nai or barber. 

_Naqqal_. --Title of Bhand. 

_Naraina_. --Subcaste of Patwa. 

_Naramdeo_. --A subcaste of Brahmans belonging to the Gaur branch. Theytake their name from the river Nerbudda. 

_Narbadi_, _Narmada_. --(From the river Nerbudda. ) A subdivision ofMaharashtra Brahmans. A section of Yajur-Vedi Brahmans. A synonymfor Naramdeo Brahmans. A section of Agharia, Binjhal and Chamar. 

_Narnolia_. --(From a place called Narnol in the Punjab. ) Subcasteof Mehtar. 

_Narwaria_. --A clan of Dangi. A subcaste of Ahir. 

_Nata_. --(A young bullock. ) A section of Ahir and Oswal Bania. 

_Nathunia_. --(Nose-ring. ) A subcaste of Pasi. 

_Navadesia_. --(A man of nine districts. ) Subcaste of Banjara. 

_Nawaria_. --A subcaste of Barhai, Lohar, Kachera or Sisgar, Naiand Tamera. 

_Nazir_. --(A cashier or usher. ) Subcaste of Jasondhi Bhat. 

_Negi_. --A vice-president of the caste committee in the Kharia caste. 

_Nema_ or _Nima_. --A subcaste of Bania. See article Bania, Nema. 

_Netam_. --(The dog in Gondi. ) One of the common septs of Gond. Alsoa sept of Basor, Bhatra, Bhuiya, Dewar, Kawar and Parja. 

_Nawari_. --(From _newar_, thick tape used for webbing ofbeds. ) Subcaste of Bahna. 

_Niaria_. --An occupational term applied to persons who take the refuseand sweepings from a Sunar's shop and wash out the particles of goldand silver. See article Sunar. 

_Nigam_, _Nigum_. --A subcaste of Kayasth. 

_Nihal_. --Synonym of Nahal. 

_Nihang_. --A class of Bairagis or religious mendicants, who remaincelibate. 

_Nikhar_. --A subcaste of Ahir, Bharewa (Kasar), Gadaria. A clan ofRajput. A section of Koshti. 

_Nikumbh_. --A clan of Rajputs included in the thirty-six royal races. Asection of Joshi. 

_Nilgar_. --Synonym of Chhipa. 

_Nilkar_. --(From _nil_, indigo. ) A subcaste of Darzi or Simpi (tailors)in Naagpur, so named because they took up the work of dyeing inaddition to their own and formed a new subcaste. 

_Nimanandi_. --A Vishnuite sect and order of religious mendicants. SeeBairagi. 

_Nimari_, _Nimadi_, _Nimaria_. --(A resident of Nimar. ) A subcaste ofBalahi, Bania, Dhobi, Mahar and Nai. 

_Nimawal_. --A class of Bairagi. 

_Nirali_. --Synonym of Chhipa. 

_Niranjani_. --Name of an Akhara or school of Bairagis. See Bairagi. 

_Nirbani_. --(_Nir_, without; _bani_, speech. ) A class of Bairagiswho refrain from speech as far as possible. 

_Nirmohi_. --A class of Bairagis. 

_Nona_ or _Lona_. --Name derived from Nona or Lona Chamarin, awell-known witch. Subcaste of Chamar. 

_Nulkachandriah_. --Caste priests. Subcaste of Madgi. 

_Nun_. --(Salt. ) A sept of Oraon. 

_Nunia_, _Nonia_, _Lunia_. --(Saltmaker. ) A synonym of Beldar. Asection of Binjhwar and Koli. 

_Od_. --Synonym of Beldar. 

_Odde_, _Ud_. --(From Odra the old name of Orissa. ) Term for a diggeror navvy. A group of Beldars. 

_Odhia_. --Synonym for Audhia Bania. 

_Odia_ or _Uriya_. --Subcaste of Beldar in Chhattisgarh. 

_Oiku_. --Subtribe of Majhwar. 

_Ojha_. --(From _Ojh_, entrails. ) A caste of Gond augurs, see article. Atitle of Maithil Brahmans. A subcaste of Lohar, Nat and Savar. 

_Okkilyan_. --Synonym of Wakkaliga. 

_Omre_, _Umre_. --A subcaste of Bania. See Bania Umre. --A subcasteof Teli. 

_Onkar Nath_. --A subdivision of Jogis. 

_Onkule_. --Subcaste of Koshti. 

_Orha_. --Subcaste of Chasa. 

_Oswal_. --A subcaste of Bania. See subordinate article to Bania. 

_Ota_. --(One who recites the Vedas aloud in sacrifices. ) An honorifictitle of Uriya Brahmans. 

_Otari, Watkari_. --A low caste of workers in brass in the Marathacountry. The name is derived from the Marathi verb _otne_, to pouror smelt. They number about 2600 persons in the Bhandara and ChandaDistricts, and in Berar. The caste have two subcastes, Gondadya andMaratha, or the Gond and Maratha Otaris. The latter are no doubtmembers of other castes who have taken to brass-working. Membersof the two subcastes do not eat with each other. Their family namesare of different kinds, and some of them are totemistic. They employBrahmans for their ceremonies, and otherwise their customs are likethose of the lower artisan castes. But it is reported that they havea survival of marriage by capture, and if a man refuses to give hisdaughter in marriage after being asked twice or thrice, they abductthe girl and afterwards pay some compensation to the father. Theymake and sell ornaments of brass and bell-metal, such as are worn bythe lower castes, and travel from village to village, hawking theirtoe-rings and anklets. There is also an Otari subcaste of Kasars. 

_Pabaiya_. --(From Pabai in Bundelkhand. ) A clan of Rajputs inHoshangabad. 

_Pabia_. --A small caste in the zamindaris of the Bilaspur District, and some of the Feudatory States, who numbered about 9000 personsin 1911. They appear to be Pans or Gandas, who also bear the nameof Pab, and this has been corrupted into Pabia, perhaps with a viewto hiding their origin. They are wretchedly poor and ignorant. Theysay that they have never been to a Government dispensary, and wouldbe afraid that medicine obtained from it would kill them. Their onlyremedies for diseases are branding the part affected or calling in amagician. They never send their children to school, as they hold thateducated children are of no value to their parents, and that the objectof Government in opening schools is only to obtain literate personsto carry on its business. One curious custom may be noticed. Whenany one dies in a family, all the members, as soon as the breathleaves his body, go into another room of the house; and across thedoor they lay a net opened into the room where the corpse lies. Theythink that the spirit of the dead man will follow them, and will becaught in the net. Then the net is carried away and burnt or buriedwith the corpse, and thus they think that the spirit is removed andprevented from remaining about the house and troubling the survivors. 

_Pabeha_. --Synonym for Dhimar. 

_Pabudia_ or _Madhai_. --A subcaste of Bhuiya. 

_Pachadhe_. --(Western. )--A subdivision of Saraswat Brahman. 

_Pachbhaiya_. --(Five Brothers. ) A section of Ahir and Audhelia. 

_Pada_. --(A pig-eater. ) A section of Muria Gonds and Pardhans. 

_Padhan_. --(An Uriya name for a chief or headman of a village. ) Asection of Bhuiya, Chasa, Dumal, Hatwa, Kolta, Tiyar and other Uriyacastes. A title of Chasa and Kolta. 

_Padmasale_. --Subcaste of Koshti. 

_Padyal_. --A subtribe of Gond in Chanda. A section of Marori. 

_Pahalwan_. --A small community numbering about 600 persons in theBilaspur District and surrounding tracts of Chhattisgarh. The wordPahalwan means a wrestler, but Sir B. Robertson states [477] thatthey are a small caste of singing beggars and have no connection withwrestling. They appear, however, to belong to the Gopal caste, who havea branch of Pahalwans in their community. And the men returned fromBilaspur may have abandoned wrestling in favour of singing and beggingfrom trees, which is also a calling of the Gopals. They themselves saythat their ancestors were Gopals and lived somewhere towards Berar, andthat they came to Bilaspur with the Maratha leader Chimnaji Bhonsla. 

_Pahar_. --Subcaste of Mahli. 

_Paharia_ or _Benwaria_. --Subcaste of Korwa. 

_Paik_. --(A foot-soldier. ) See Rajput-Paik. 

_Paikaha_. --(One who follows the calling of curing hides. ) Synonymfor Chamar. 

_Paikara_. --(From Paik, a foot-soldier. ) Subcaste of Kawar. 

_Pailagia_. --(Pailagi or 'I fall at your feet, ' is a common term ofgreeting from an inferior to a superior. ) Subcaste of Dahait. 

_Paiyam_. --(From _paiya_, a calf. ) A sept of Gonds in Betul. 

_Pajania_. --(_Paijana_, tinkling anklets. ) A section of Kurmi. 

_Pakhali_. --(From _pakhali_, a leathern water-bag. ) Synonym of Bhishti. 

_Pakhawaji_. --(One who plays on the _pakhawaj_ or timbrel. ) Titleof Mirasi. 

_Pakhia_. --(They are so called because they eat the flesh of the _por_or buffalo. ) Subcaste of Khond. 

_Palas. _--(From the _palas_ tree, _Butea frondosa_. ) A totemisticsept of Gonds. 

_Palewar_. --A _gotra_ of Binjhwar; a subcaste of Dhimar found in theTelugu country. They are also called Bhoi in Chanda. A name for TeluguDhimars or watermen. A section of Binjhwar. 

_Palgaria_. --(Sleeping on a _palang_ or cot. ) A sept of Bhunjia. 

_Palliwal_. --A subcaste of Brahmans belonging to the Kanaujiadivision. They take their name from Pali, a trading town of Marwar. Asubcaste of Bania, whose name is derived from the same place. 

_Palsa-gacha_. --(_Palas_ tree, _Butea frondosa_. ) A totemistic septof Pans. 

_Palshe_. --A subcaste of Maratha Brahmans. They derive their namefrom Palsaoli village in Kalyan (Bombay Presidency). 

_Pampatra_. --(Those who use their hands as pots. ) A section ofKhandwal. 

_Pan_. --(Name of a forest tribe. ) Synonym for Ganda. 

_Panch, Panchayat_. --(A caste committee, so called because it issupposed to consist of five (_panch_) persons. ) A section of Marar. 

_Panchal_. --An indeterminate group of artisans engaged in any ofthe following five trades: Workers in iron, known as Manu; workersin copper or brass called Twashtik; workers in stone or Shilpik;workers in wood or Maya; and workers in gold and silver designatedas Daivagnya. [478] The caste appear to be of Telugu origin, andin Madras they are also known as Kammala. In the Central Provincesthey were amalgamated with the Sunars in 1901, but in 1891 a total of7000 were returned, belonging to the southern Districts; while 2700members of the caste are shown in Berar. The name is variously derived, but the principal root is no doubt _panch_ or five. Captain Glasfurdwrites it Panchyanun. [479] In the Central Provinces the Panchalsappear generally to work in gold or brass, while in Berar they areblacksmiths. The gold-workers are an intelligent and fairly prosperousclass, and devote themselves to engraving, inlaying, and making goldbeads. They are usually hired by Sunars and paid by the piece. [480]They are intent on improving their social position and now claimto be Vishwa Brahmans, presumably in virtue of their descent fromViswa Karma, the celestial architect. At the census they submitteda petition begging to be classified as Brahmans, and to supporttheir claim they employ members of their own caste to serve them aspriests. But the majority of them permit the remarriage of widows, and do not wear the sacred thread. In other respects their customsresemble those of the Sunars. The Berar Panchals, on the other hand, appear to be a much lower group. Mr. Kitts describes [481] them as a"wandering caste of smiths living in grass-mat huts and using as fuelthe roots of thorn bushes, which they batter out of the ground withthe back of a short-handled axe peculiar to themselves. The BerariPanchals, " he continues, "who differ from the Dakhani division in thecustom of shaving their heads and beards on the death of a parent, have been in the Provinces for some generations. They live in small_pals_ or tents, and move from place to place with buffaloes, donkeys, and occasionally ponies to carry their kit. The women of the Beraridivision may be distinguished from those of the Dakhani Panchals bytheir wearing their _lugras_ or body-cloths tucked in at the back, in the fashion known as _kasote_. " It is no doubt from the desire todissociate themselves from the wandering blacksmiths of Berar thatthe Panchals of the Central Provinces desire to drop their caste name. 

_Pancham_. --A subcaste of Bania. A subcaste of Barai, the sameas Beraria. 

_Panchbhai_. --(Five brothers. ) A surname of Bhanara Dhimars, a sectionof Ghasia. 

_Panchdeve_. --A subdivision of Gonds, worshipping five gods and payingspecial reverence to the _saras_ crane. 

_Panch Dravid_. --One of the two primary divisions of Brahmans, inhabiting the country south of the Vindhya hills and Nerbudda river, and including the following five orders: viz. , Karnata (Carnatic), Dravid (Madras), Tailanga (Telugu country), Maharashtra (Bombay)and Gurjara (Gujarat). 

_Panch Gaur_. --One of the two primary divisions of Brahmans inhabitingthe country north of the Vindhya hills and Nerbudda river; it includesthe following five orders: Saraswat (Punjab), Kanaujia (Hindustan), Gaur (Bengal), Utkal (Orissa) and Maithil (Bihar or Tirhut). 

_Panchghar_. --One of the three subdivisions of Kanaujia Brahmansin Hoshangabad. 

_Panda_. --(A priest of Devi, a wise man. ) A subcaste or titleof Mali. A subcaste and surname of Uriya Brahmans. A subcaste ofJasondhi Bhats. 

_Pandaram_. --A class of Brahman priests. 

_Pande_. --(A wise man. ) A surname of Kanaujia and Gaur Brahmans. Asection of Agharia, Barhai, Kewat and Marar. A title of Joshi andKumhar. 

_Pandhare_. --(White. ) Subcaste of Sunar. 

_Pandit_. --(A learned man. ) A title of Brahmans. 

_Pandki_. --(Dove. ) A totemistic sept of Bhatra, Kawar and Parja. 

_Pandra_. --A small caste of cultivators in the Uriya country. It issaid that one of the Rajas of Patna had an illegitimate son to whomhe gave the village of Pandri. His descendants were the Pandras. 

_Pandwar_ or _Padwar_. --A section of Panka in Raipur. They are saidto be so named because they washed the feet of others. 

_Pangal_. --Subcaste of Gopal. They make mats, but in addition to thisthey are mendicants begging from trees. 

_Panhara_. --An occupational term meaning a seller of _pan_ orbetel-leaf. 

_Panibhar_. --(A waterman. ) Subcaste of Dangri. 

_Panigrahi_. --(Husband. ) An honorific title of Uriya Brahmans. 

_Panjha_. --(Paw of an animal. ) A sept of Gond. 

_Panka_. --A weaver caste derived from the Gandas, being Gandas whofollow the Kabirpanthi sect. See article. In Chhattisgarh Pankassometimes call themselves Das, as servants of Kabir. Panka is alsoa subcaste of Ganda. 

_Pansari_. --(A druggist. ) Synonym for Barai. 

_Panwar_. --A clan of Rajput. See article Panwar Rajput. A subcasteof Banjara and Bhoyar. A section of Ahir, Bhilala, Koshti, Marathaand Marori. 

_Parasar, Parashar_. --(Name of a Brahmanical saint. ) An eponymoussection of Brahmans. A surname of Sanadhya and Gaur Brahmans. Asection of Basdeva, Rangari, Sunar and Vidur. 

_Parauha_. --(From _para_, a male buffalo calf. ) A subcaste of Basdewawho deal in buffaloes. 

_Parbat_. --Name of one of the ten orders of Gosain. 

_Parbhu_. --Synonym of Prabhu. 

_Pardeshi_. --(A foreigner. ) The name is sometimes applied to immigrantsfrom Malwa, and also to those coming from northern India. A subcasteof the Bahna, Barai, Barhai, Chamar, Dhimar, Dhobi, Garpagari, Kimbi, Kasar, Kumhar, Lohar, Nai, Rangari, Sunar and Teli castes. 

_Pardhan_. --(A chief. ) A caste who are priests of the Gonds. Seearticle. A section of Chhattisgarhi Ahir or Rawat, Halba andPabia. Title of caste headman of the Kharia tribe. 

_Pardhi_. --(A hunter. ) A caste. See article. A subcaste of Khatik. Asection of Kunbi and Panwar Rajput. 

_Parewa_. --(A pigeon. ) A section of Chhattisgarhi Ahir or Rawat, and Panka. 

_Parganiha_. --A synonym of Pardhan (Gond priests) in Kawardha. 

_Parihar_. --An important clan of Rajputs. See Rajput Parihar. Asection of Daharia and Daraiha, of Panwar Rajput and Pardhi. 

_Parit_. --Synonym for Dhobi in the Maratha districts. 

_Parka_. [482]--A small caste of labourers belonging to the JubbulporeDistrict and adjoining tracts, whose strength was something over 2000persons in 1901. Sir B. Robertson wrote [483] in 1891 that the Parkasof the three northern Districts had been kept separate from the Pankacaste in the census tables, but that they were in all probability thesame. Mr. Hira Lal points out that several of the names of septs asPadwar, Sanwani, Gullia and Dharwa are the same in the two castes, and that in the Districts where Parkas are found there are noPankas. The Panka caste was probably formed in Chhattisgarh by theseparation of those Gandas or Pans who had embraced the doctrines ofKabir from their parent caste, and the name is a variant of Pan. InJubbulpore the name Panka has no understood meaning, and it mayhave been corrupted into Pandka (a dove) and thence to Parka. Likethe Pankas the Parkas often act as village watchmen. Many of theParkas are also Kabirpanthis and, as with the Pankas, those whoare not Kabirpanthis and do not abstain from flesh and liquor arecalled Saktahas. Intermarriage is not prohibited between the ParkaKabirpanthis and Saktahas. Some of the Parkas play on drums and actas village musicians, which is a regular occupation of the Pankas andGandas. It may also be noted that the Parkas will take food cookedwith water from a Gond and that they worship Bura Deo, the great godof the Gonds. Perhaps the most probable surmise as to their originis that they are a small mixed group made up of Pankas and Gonds. Aproverbial saying about the caste is '_Gond Raja, Parka Pardhan_, 'or 'The Gond is the master and the Parka the servant, ' and this alsopoints to their connection with the Gonds. Several of their sectionnames indicate their mixed origin, as Kumharia from Kumhar a potter, Gullia From Gaolia or milkman, Bhullia from Bhulia an Uriya weaver, Andwan a subcaste of the Mahar caste, Tilasia a sept of the Kawars, and so on. If a Parka man forms a connection with any woman of highercaste she will be admitted into the community, and the same privilegeis accorded to a man of any equal or higher caste who may desire tomarry a Parka girl. A girl is only cast out when she is discoveredto have been living with a man of lower caste than the Parkas. Allthese facts indicate their mixed origin. As already seen, the casteare labourers, village watchmen-and musicians, and their customsresemble those of low-caste Hindus, but they rank above the impurecastes. They will eat food cooked with water from Lodhis, many of whomare landowners in Jubbulpore, and as such no doubt stand to the Parkain the relation of employer to servant. Every year on the second dayof Bhadon (August) they worship a four-sided iron plate and a spear, which latter is perhaps the emblem of the village watchman. Finesimposed for caste offences are sometimes expended in the purchase ofvessels which thereafter become common property and are lent to anyone who requires them. 

_Parnami_. --(A follower of Prannath of Panna. ) Subcaste of Dangi. 

_Parsai_. --(Village priest. ) Synonym for Joshi. 

_Parsoli_. --(_parsa_, an axe. ) A section of Ahir or Rawat inChhattisgarh. 

_Parwar_. --A subcaste of Bania. See article Bania-Parwar. A subcasteof Kumhar. 

_Passi_. --Synonym of Pasi. 

_Patadhari_. --(One occupying the seat of instruction. ) A section ofcelibate Manbhaos. 

_Patane_. --A subcaste of Prabhu, so called on account of their livingnear Patan in Gujarat. 

_Patbina_. --(From _patti_, sacking, and _binna_, to weave. ) Synonymof Kumrawat. Subcaste of Jogi. 

_Patel_. --(Headman of a village. ) A subcaste and title of Mali. Asurname of Gaur Brahmans in Saugor and of Parsis. A surname or sectionof Agharia, Mahar and Kachhi. A title of the Ahir and Bhoyar castes. 

_Pathak_. --(Teacher. ) A surname of Kanaujia and other classes ofBrahmans. 

_Pathan_. --One of the four tribes of Muhammadans. See articleMuhammadan Religion. 

_Pathari_. --(A hillman. ) Synonym of Pardhan. Subcaste of Katia. 

_Patharia_. --A subcaste of Katia, Kurmi and Mahar. A section ofHalba. A subcaste of Agaria, who place a stone on the mouth of thebellows to fix them in the ground for smelting iron. 

_Pathmukh_. --A subsept of the Dhurwa Gonds in Betul. They offer ayoung goat to their gods and do not kill bears. 

_Pathrot_, _Pathrawat_. --(One who makes and sharpens millstones andgrindstones. ) Synonym of Beldar. 

_Pati_. --(Lord. ) An honorific title of Uriya Brahmans. 

_Patkar_. --(From _pat_, widow-marriage. ) A subcaste of Sunar inWardha. A section of Rangari. 

_Patlia_. --(From _patel_. ) Title of Panwar Rajput. 

_Patnaik_. --A surname of Karan or Mahanti, the Uriya writer caste. 

_Patra_. --(An Uriya word meaning councillor. ) A subcaste of Koltaand Chasa, and title of several Uriya castes. Also a synonym for thePatwa caste. 

_Patti_. --(A thread-seller. ) Subcaste of Kaikari. 

_Patwa_. --A caste. See article. In Seoni tahsil of HoshangabadDistrict Patwa and Lakhera appear to be synonymous terms. A sectionof Oswal Bania. 

_Patwari_. --(Name of the village accountant and surveyor, who isnow a salaried Government official. ) The Kayasth caste were formerlypatwaris by profession. See article. 

_Patwi_. --(A dyer who colours the silk thread which weavers use toborder their cotton cloth. ) Synonym of Patwa. Subcaste of Koshti. From_pata_, a woven cloth. 

_Pawanbans_. --(The children of the wind. ) Synonym for Bhuiya. 

_Pendhari_. --Synonym of Pindari. 

_Peng_. --Subcaste of Parja. 

_Penthi_. --(Sheep. ) A totemistic sept of Bhulia. 

_Periki_, _Perki_, _Perka_. --The Perikis are really a subcaste ofthe great Balija or Balji caste, but they have a lower position andare considered as a distinct group. About 4000 Perikis were returnedin the Central Provinces in 1911 from the Nagpur, Wardha and ChandaDistricts. They derive their names from the _perike_ or panniersin which they carried salt and grain on bullocks and donkeys. Theywere thus formerly a nomadic group, and like the Banjaras and Bhamtasthey also made gunny-bags and sacking. Most of them have now taken tocultivation, and in Madras some Perikis have become large landholdersand claim Rajput rank. In the Central Provinces the Balijas and Naidusdeny that the Perikis have any connection with the Balija caste. 

_Peta_. --(A trading Balija. ) Subcaste of Balija. 

_Phal Barhai_. --(A carpenter who only works on one side of thewood. ) Synonym for Chitari in the Uriya country. 

_Phanse_. --(A Pardhi who hunts with traps and snares. ) Subcasteof Pardhi. 

_Phansigar_. --(A strangler. ) Synonym of Thug. 

_Pharsi_. --(Axe. ) A section of Uriya, Ahir or Gahara. 

_Phopatia_. --Title of the officer of the Andh caste who summons thecaste committee. 

_Phulia_, _Phulmali_. --(A flower-gardener. ) Subcaste of Kachhiand Mali. 

_Phuljharia_. --(From Phuljhar zamindari in Raipur. ) A territorialsubcaste of Ahir or Rawat, Ghasia and Panka. 

_Phul Kunwar_. --A section of Kawar. They use the _akre_ or swallow-wortflower for their marriage-crown. 

_Phulsunga_. --A totemistic section of Gadaria. They abstain fromsmelling or touching a flower called _gadha_. 

_Phurasti_. --(A wanderer. ) Subcaste of Kaikari. 

_Pindara_. --Synonym of Pindari. 

_Pindari_. --A caste. Subcaste of Mang. 

_Pinjara_. --(One who cards cotton. ) Synonym of Bahna. 

_Pipar_. --(A tree. ) A section of Khatik and Kalar. 

_Pipariya_. --(From the pipal tree, or from Piparia, a common place-namederived from the tree. ) A clan of Rajputs in Saugor. A section ofSunars in Saugor. 

_Piria_. --Subcaste of Kachhi. From _piria_, the basket in which theycarry earth. 

_Pit_. --Subcaste of Bhatra. 

_Pitariya_. --(From _pital_, brass. ) A subdivision of Pardeshi Sunarsin Nagpur. They practise hypergamy, taking wives from the Sadihesubcaste, and giving daughters to the Srinagariye, Bangar, Mahuweand Jadiye subcastes. 

_Pohni_. --Subcaste of Jhadi Telenga. 

_Poiya_, --Subcaste of Majhwar. 

_Polya_. --(One who did not take off his turban at the feast. ) Titleof Hatkar. 

_Pondro_. --(A tree. ) One of the six subsepts of the Marai clan ofPathari Gonds in Khairagarh. 

_Ponwar_. --Synonym of Panwar Rajput. 

_Portai_. --(Basket. ) A subsept of the Uika clan of Gonds in Betul. Theydo not kill the tiger or crocodile. A sept of Dhur Gonds. 

_Potdar_. --(A money-tester. ) Synonym and title of Sunar. A surnameof Karhara Brahmans in Saugor. 

_Potdukh_. --(Stomach-ache. ) A section of Teli in Chanda. 

_Potharia_. --(One to whom a certain dirty habit is imputed. ) Subcasteof Korku. 

_Potwa_. --(A worker in tasar silk. ) Synonym for Darzi; a subcasteof Darzi. 

_Poyam_. --(Worshipper of eight gods. ) A sept of Pardhan and ofMaria Gonds. 

_Prajapati_. --Title of Kumhar. 

_Pramara_. --Synonym for Panwar Rajput. 

_Prannathi_. --A follower of Prannath of Panna. Synonym for Dhami. 

_Pravar_. --A term for the ancestors sharing in a sacrificialinvocation, particularly that of the Horn or fire-sacrifice. 

_Prayagwal_. --(From Prayag-Allahabad. ) A subcaste of Brahmans whopreside at the ceremonial bathing in the Ganges at Allahabad. 

_Puar_. --Synonym of Panwar Rajput. 

_Pujari_. --(A worshipper. ) Name for the priest in charge of a temple. Atitle of Bhatra. 

_Purad_. --A small mixed caste in Nagpur. They say that their ancestorwas a Brahman, who was crossing a river and lost his sacred thread, on being carried down in a flood (_pur_). Therefore he was put out ofcaste because the sacred thread must be changed before swallowing thespittle, and he had no other thread ready. At the census the Puradswere amalgamated with Vidurs. They are shopkeepers by profession. 

_Purait_. --(One who is of pure blood. ) A subdivision of Jharia Rawat(Ahir) in Chhattisgarh. A subcaste of Dhakar, Halba and Marar. 

_Purania_. --(Old. ) A subcaste of Kachera or Sisgar in Saugor. ThePuranias are the Muhammadan bangle-makers who originally practisedthis calling. A subcaste of Barai, Basor, Nai and Sunar. A sectionof Chamar and Darzi. 

_Purbia_. --This term, which means eastern or coming from the east, is used in Hoshangabad and other Districts to designate Rajputsfrom Oudh and the adjoining tracts, especially retired sepoys fromthe Bengal army. They appear to belong to different clans, but manyof them are Bais Rajputs. Some of the Purbias say that their king, somewhere in northern India, heard that cows were being killed in theCentral Provinces, so he sent them to stop the practice and they cameand stopped it and settled there. In Gujarat this name appears to beapplied to Brahmans. A subcaste of Barhai and Gadaria. A section ofNat and Sunar. 

_Purkam_. --(_Purka_-pumpkin. ) A sept of the Uika clan of Gondsin Betul. 

_Purohit_. --(Family priest. ) A common title of Brahmans. 

_Purouti_ or _Pudoti_. --(Bowels. ) A sept of Gonds in Khairagarh. 

_Pusam_. --(Worshipper of five gods. ) A sept of Raj-Gond and Dhur Gond, and of Baiga and Pardhan. 

_Putka_. --A subcaste of Sudh, being the illegitimate issue of theDehri Sudhs. 

_Qawwal_. --(One who speaks fluently. ) Title of Mirasi. 

_Rachhbandia_. --(Comb-makers. ) A subcaste of Kuchhbandia (Kanjar). 

_Raghunathia_. --A small group of Brahmans, so called because theirancestors are said to have received a grant of five villages fromRaghunath Deo of Hindoli. 

_Raghuvansi_. --A caste formed from a Rajput clan. See article. Asubcaste of Ahir; a section of Mali and Gond. 

_Raghvi_. --Synonym of Raghuvansi. 

_Rahmat_. --(Compassion. ) A section of Panwar Rajput. A Muhammadanproper name. 

_Rai_ or _Raj_. --Subcaste of Darzi, Kalar, Khangar. 

_Rai-bhaina_. --Subcaste of Baiga in Balaghat. 

_Raipuria_. --(From Raipur. ) A subcaste of Dhimars who do not weargold ornaments. A subcaste of Dewar in Bilaspur. 

_Raj_ or _Rai_. --From Raja, a king. This term designatesthe landholding division of certain tribes, as the Raj-Gonds, the Raj-Korkus, the Raj-Khonds and the Rajbhars. The Raj-Bhats, Raj-Dhuris and Rai-Darzis are similarly subcastes of good positionin their respective castes. Raj is also used as a synonym for Beldar, meaning a mason. 

_Raja_. --(A king. ) Title of a ruling chief, and occasionally conferredon prominent Indian gentlemen. 

_Rajak_. --(A washerman. ) Synonym for Dhobi. 

_Rajbhar_. --(A landowning Bhar. ) Synonym for Rajjhar. 

_Raj-Bhat. _--Subcaste of Bhat. 

_Raj-Dhuri. _--A subcaste of Dhuri, said to be descendants of personalservants in Rajput families. 

_Raj-Gond_. --The landholding subdivision of the Gond tribe; a sectionof Chamar and Kachhi. 

_Raj-Khond_. --Subcaste of Khond. 

_Raj-Kunwar, Raj-Pardhan_. --A subcaste of Pardhan in Balaghat. 

_Rajoria_. --(Kingly. ) A section of Barhai, Dangi, Khatik and SanadhyaBrahman. 

_Raj-Pardhan_. --A subcaste of Pardhan. They are said to be alsoknown as Kunwar Pardhan or Gond Bhat and to be beggars and bards ofthe Gonds. 

_Raj-Pasi_. --Subcaste of Pasi. 

_Rajput_. --(Son of a king. ) A caste, representing the ancient Kshatriyacaste. See article. A subcaste of Banjara, Kadera, Kumhar and Patwa. 

_Rajwaria_. --From the Rajwar caste. Subcaste of Dahait. Subdivisionof Kol in Mirzapur. 

_Rakaseya_. --(From Rakas, a devil. ) A section of Katia. 

_Rakhotia_. --An illegitimate section of Kumhar. 

_Rakhwaldar_. --(Village watchman. ) Title of Ramosi. 

_Raksa_. --(Demoniac. ) A section of Kumhar and Kawar. 

_Ramanandi_. --A class of Bairagis or religious mendicants. Seearticle Bairagi. 

_Ramanuja_. --A class of Bairagis or religious mendicants. See articleBairagi. 

_Ramgarhia_. --(A resident of Ramgarh in Mandla. ) Subcaste of Ghasia. 

_Ramoshi_. --Synonym of Ramosi. 

_Rana_. --A title of Sesodia Rajputs. A section of Halba and Panwar. 

_Randgolak_. --A subdivision of degraded Maharashtra Brahmans, theoffspring of illicit unions or remarried widows. 

_Rangari_. --(One who works in indigo (_nil_). ) Synonym for Chhipa. 

_Rao_. --Synonym for Bhat. A section of Chamar and Lohar. A title ofthe Bhilala caste. 

_Ratanpuria_. --(A resident of Ratanpur in Bilaspur. ) Subcaste ofNunia and Dewar. 

_Ratha_. --(A car for carrying a god. ) Honorific title of UriyaBrahmans. 

_Rathia_. --Subcaste of Kawar. 

_Rathor_, _Rathaur_. --A famous Rajput clan. See articleRajput-Rathor. A subcaste of Banjara, Bari and of Teli in Mandla, Betul, Nimar and other Districts. A section of Ahir, Bhilala, Mochi, Nahal and Pardhi. 

_Ratna Banik_. --(Dealer in jewels. ) A synonym of Sunar in Sambalpur. 

_Rautadi_. --Subcaste of Bhuiya. 

_Rautele_. --A subcaste of Kol. A section of Barai, Bhat, Gadaria andof Sunar in Saugor. 

_Rautia_. --A subcaste of Kol in several Districts. A subcaste ofDahait. A subcaste of Kawar. A section of Chamar and Rawat (Ahir). 

_Rawal_. --Title borne by some Rajput chieftains in WesternIndia. Probably a diminutive of Rao, the Marathi form of Raj orRaja. A section of Chasa, Mali and Garpagari. 

_Rawanbansi_. --Descendants of Rawan, the demon king of Ceylon. Aname applied to the Gonds generally, and now used as a subtribaldesignation to distinguish them from Raj-Gonds. 

_Rawanvansi_. --Name of a clan of Gosain mendicants. 

_Rawat_. --A title borne by some minor Rajput chiefs. Probably adiminutive of Rajputra, the original form of the term Rajput. Anhonorific title of Gonds and Savars in Saugor and Damoh. The name bywhich the Ahir caste is generally known in Chhattisgarh. A subcasteand title of Khairwar. A title sometimes used by Sunars and Brahmansin Bundelkhand and by Lodhis. A subcaste of Mehtar and Mali. A sectionof Arakh, Banjara, Binjhwar, Dhanwar, Kawar, Khairwar, Kunbi, Nat, Patwa, Panwar Rajput, and Sudh. 

_Reddi_. --A synonym for the Kapewar or Kapu caste; a subcaste ofKapewar and Gandli. 

_Redka_. --A small labouring caste of Sambalpur. They are apparentlythe result of intermarriages between some members of the Reddi orKapu cultivating caste of Telingana, who came to Sambalpur duringthe Orissa famine of 1866, with low-class Uriya women. They stillspeak Telugu among themselves, using Uriya to outsiders. Only onecurious feature of the marriage ceremony of the Redkas need be noticedhere. This is that the officiating Brahman actually places a red-hotcopper seal on the arms of the bride and bridegroom as a symbol ofsealing the marriage bond. In other respects their customs resemblethose of low-caste Uriyas. 

_Rekwar_. --Subcaste of Dhimar. 

_Rig-Vedi_. --Sectarian division of Brahmans. 

_Rikhiasan Mahatwar_. --Subcaste of Bhuiya. 

_Ritha Biknath_. --One who prepares and sells soap-nuts for washingclothes. Subcaste of Jogi. 

_Rohidasi_. --Honorific term for a Chamar. It signifies a followerof the sect of Rohidas in Northern India. The Chamars often describethemselves by this name instead of their caste name. 

_Rohilla_. --A Pathan tribe who have settled in Rohilkhand or theBareilly tract of the United Provinces. They derive their name fromRoh, the designation given to the country where the Pushto languageis spoken by residents of Hindustan. The word Roh, like Koh, meansa mountain, and Rohilla therefore signifies a highlander. [484] TheRohilla Pathans occupied Rohilkhand in the eighteenth century. Theirname first attracted attention when Warren Hastings was charged withhiring out British troops for their suppression. The Rohillas say thatthey are of Coptic origin, and that driven out of Egypt by one of thePharaohs they wandered westward till they arrived under that part ofthe mountains of Afghanistan known as Sulaimani Koh. [485] Partiesof Rohillas visit the Central Provinces bringing woollen cloths anddried fruits for sale. Here they formerly bore a bad character, beingaccustomed to press the sale of their merchandise on the villagers oncredit at exorbitant interest; and when the time for realisation came, to extort their money by threats of violence, or actual assault, or, if this was not practicable, by defiling the graves of their debtors'ancestors. These practices have now, however, been largely suppressed. 

_Romya_ or _Haralya. _--Subcaste of Chamar. 

_Ror_. --Subcaste of Khatri. 

_Rora_. --Synonym of Arora. 

_Ruma_. --A resident of Basim and Gangra in Amraoti District. Subcasteof Korku. 

_Ruthia_. --A name formed from the noise _rut, rut_ made by the oil-millin turning. Subcaste of Teli. 

_Sabara_. --Synonym for the Savar tribe. A section of Kawar and Teli. 

_Sabat_. --(From _saot_, co-wife. ) An honorific title of Uriya Brahmans. 

_Sadaphal_. --(A fruit. ) A section of Chandnahu Kurmi and Sonkar. 

_Sada-Sohagal_. --A class of Fakirs or Muhammadan beggars. 

_Sadhu_. --(A religious mendicant. ) Synonym for Bairagis or Gosains. 

_Sagar_. --Name of one of the ten orders of Gosains. 

_Sagunsale_. --A group of illegitimate descent. Subcaste of Koshti. 

_Sahadeve_. --A clan of Gonds worshipping six gods and paying specialreverence to the tiger. 

_Sahani_. --(From _siahi_, ink. ) An honorific title of Karan orMahanti. A subcaste of Paik. 

_Sahara_. --Synonym for the Savar tribe. 

_Sahasra Audichya_. --(A thousand men of the north. ) A subdivision ofGujarati Brahmans who are said to have accepted presents from RajaMulraj of Anhalwara Patan at a sacrifice, and hence to have sufferedsome degradation in rank. Audichya probably signifies coming from Oudh. 

_Sahra_. --Synonym of Savar. 

_Sahu_. --(A trader. ) An honorific title of Bania. A synonym for Sunarin Sambalpur. A subdivision of Uriya Brahmans. A section of Khadra, Kolta, Sundi and Teli. 

_Sahukar_. --Title of Bania. See Sahu. 

_Sain_. --Synonym for Fakir. 

_Saiqalgar_. --From Arabic _saiqal_, a polisher. Synonym for Sikligar. 

_Sais_. --The title by which grooms or horse-keepers are usuallyknown. The word Sais, Colonel Temple states, [486] is Arabic andsignifies a nobleman; it is applied to grooms as an honorific title, in accordance with the common method of address among the lowercastes. Other honorific designations for grooms, as given by ColonelTemple, are Bhagat or 'Saint, ' and Panch, 'Arbitrator, ' but neitherof these is generally used in the Central Provinces. Another name forSaises is Thanwar, which means a person in charge of a stable or placewhere a horse is kept. Grooms from Northern India are usually of theJaiswara division of Chamars, who take their name from the old townof Jais in Oudh; but they drop the Chamar and give Jaiswara as theircaste. These men are thin and wiry and can run behind their horses forlong distances. The grooms indigenous to the Central Provinces are as arule promoted grass-cutters and are either of the Ghasia (grass-cutter)or the Kori and Mahar (weaver) castes. They cannot usually run atall well. It is believed that both the Jaiswaras and Mahars who workas grooms have taken to marrying among themselves and tend to formseparate endogamous groups, because they consider themselves superiorto the remainder of the caste. A Sais will frequently refuse to tieup a dog with a rope or lead him with one because he uses a rope forleading his horses. This taboo is noticed by Sir B. Fuller as follows:"Horses in India are led not by the bridle but by a thick cottonleading-rope which is passed over the headstall, and such a rope iscarried by every Indian groom. I asked my groom one day to tie up withhis leading rope a dog that would not follow. He absolutely refused, and I discovered that the rope was the fetish of his caste and wasformerly adored and propitiated in the course of an annual castefestival. To touch a dog with it would have been sacrilege. " [487]

_Saitwal_. --A subcaste of Jain Banias. 

_Saiyad_. --One of the four Muhammadan tribes, which is supposed tocomprise the descendants of the Prophet. 

_Sakadwipi_. --A tribe of Brahmans taking their name from Sakadwipa, the country of the Sakas. The Sakas were a Central Asian tribe whoinvaded India before the commencement of the Christian era, andSakadwipa is said to be the valley of the Kabul river. 

_Sakarwal, Sikarwar_. --A clan of Rajputs whose name is said to bederived from Fatehpur Sikri. 

_Saksena_. --A subcaste of Kayasth, also called Sukhsena. A subcasteof Bharbhunja and Kachhi. 

_Saktaha_. --A synonym for Shakta, a worshipper of Devi inChhattisgarh. Saktaha practically means a person who eats flesh, asopposed to a Kabirpanthi who abstains from it. A subcaste of Panka, who are not Kabirpanthis. 

_Sakum_. --A sept of Korku. (One who hides behind a teak tree. )

_Salam_. --(Worshipper of six gods. ) A clan of Gond. A section of Dewar. 

_Salewar_. --A name for Telugu Koshtis. A subcaste of Koshti. 

_Samaiya_. --A sect of Jains. 

_San_. --A subcaste of Bhatra. 

_Sanadhya_. --A subcaste of Brahmans belonging to the Gaur division. 

_Sanak-kul. _--A section of Komti. They do not use _jaiphal_ or nutmeg. 

_Sanaurhia_. --Subcaste of Brahman. Synonym for Sanadhya. 

_Sanbagh_. --(A little tiger. ) A section of Bhulia. 

_Sand_. --(The bull. ) A totemistic sept of Kawar. They do notuse bullocks for ploughing, or are supposed not to. A section ofKhangar. They do not give a present of a bull at weddings. A sectionof Mali. 

_Sania_. --(A grower of _san_-hemp. ) Subcaste of Kachhi. 

_Saniasi_. --Name for a religious mendicant. Synonym for Gosain. 

_Sanjogi_. --A class of Bairagis or mendicants who marry, also calledGrihastha. 

_Sankrita_. --An eponymous section of Kanaujia Brahmans. 

_Sanp_. --(Snake. ) A sept of Gond and Kawar. 

_Santal, Saonta, Sonthal. _--An important tribe of Bengal, belongingto the Munda family. The transfer of five of the Chota Nagpur Stateshas brought more than 10, 000 Santals into the Central Provinces. Theybelong principally to the Sarguja State and a few are returned fromUdaipur State and from the Bilaspur District, but in all those tractsthey are known as Saonta and appear to have been cut off from the maintribe for a considerable period. According to Mr. Skrefsrud the nameSantal is a corruption of Saontar and was given to the tribe by theBengalis because they lived in the country about Saont in Midnapur. SirH. Risley held that the tribe might equally well have given its name tothe locality, and there was no means of ascertaining which theory wascorrect. The forms Santal and Sonthal are only used by natives who havecome into contact with Europeans. Santals call themselves '_harko_, 'men, or '_harhapan_, ' man-child. [488] At the present day when aSantal is asked to what caste he belongs he will almost invariablyreply Manjhi, which means a village headman, and is the common titleof the tribe; if further explanation is demanded, he will add SantalManjhi. Whether the term Santal was derived from the Saont parganaor not, it is therefore at any rate a name conferred by the Hindusand affords no evidence in favour of a separate origin of the tribe. 

There seems good reason to hold that the Santals are only a branchof the Kols or Mundas, who have been given a distinct designation bytheir Hindu neighbours, while their customs and traditions have beenmodified either by long separation from the Mundas of Chota Nagpur orby contact with Hindu influences. Sir G. Grierson's account of thetwo dialects Santali and Mundari shows that they closely resembleeach other and differ only in minor particulars. The difference ismainly to be found in the vocabulary borrowed from Aryan neighbours, and in the grammatical modifications occasioned by the neighbouringAryan forms of speech. [489] Of Mundari he says: "Aspirated lettersare used as in Santali, the semi-consonants are apparently pronouncedin the same way as in Santali; genders and numbers are the same, the personal pronouns are the same, the inflexion of verbs is mainlythe same. " [490] Some points of difference are mentioned by SirG. Grierson, but they appear to be of minor importance. The Mundas, like the Santals, call themselves _hara-ko_ or men. In the vocabularyof common words of Mundari and Santali given by Colonel Dalton [491]a large proportion of the words are the same. Similarly in the listof sept-names of the tribes given by Sir H. Risley [492] severalcoincide. Among the 15 names of main septs of the Santals, Besra, a hawk, Murmu nilgai, or stag, and Aind, eel, are also the names ofMunda septs. The Santal sept Hansda, a wild goose, is nearly identicalwith the Munda sept Hansa, a swan; the Santal septs Kisku and Tuduare sept-names of the Hos, a branch of the Mundas; and in one or twoother names there is a great resemblance. The principal deity of theSantals, Marang Buru, is a Munda god. In the inheritance of propertyboth tribes have the same rule of the exclusion of daughters. Inhis article on Ho, Sir H. Risley indeed states that the Santals, Hos and Mundas are local branches of the same tribe. 

The Saontas of Sarguja and Bilaspur appear to have been separated fromthe parent tribe for some generations and to have assimilated some ofthe customs of the Gonds. They have some Gond sept-names, as Markam andDhurwa. Those of Pendra zamindari have no traditions of their originbeyond saying that the adjoining Kenda zamindari was their originalhome. They profess to revere only the sun, fire and water. In order toworship the Jal-deota or water-god they pour water round the fire andthen throw a little butter on the fire in his name. Mr. C. U. Wills, Settlement Officer, records of them the following curious custom:When a man is at the point of death or actually dead, they sometimesset fire to the hut in which his body is lying and run away, no doubtto save themselves from being haunted and troubled by his spirit, to the attainment of which end so large a part of funeral ritual iseverywhere directed. 

The following short account of them by Colonel Dalton may be reproducedfor reference: [493]

"The name Saont or Saonta directs us to the Santal branch of the Kols, and, as I have already noticed, there is in Sarguja a small tribe socalled. They are the sole inhabitants of the magnificent tablelandforming the southern barrier of Sarguja, called the Mainpat or morecorrectly perhaps the Manipat. They are a small tribe living scatteredover the vast area of the plateau in about a dozen hamlets, and theyare strong in the belief that they were especially created to dwellthere, or that they and the plateau somehow sprang into existencetogether, and cannot be separated. I saw a number of them when Iwas last in Sarguja, and from their features I should be inclinedto class them as Kols, but they have some customs and notions whichthey must have derived from the Dravidian Gonds. They acknowledgeDulha Deo as a household god, and follow the customs of the Gondsand other southerners in their marriage ceremonies. 

"They worship the sun as Bhagwan, and like the Kharias offer sacrificesto that luminary in an open place with an ant-hill for an altar. TheMainpat is their Marang Buru, and as it is 16 miles long, 12 milesbroad, and rises 3850 feet above the sea-level, it is not unworthyof the name, but they do not use that or any other Kol term. Thegreat Mainpat is their fatherland and their god. They have it all tothemselves except during the summer months, when it becomes a vastgrazing field for the cattle of Mirzapur and Bihar. 

"The Saonts are armed like the Korwas with bows and arrows, and thepeculiar battle-axe of the country, but it is against the beasts ofthe forest that these weapons are used. Formerly the Mainpat was amagnificent hunting field, especially noted for its herds of antelopeand gaur. The late Maharaja of Sarguja strictly preserved it, but onhis death it fell into the hands of his widow, a very money-lovingold lady, who allowed it to become one of the great grazing tracts, and the pasturage alone gives her an income of £250 a year; but thewild animals have in consequence withdrawn from it. 

"The position of the Saonts is altogether very curious, and thoughthey now speak no language but a rude Hindi, the evidence is, onthe whole, favourable to their being a remnant of the ancient Kolaborigines of Sarguja, cut off from connection with those people bysuccessive inroads of other races or tribes. Their substitution ofa Hindi dialect for their own language seems to indicate that theywere first subjugated by Aryans. The Gond chiefs only count abouttwenty-four generations in Sarguja, and they have all adopted theHindi language. "

_Sanyasi_. --(A religious recluse. ) Synonym for Gosain. 

_Sao_. --(For _sahu_, a banker, a rich man. ) A subcaste of Kalar andTeli. An honorific title of Chhipa or Rangari. A sept of Gond. 

_Saojin_. --(From _sao_, a banker. ) Subcaste of Banjara. 

_Saonr_. --Synonym of Savar. 

_Saonta_. --Name by which the Santal tribe is known in Bilaspur. Asubcaste of Dhanwar. 

_Sapera_. --(A snake-charmer. ) Name of a clan of Nats, who exhibitsnakes. A section of Basor and Khatik. 

_Saraf_. --(A money-changer and tester. ) A synonym of Sunar. 

_Saraia_ (Angler. ) From _sarai_, a bamboo fishing-rod. Subcasteof Dhimar. 

_Sarangarhia_. --(From Sarangarh. ) A subtribe of Gonds in Khairagarh. Asubcaste of Dewar. 

_Saraogi_. --A name by which Jain laymen are known. Subcaste of Bania. 

_Saras_. --(A large crane. ) A section of Chamar. 

_Saraswat_. --One of the five orders of Panch Gaur Brahmans inhabitingthe country of the river Saraswati. One of the ten orders of Gosains. 

_Sarati_. --A sept of Gond and Pardhan. 

_Sariyam_. --A subsept of the Dhurwa clan of Gonds in Betul, said tobe so called because the road to the place of the gods was swept bytheir priests. 

_Sarolia_ or _Sarwaria_. --(Inferior or mixed. ) Subcaste of Agharia. 

_Saroti_. --A sept of Pardhans said to be named after _sarra_, a whip, because their priest once struck a man with a whip. 

_Sarsatia_. --(From the Saraswati river. ) Subcaste of Bahna. 

_Satani_. [494]--A Telugu caste of priests and mendicants of which900 persons were returned, principally from the Chanda District, in 1911. In the Central Provinces, Ayawar, Satani and Dasari havebeen taken as one caste, but elsewhere they are considered asdistinct. Ayawar is a term of respect analogous to the HindustaniMaharaj, and is applied to the Satanis and other religious orders. TheSatanis and Dasaris are distinguished in Madras; Satani is stated [495]to be a corruption of Sattadavan, which means 'One who does not wear'(_e. G. _ the sacred thread and scalp-lock). It is a mixed religiousorder recruited from any caste except the Pariahs, leather-workers andMuhammadans. The Dasaris [496] are said to be the reputed descendantsof a wealthy Sudra of one of the northern Districts, who, beingchildless, vowed that if offspring should be granted to him he woulddevote a son to the service of the god. After this he had severalchildren, one of whom he consecrated to the deity, calling him Dasan(the obedient servant). Dasan and his offspring made their livelihoodby begging. This order, like that of the Satanis, is reinforced by idlemembers of the lower Sudra castes, who become Dasaris by being brandedby the Guru of Tirupatti and other shrines. In the Central Provincesthe Dasaris are stated to be recruited from the impure Mala casteof the Telugu country, and hence to rank below the Satanis. Manyof the Madrasi servants in European households call themselvesDasaris. Members of the agricultural castes are usually admitted intothe Satani order and its status is almost equal to theirs. The caste, in spite of its small numbers, has several subdivisions, as the SaleSatanis, who are weavers, the Bukkas, who are sellers of _kunku_ orred powder, and five other subdivisions who are all beggars. Some ofthese eat together but do not intermarry. They have exogamous familygroups, usually named after sacred places in Madras or celebratedGurus (spiritual preceptors) or deities, as Tirupatti, Ramanujamwar, Shaligramwar and so on. The caste marry in the ordinary way and donot observe celibacy. Widow-marriage is allowed, but a widow mustmarry a widower, and the officiating priest at the ceremony mustalso be a widower. The Satanis principally revere Vishnu, whom theyworship on Fridays. Their priests are taken from their own order andform a separate subcaste under the name of Parmastwar. A novice, on being initiated to the order, is branded with the figures of aSankha (conch-shell) and Chakra (discus). They both burn and burythe dead, and the spirits of female as well as of male ancestors arepropitiated. This is done by calling a married woman by the name ofthe dead female, putting red powder on her forehead and worshippingher. Among the Satanis a widow accompanies the corpse of her husbandto the grave. They officiate at funerals, and a Satani priest appliesthe caste-mark to the body of the corpse and also to that of the fourpersons who are to carry it. He receives presents in the name of thedead man, and takes the red cloth with which the corpse is covered. Atthe funeral feast the Satani offers cooked food, including fleshand also liquor, to the god, and the assembled guests then partakeof them. The Satani drinks liquor only and does not eat the food, and since he must stay to the end of the feast he sometimes becomesintoxicated. The Satanis are priests and mendicants. Though theydo not wear the sacred thread themselves, the manufacture of it isone of their hereditary occupations. They collect alms in a _lota_or brass vessel, on which representations of the conch and discusare drawn. The Dasaris wander about, singing hymns to a monotonousaccompaniment upon a leather instrument called _tappai_ (perhaps atabor). They are engaged by some Sudra castes to sing their chantsin front of the corpse at funerals. Others exhibit what is calledthe _Panda sewai_, that is, they become possessed by the deity andbeat themselves over the body with a flaming torch. A few train youngbulls to perform tricks and travel about exhibiting them. Some havebecome masons and goldsmiths. Men have the mark of the trident onthe forehead, the two outer lines being white and the middle onered or yellow. They shave the head and face clean, not retaining thescalp-lock. Women have a vertical streak on the forehead and do notwear glass bangles nor the necklace of black beads. Neither men norwomen are tattooed. The Satanis have a fairly good social positionand the lower castes will take food from them. 

_Satbhuiyan_ or _Utar_. --Subcaste of Khond. 

_Satdeve_. --A clan of Gonds worshipping seven gods and paying specialreverence to the porcupine. 

_Satghare_. --(Seven houses. ) A division of the Maratha caste, consisting of seven of the highest clans who marry among themselvesand sometimes take daughters from the other ninety-six clans. 

_Satnami_. --A religious sect, which now practically forms a subcasteof Chamar. 

_Satputia_. --(Having seven sons. ) A section of Lonare Mali. 

_Satyanath_. A subcaste of Jogi or Nath. 

_Savar_, _Savara_. --A tribe. 

_Sawalakh_. --(1 1/4 lakhs. ) A section of Dhobi. 

_Sawara_. --Synonym for Savar. Subcaste of Kol. 

_Segidi_, [497] _Shegadi_. --The Telugu caste of toddy-drawersand distillers, of which a few representatives were returned fromthe Nagpur District in 1901. They will draw _tari_ or palm-juiceonly from the _sindi_ palm (_Phoenix sylvestris_) and not from thepalmyra palm (_Borassics flabelliformis_). This is the occupationof a separate caste, the Yatas, from whom the Segidis will not eventake water. At a Segidi marriage the bride is shown the polar star, which is believed to be the wife of Rishi Vasishtha, the model ofconjugal excellence. She is then made to step on to a stone slab toremind her how Ahalya, the beautiful wife of Rishi Gautama, was turnedto a stone for committing adultery. Widow-marriage is permitted, and, by a very curious exception to the ordinary rule, a widow may marryher deceased husband's elder brother but not his younger one. Theusual prohibition on a widow marrying her husband's elder brother isbased on the ground that he is looked on as her father; the Segidissay, on the other hand, that his younger brother is as her son. Ifan unmarried adult male dies, the ceremony of marriage is performedbetween the corpse and a plantain tree; and if an unmarried woman diesshe is married to a sword. A corpse is always buried with the head tothe east and the feet to the west. This peculiar practice may be areminiscence of Vedic times, when the west was considered to be theabode of the departed, the sun being the first mortal who died andwent to the west as recorded in the Rig-Veda. The Segidis are alsocultivators, traders or soldiers. They have a method of divining aboy's proper calling in his infancy. When his mouth is touched withgrain as food for the first time, they put a sword, a pen, a book, food and other articles, being the symbols of different professions, on the ground and place the child in front of them. And his vocationin life is held to be determined by the article which he touches first. 

_Senapati_. --(General. ) Honorific title of Sundi. 

_Sendia_. --Title of caste headman of Panwar Rajput. 

_Sendur_. --A section of Ahir or Rawat. 

_Senduria_. --Subcaste of Nagasia. They mark the forehead of the bridewith vermilion (_sendur_). 

_Sengar. _--A clan of Rajputs belonging to Saugor and Jubbulpore. 

_Sesodia_. --A famous clan of Rajputs. 

_Seth_. --(Banker or moneylender. ) A title of Bania. 

_Setti_. --A corruption of the Sanskrit Shreshta, good. Title ofKomti caste. 

_Sewak_. --(Servant. ) The name given to an inferior class of Brahmanswho serve in Vaishnava temples. 

_Shaikh, Sheikh_. --One of the four tribes of Muhammadans. A subcasteof Mehtar. 

_Shaiva, Saiva_. --(A worshipper of Siva. ) The term Shaiva Brahman isapplied to Guraos. 

_Shandilya, Sandilya_. --An eponymous _gotra_ or section of Brahmans. Asection of Darzi, Raj-Gond, Rawat (Ahir) and Sunar. 

_Shegudi_. --See Segidi. 

_Shendia_. --A section of Teli and Otari (Kasar). 

_Shenvi_. --A subcaste of Maratha Brahmans in Hoshangabad. 

_Sheohare_ or _Sivahare_. --Subcaste of Kalar. 

_Shiah_. --One of the two great sects of Muhammadans. 

_Shikari_. --(A hunter. ) A synonym for Pardhi or Bahelia. 

_Shimpi_. --(A tailor. ) Synonym for Darzi in the Maratha country. 

_Shishi ke Telwale_. --Subcaste of Pardhi. They sell oil obtained fromthe bodies of crocodiles. 

_Siddi, Sidi, Habshi. _--The name given to Africans, whether Abyssiniansor Negroes. Habshi means one coming from El Habish, the Arabic name forNorth-East Africa. Siddi is a corruption of Saiyad, the designationof a descendant of the Prophet, and is commonly used as a term ofrespectful address in North Africa, like Sahib in India. The _BombayGazetteer_ states [498] that about the middle of the fifteenth century, when the Bahmani dynasty became independent of Delhi and intercoursewith Northern India ceased, the fashion arose of bringing to WesternIndia large numbers of Abyssinians and other East Africans. Thoughmost of the Habshis came to India as slaves, their faithfulness, courage and energy often raised them to positions of high trust inthe Bahmani court. According to Orme, the successful Abyssiniansgathered round them all of their countrymen whom they could procureeither by purchase or invitation, including negroes from other partsof Africa, as well as Abyssinians. From their marriages, first withnatives of India and afterwards among their own families, there arosea separate community, distinct from other Muhammadans in figure, colour and character. As soon as they were strong enough they formedthemselves into an aristocratic republic and produced some of themost skilful and daring soldiers and sailors of Western India. Therulers of Janjira and Sachin States in Bombay are Siddis by descent. 

They are now employed as stokers and firemen on steamers and asfitters and mechanics in the dockyards of Bombay, and are described[499] as "A hardy race with muscular frames, thick lips and crispblack hair--the very last men whom you would wish to meet in arough-and-tumble, and yet withal a jovial people, well-disposedand hospitable to any one whom they regard as a friend. " In otherparts of India the Siddis are usually beggars and are described as'Fond of intoxicating drinks, quarrelsome, dirty, unthrifty andpleasure-loving, obstinacy being their leading trait. ' They worshipBaba Ghor, an Abyssinian saint. [500]

It is recorded that the medicine called Silajit, a nervine tonic forthe generative power, was formerly believed to be prepared from theflesh of Abyssinian boys. Mr. Hooper writes: "Silajit is allied toanother ancient drug named Momiayi which has long been employed inthe East. The original drug is said to have been made from Egyptianmummies, and subsequently to have been prepared by boiling down andextracting the essence of Abyssinian boys. Since the last source ofsupply has become scarce, several bituminous exudations are reportedto have been substituted. " [501] The drug is now said to be made fromthe gum of some stone in Hardwar, and this must be the bitumen referredto by Mr. Hooper. The virtue ascribed to the flesh of Abyssinian boyswas no doubt based on their superior bodily strength and perhapspartly on the prolificacy of the negroes. In the case of mummies, as the body of the mummy was believed to have retained life or thecapacity of life for many ages, its material would naturally possessextraordinary vitality and should be capable of imparting this qualityto others when assimilated into their bodies. 

_Sidhira_, _Sithira_. --A small occupational caste of Sambalpur andthe Uriya States. The caste is not found elsewhere in India. Theyare braziers by trade, and in spite of their small numbers say theyhave three subcastes, one of which, the Luhura, works in iron. Theyare an impure caste, whose touch conveys pollution in Sambalpur. Theyaccept alms from a Munda or Oraon on the occasion of a death in thelatter's family, and have totemistic septs. They eat fowls and ratsand consume much liquor. They also admit outsiders into the caste. Itmay be concluded, therefore, that they are an occupational casteformed from the tribes above mentioned or others, through adopting thecalling of brass-workers. The adultery of a Sidhira woman with a manof any higher caste is looked upon as an absolutely trifling offence, and this is a common feature of low castes of mixed origin. As amongmany primitive tribes, one particular sept performs the ceremony ofreadmitting offenders to caste intercourse by sprinkling a littleGanges water over them. The man fulfilling this office is known as theBaikar, and after a wedding the bridal pair go to the Baikar's houseand he pours two jars full of water over their heads and bodies. Theygo inside the house, and the bridegroom then comes out and gives thewet clothes to the Baikar with a small present. This appears to bea sort of purificatory ceremony at marriage. 

_Sidi_. --Synonym of Siddi. 

_Silpi_. --(A stone-mason. ) Subcaste of Kammala. 

_Sindhi_. --(Performers of dramas. ) Subcaste of Madgi. 

_Sindhupushkar_. --A subcaste of Brahmans in Khairagarh State, perhapsthe same as the Marwari Pushkama Brahmans. It is said that Sindhuhas the meaning of a lake. 

_Singade_. --(From _singh_, horn, and _gadna_, to bury. ) Subcaste ofKoli. The members of this group, when their buffaloes die, bury thehorns in their compound. 

_Singar_. --(A fish. ) A totemistic sept of Kawar. A section of Agharia. 

_Singaria_. --Those who cultivate the _Singara_ nut. Subcaste of Dhimar. 

_Singh_. --(A lion. ) The usual suffix to the names of Rajputs, Sikhsand castes which claim Rajput rank, such as Lodhis. 

_Singh, Singhi_. --(Horn. ) A totemistic sept of Dhanwar. A section ofKurmi, and of Oswal and Maheshri Bania. 

_Singhal_. --(Ceylon. ) A section of Brahmans in Damoh. 

_Singrore_. --Subcaste of Kunbi and Lodhi. 

_Sikligar_, _Bardhia_, _Saiqalgar_. [502]--A small caste of armourersand knife-grinders. The name Saiqalgar comes from the Arabic _saiqal_, a polisher, and Bardhia is from _bardh_, the term for the edge of aweapon. They number only about 450 persons in the Central Provincesand Berar, and reside mainly in the large towns, as Jubbulporeand Nagpur. The caste is partly Hindu and partly Muhammadan, butvery few members of it in the Central Provinces profess the latterreligion. In Bombay [503] the Muhammadan Sikligars are said to beGhisaris or tinkers who were forcibly converted by Aurangzeb. Thewriter of the Belgaum Gazetteer [504] says that they are scarcely morethan Muhammadans in name, as they practically never go to the mosque, keep Hindu gods in their houses, eschew beef, and observe no specialMuhammadan rites other than circumcision. The Hindu Sikligars claimto be Rajputs and have Rajput sept names, and it is not unlikelythat in old times the armourer's calling should have been adoptedby the lower classes of Rajputs. The headquarters of the caste is inGwalior, where there is probably still some scope for their ancienttrade. But in British territory the Sikligar has degenerated into aneedy knife-grinder. Mr. Crooke [505] describes him as "A trader ofno worth. His whole stock-in-trade is a circular whetstone worked bya strap between two posts fixed in the ground. He sharpens knives, razors, scissors and sometimes swords. "

_Sirdar_. --Title of the Kawar caste. 

_Siriswar_. --(From _siris_, a tree. ) A section of Gadaria. 

_Sirnet_. --A clan of Rajputs. 

_Sirwa_. --(A resident of the ancient city of Sravasti in Gondadistrict. ) Subcaste of Teli. 

_Sita Padri_. --Title of Vaishnava mendicants. 

_Sithira_. --Synonym of _Sidhira_. 

_Solaha_. [506]--A very small caste numbering less than a hundredpersons in the Raipur District. The caste only deserves mention asaffording an instance of an attempt to rise in the social scale. TheSolahas are certainly of Gond origin. Their name appears to be acorruption of Tolaha, from _tol_, which means leather in Gondi orTelugu. Their exogamous sections, as Markam, Warai, Wika, Sori, Kunjam, are also Gond names, and like the Agarias they are an occupationaloffshoot of that great tribe, who have taken to the special professionof leather-curing and primitive carpentry. But they claim to belong tothe Barhai caste and say that their ancestors immigrated from Benaresat the time of a great famine there. In pursuance of the claim someof them employ inferior Brahmans as their priests. They also saythat they accept food only from Brahmans and Rajputs, though they eatfowls, pork and even rats. Women of any other caste can be admittedinto the community, but not men. The fact that they are not Barhaisis sufficiently shown by their ignorance of carpentering tools. Theydo not even know the use of a rope for turning the drill and do it byhand with a pointed nail. They have no planes, and smooth wood with achisel. Their business is to make musical instruments for the Gonds, which consist of hollow pieces of wood covered with skin to act assingle or double drums. They use sheep and goat-skins, and afterletting them dry scrape off the hair and rub them with a paste ofboiled rice and powdered iron filings and glass. 

_Solanki, Solankhi_. --A well-known clan of Rajputs, also calledChalukya. The name is perhaps derived from _Sulakshana_, one bearingan auspicious mark. A section of Pardhi and Gujar. 

_Sompura_. --A subdivision of Gujarati Brahmans in Jubbulpore. Theytake their name from Somnath in Kathiawar. 

_Somvansi_. --(Children of the Moon. ) Subcaste of Mahar. A clanof Rajputs. 

_Sonar_. --Synonym for Sunar in the Maratha country. 

_Sonbarha_. --(Gold pig. ) A section of Teli in Khairagarh, so namedas they presented a golden pig to their king Bharam Deo. 

_Sonboyir_. --(Gold plum. ) A section of Teli in Nandgaon, so calledbecause their ancestor presented a gold plum to their Raja. 

_Sonbukra_. --(Yellow goat. ) A totemistic sept of Kawar. 

_Sondi_. --(_Sondi_, tiger. ) A sept of Gonds in Raipur. It is said to beof mixed descent from all the septs, and can intermarry with any other. 

_Sondhi_. --Synonym for Sundi. 

_Songainda_. --(Gold unicorn. ) A section of Teli in Khairagarh, sonamed because they presented a golden unicorn to their king Bharam Deo. 

_Sonha_; _Sonkutta_. --(Wild dog. ) A sept of Dhanwar, Kawar, Saontaor Santal, and Chero. 

_Soni_. --Synonym for Sunar. 

_Sonjhara, Sonjharia_. --(One who washes for gold in the beds ofstreams. ) A caste. Subcaste of Binjhwar, Injhwar and Dhimar. 

_Sonkar_. --A small caste found in the Chhattisgarh country, and alsoin Saugor and Damoh. The name Sonkar is said to be a corruption ofChunkar or lime-dealer, and the Sonkars of Saugor make their livingby carrying clay and lime on donkeys for building and whitewashingwalls. In Saugor they are also known as Beldar (navvy) and Gadhera(donkey-driver), and occupy a despised position. Possibly on thisaccount a few of them in the northern Districts and the wholecommunity in Chhattisgarh have abandoned their traditional calling, and have taken to growing vegetables like the Malis and Marars. Heretheir status is better, and they rank as a gardening caste. Theircustoms resemble those of the lower castes of Chhattisgarh. Theyobtain auspicious dates for their marriages and different ceremoniesfrom Brahmans, but otherwise these are not employed, and the casteheadman, known as Kurha or Sethia, officiates as priest. At theirweddings the sacred post round which the couple walk must consistof a forked bough of the mahua tree divided in a V shape, and theytake much trouble to find and cut a suitable bough. They will nottake cooked food from the hands of any other caste, even from Brahmans. 

_Sonkarasaria_. --(Impure gold. ) A section of Bhona or Bhulia. 

_Sonkutri_. --(Bitch of the wild dog. ) A totemistic sept of Kawar. 

_Sonpakar_. --(A tree. ) A totemistic sept of Kawar and Chero. 

_Sonratan_. --(Gold jewel. ) A section of Chandnahu Kurmi. 

_Sonthaga_. --(Gold-cheat. ) A subdivision of Pardhans in Kawardha. Theycheated people by passing false gold, and hence were so named. 

_Sonthal_. --Synonym for Santal. 

_Sonwani_. --(_Sona-pani_, gold-water. ) This is a common sept among theprimitive tribes and castes derived from them. The members of this septoccupy a quasi-priestly position, and readmit offenders into caste bygiving them water to drink in which gold has been dipped. They alsopurify those who have got vermin in a wound by sprinkling this waterover them. A section of Ahir and of Rawat or Chhattisgarhi Ahir;a sept of Dhoba, Dhanwar, Gond and Kawar; a section of Kalanga, Kumhar, Panka and Teli. 

_Sori_. --A sept of Gond and Pardhan. Sori and Khusro are the twosubsepts of the Markam sept. 

_Soyam_. --(Worshipper of seven gods. ) A division of Gond in Chanda. 

_Sravaka_. --A Jain layman. 

_Sri Gaur Mala_. --(A resident of Malwa. ) Subcaste of Barhai. 

_Srimali_. --(From the old city of Srimal in Rajputana. ) A subcasteof Gujarati Brahman and Bania. 

_Srivastab, Sriwastab_. --(From the old city of Sravasti in the northof Oudh. ) A well-known subcaste of Kayasth. A subcaste of Bharbhunja, Darzi and Teli. 

_Sua_. --(Parrot. ) A section of Chadar, Khangar and Kasar. A sept ofBhatra and Kawar. 

_Suda_. --Synonym of Sudh. 

_Sudh_. --A caste. A subcaste of Kolta and Lohar. 

_Sudha_. --Synonym of Sudh. 

_Sudho_. --Synonym of Sudh. 

_Sudra_. --The lowest of the four traditional castes. SeeIntroduction. There is no Sudra caste at present in the CentralProvinces. A subcaste of Barai. 

_Suibadiwa_. --(_Sui_, porcupine. ) A totemistic sept of the DhurwaGonds in Betul. 

_Suji_. --(From _sui_, a needle. ) Synonym for Darzi. 

_Sukul, Shukul_. --(White. ) A surname of Kanaujia Brahmans. 

_Sulankhi_. --Subcaste of Mahli. 

_Sunar_. --A caste of goldsmiths. Subcaste of Bishnoi. 

_Sundhi_. --Synonym of Sundi. 

_Sungaria_. --(One who keeps pigs. ) Subcaste of Kumhar. 

_Sunni_. --One of the two principal sects of Muhammadans who followthe orthodox traditions, Sunni meaning traditionist. 

_Sunri_. --Synonym of Sundi. 

_Surait_. --A name signifying persons of impure or mixed descent. Asubcaste of Dhakar and Halba. A subcaste of Jharia Rawat (Ahir)in Bastar, being the offspring of Jharia Rawat fathers by women ofother Rawat subcastes. A subcaste of Sonkar in Kanker, consisting ofthe offspring of illegitimate unions. A subcaste of Jhadi Telenga, Kumhar and Marar (Mali). 

_Suraj, Surya_. --(The sun. ) A section of Binjhwar, Gond, Khangar, Marar, Mowar, Rawat (Ahir) and Sansia (in Sambalpur). 

_Surajdhwaja_. --A subcaste of Kayasth. 

_Surajvansi_. --(Descendants of the Sun. ) Name of one of the twogreat divisions of Rajputs. A clan of Rajputs. A subcaste of Barai, Khairwar and Kalar. A section of Chamar, Dhanwar, Gond and Koli. 

_Suratha_. --A subdivision of Valmiki Kayasth. 

_Sureyam_. --A Gond sept named after the _sui_ or porcupine, because, it is said, a porcupine passed by when they were worshipping their god. 

_Surkhi_. --(Red. ) A clan of Surajvansi Rajputs. 

_Sutar_. --The name of a carpenter in the Maratha Districts. Synonymof Barhai. 

_Suthra Shahi_. --Synonym for Nanakpanthi. 

_Sutsale_. --(A thread-weaver. ) Subcaste of Koshti. 

_Suvarha_. --Named after the _suar_ or pig. Subcaste of Dhimar. 

_Swami_ or _Aiya (Iyer)_. --(Master. ) A title given to leaders of thereligious orders. A title of Sanadhya Brahmans in Saugor. A subcasteof Jangam. 

_Swetambari_. --A sect of Jains who put clothes on their images. 

_Tadvi_. --A name for Muhammadan Bhils. 

_Tak, Takshac_. --A clan of Rajputs, now extinct. 

_Takankar, Takari_. --(From _takna_, to tap, to roughen the face of amill-stone. ) A synonym or subcaste of Pardbi. A synonym for the Pathrotor Pathrawat stone-workers in Berar, who are classed with Beldars. 

_Takle_. --(Fallen. ) A subcaste of Kasar, said to consist of thedescendants of persons excommunicated for sexual offences. 

_Tamashawala_. --(Showman. ) A name given to Nats. 

_Tambatkar_. --(A coppersmith. ) Synonym for Tamera. 

_Tamboli, Tamoli_. --(A seller of the prepared betel-leaves. ) Synonymfor Barai. 

_Tandan_. --A subdivision of Saraswat Brahmans in Hoshangabad, perhapsso called from their being priests of the Tandan Khatris. 

_Tankiwala_. --(A sharpener of grindstones. ) Subcaste of Dhimar. 

_Tanti_. --(_Tanta_, weaver's loom. ) A caste. A subcaste of Bhuliaand Mahli. 

_Tanti, Tatwa_ (from Sanskrit _tantu_, a fibre). --The great weavercaste of Bengal and Bihar. A few Tantis were enumerated in RaipurDistrict in 1911. Sir H. Risley is of opinion that the Tantis areprobably a functional group developed under the pressure of the naturaldemand for fine woven cloth. [507] One tradition of their origin isthat the first ancestor of the caste was begotten by the celestialarchitect Viswakarma on a low Sudra woman. Viswakarma is regardedas the tutelary deity of the caste, and is worshipped twice a yearwith offerings of flowers, rice and sugar. Images are sometimes madeof him, but more commonly the weaver's loom or some of the toolsof the craft are regarded as the dwelling-place or symbol of thegod. In past times the Tantis made the famous fine cotton cloth, known as _abrawan_ or 'running water, ' which was supplied only tothe imperial zenana at Delhi. Sir H. Risley relates the followingstories illustrating its gossamer texture. On one occasion a daughterof Aurangzeb was reproached on entering the room for her immodestattire, through which her limbs could be seen, and excused herself bythe plea that she had on seven folds of cloth over her body. Againin the reign of Alivardi Khan (1742-56), a Dacca Tanti was floggedand banished from the city for not preventing his cow from eating upa piece of _abrawan_ cloth which had been laid out to bleach on thegrass. The famous female spinners who used to wind the fine nativethread were still to be found in 1873, but their art has now diedout. In illustration of their delicate touch it is told that one ofthem wound 88 yards of thread on a reel, and the whole weight of thethread was only one _rati_ or two grains. Nowadays the finest threadspun weighs 70 yards to the _rati_. The best cloths were woven bythe Dacca Tantis, to whom the Koshtis of Burhanpur in the CentralProvinces stood second. The Bamanmara tank in the old village ofDhanpur in Pendra zamindari of Bilaspur is so named from the factthat about a century ago some Brahman traders were murdered on itsbank for the sake of the fine cloths they were carrying rolled upin hollow bamboo sticks. In Bengal the Tantis are included amongthe castes from whom a Brahman can take water. Sir H. Risley isof opinion that they have to some extent raised themselves to thisposition by their own influence, their trade being prosperous andlucrative, and having long ago attained to the development of anurban industry. The ordinary status of the weaving castes being atthe bottom of the social scale, the superior position of the BengalTantis is an interesting exception. It is analogous to that of theKoshtis in the Central Provinces, also a class of urban weavers, who rank above the impure castes, though they have not attained tothe position of the Tantis, as Brahmans will not take water from them. 

_Tanwar_. --A subcaste of Kawar, to which zamindars belong. 

_Tanwat, Tanwatkari_. --A synonym for Panchal Sunar. 

_Tarane_. --Synonym of Dobaile Teli. 

_Tasa_. --Synonym of Chasa. 

_Tatwa_. --Synonym for Tanti. (From Sanskrit _tantu_, a fibre. )

_Tawaif_. --(A prostitute. ) Synonym for Kasbi. 

_Tekam_. --(The teak tree. ) One of the commonest clans of Gonds. Asept of Baiga, Bharewa, Binjhwar and Pardhan. A subdivision of Majhwar. 

_Telenga Dora_. --(Telugu Lord. ) A designation used by the Velama caste. 

_Telenge_. --A Telugu name used by Balijas and other Telugucastes. Subcaste of Nai. 

_Telha_. --Subcaste of Nagasia. The members of this subcaste mark theforehead of the bride with _tel_ or oil at the marriage ceremony. 

_Teli_. --A caste of oil-pressers. Subcaste of Barhai, Dangri andGondhali. 

_Teli-Bania. _--A group of the Teli caste who have taken toshopkeeping. Subcaste of Teli. 

_Teli-Kalar. _--A mixed group of the Kalar and Teli castes. Subcasteof Teli. 

_Teli-Marar. _--A subcaste of Marar. 

_Telkala_. --Subcaste of Gandli. 

_Terah-hazar_ or _Birbandhi_. --(Thirteen thousand. ) Subcaste of Chero. 

_Thakur_. --(Lord. ) The common title of Rajputs. This title is alsoused by Lodhis, Raj-Gonds and other landowning castes. A surname ofKarhara Brahmans in Saugor. A section of Ahir, Marar (Mali), PanwarRajput and Sudh. 

_Thakuria_. --(Lordling. ) A subcaste of Murao. A subcaste of Kol andParja. A section of Darzi and Katia. 

_Thanapati_. --(Master of the sacred place. ) Synonym for Gandhmali. 

_Thapak_. --A surname of Sanadhia Brahmans in Saugor. (From Sthapak, the consecrator of idols. )

_Thapatkari_. --Synonym of Beldar. 

_Thathari_. --A caste of coppersmiths in Sambalpur. 

_Thatia_. --A subtribe of Gonds, also called Gaiki or Mahato in Betul. 

_Thethwar_. --(One who follows the straight path. ) A subcaste of Rawat(Ahir) in Chhattisgarh. 

_Thotia, Thothia_. --(Maimed. ) A subdivision of Gonds and Pardhans, who live by begging from the Gonds. 

_Thuria_. --Subcaste of Banjara in Sambalpur. 

_Tilokchandi_. --(Bais. ) A subdivision of the Bais clan of Rajputs. 

_Tirelle_. --(Tirole. ) Subcaste of Are. 

_Tirgam_. --A subsept of the Uika clan of Gonds in Betul. A septof Pardhan. 

_Tirmale, Tirmalle_. --A small caste of wandering Telugu beggars. Nearly400 were returned in the Central Provinces and Berar in 1911. Tirmalestake about performing bulls. The animal is decorated with brassornaments and bells, and his back is covered with a patched quilt ofdifferent colours. The Tirmale has a red turban with a scarf roundhis neck, and a follower carries a drum. The bull is cleverly trainedand performs various tricks. The caste do this in the mornings, butin the afternoon they appear as Bairagis or ordinary beggars, and inthe evening as sellers of various sacred articles, such as sandalwood, Ganges water and rudraksha beads. They take water from the Ganges insmall phials and go down to the south of India selling it. On thisaccount they are known in Poona as Kashi Kawadi or those who carrybanghys from Kashi (Benares). In Telugu they are called Gangeddulu andin Tamil Endandi, both words meaning people who beg with bulls. Theymay properly be considered as a subcaste of Dasaris. [508] The Tirmalestravel with their families like the Banjaras, and live in tents orsheds outside the village. Their marriages are generally celebratedin the month of Shrawan in the rains, when they return from theirwanderings. They speak a corrupt Telugu among themselves, but Marathito outsiders. They eat flesh and drink liquor. The dead are buried. 

_Tirmalle_. --Synonym of Tirmale. 

_Tirtha_. --Name of one of the ten orders of Gosains. 

_Titha_. --(From _titahri_, a sandpiper. ) A section of Basor. 

_Tiwari_. --(Learned in three Vedas. ) A family name of Kanaujia andGaur Brahmans. 

_Tiyar_. --A boating and fishing caste of Sambalpur and Bengal. Inthe Central Provinces they numbered 700 in 1911. The caste is anumerous one in Bengal and has been fully described by Sir H. Risley, [509] so that no detailed notice of it is necessary here. The nameis derived from the Sanskrit _tivara_, a hunter, the Tiyars stylingthemselves the hunters of the sea. They came to the Central Provincesfrom Angul in Orissa, and they offer to the goddess Durga in Angulan oblation of 60 to 100 _jian_ fish and a headload of lotus flowerson her special festival. In honour of Durga they observe a faston the four Tuesdays of the months of Chait and Kunwar (March andSeptember). In Chait they also worship their hooks and nets. At theirmarriages when a father has selected a bride for his son he consultsan astrologer to compare their horoscopes. If the conjunction isunsatisfactory he will change the boy's name to suit the astrologicalcalculations. The wedding is celebrated in the common fashion of theUriya castes. If a bachelor marries a widow he first goes through theform of wedlock with a bunch of flowers. Among their caste penalties, that imposed for the killing of a cow may be mentioned. It is calledthe Gocharan Brit, and the offender is required to consort with cowsfor twenty-one days. He must mix and take his meals in the cowshed, and must copy the behaviour of the cows, lying down when they lie down, standing up when they stand up, following them when they walk about, and so on. At the expiration of this period he makes a pilgrimage toa certain village, and on his return partakes of the five productsof the sacred cow and gives a feast to the caste. The Tiyars are alow caste, and eat fowls and drink liquor. They will admit a memberof any higher caste on his giving a feast to the community. In theCentral Provinces they have exogamous sections within which marriageis prohibited; these generally have titular names, as Padhan chief, Das slave, Guru preceptor, and so on. They catch fish with the _ghanibenda_, a large bamboo basket covered with palm-tree bark, which issunk under water and secured in the bed of the stream. 

_Todasai_. --(Worshipper of six gods. ) A section of Raj-Gond. 

_Tomara, Tuar, Tawar_. --(_Tomar_, a club. ) A well-known clan ofRajputs. A sept of Gond. 

_Toriya_. --A name given to Gonds who worship twelve gods in Chanda. 

_Tumram_. --(_Tumria_, a pumpkin. ) A clan of Gond, said to be thosewho worship six gods. 

_Turi_. --A caste. A synonym for Basors or bamboo-workers. A sectionof Kalanga. 

_Turk_. --(Muhammadan. ) A section of Panwa Rajput in Balaghat. 

_Turkan_. --A subcaste of Bahna, so called because their forefathersare said to have been soldiers in the army of the king of Delhi. 

_Turkia, Kurkanya_. --A Muhammadan group. Subcaste of Banjara, Chamar. 

_Uchla_. --(A lifter. ) Title for Bharota. 

_Uchle_. --(Pickpocket. ) Subcaste of Mang. 

_Uchodia_. --A subcaste of Bhand. 

_Ud_. --Subcaste of Chasa. See Odde. 

_Udainath_. --A subdivision of Jogi. 

_Udaiputria_. --(One belonging to Udaipur. ) Subcaste of Dhobi. 

_Udasi_. --A class of religious mendicants. See Nanakpanthi. 

_Uika, Oika_. --A very common clan of Gonds, who are said to beworshippers of six gods. 

_Ukas_. --A subcaste of Barhai. 

_Ulluka_. --(An owl. ) A totemistic sept of Sudh and Dumal. 

_Umre_. --A subcaste of Bania. See subordinate article to Bania. Asubcaste of Kalar, Nai and Teli. 

_Unayo, Unnaya_. --(From Unan in Oudh. ) A subdivision of NigamKayasth. It is also sometimes considered as a half subcaste, inaddition to the twelve proper subcastes. 

_Unewal_. --A subdivision of Rhedawal Brahmans found in Jubbulpore. Theytake their name from Una, a village in Kathiawar. 

_Upadhya_. --(A teacher. ) A surname of Kananjia and Sanadhya Brahmans. Atitle of Manbhao. 

_Upmanyu_. --An eponymous section of Brahmans. 

_Uraon_. --Synonym of Oraon. 

_Uriya_, --(A native of Orissa. ) A synonym for the Sansia caste ofmasons in Sambalpur. A subcaste of Ganda, Ghasia, Gond, Karan, Kewat, Koshti, Savar, Sundi and Sunar. 

_Urkara, Urkare_. --(From Warkora, a wild cat in Gondi. ) A section ofSunar and Gond. 

_Usrete_. --A subcaste of Kurmi and Nai. 

_Uthaigira_. --(A picker-up of that which has fallen. ) Synonym ofSanaurhia. 

_Utkala_. --(A resident of Orissa. ) One of the five orders of PanchGaur Brahmans inhabiting Orissa. 

_Vadar or Wadewar_. --(A stone-cutter. ) Synonym of Beldar. 

_Vade, Wade_. --(A carpenter. ) A sept of Maria Gonds. 

_Vadra_. --(A carpenter. ) Subcaste of Kammala. 

_Vaghe_. --(From _vagh_, a tiger. ) See Waghya. 

_Vaidika_. --(Reciter of the Vedas. ) A title of Brahmans. 

_Vaishnava_. --(A worshipper of Vishnu. ) A name for the mendicantorders of Vishnuite devotees and Bairagis. 

_Vaishnava Sunar_. --A group of Sunars who claim to be Brahmans. SeePanchal. 

_Vaishya_. --Name of the third of the four classical castes. SeeIntroduction. There is no Vaishya caste at present, but the Bania casteare considered, perhaps incorrectly, to be descended from the Vaishyas. 

_Vajantri, Wajantri_. --(Musician. ) A subcaste of Gurao. A synonymand section of Mang. 

_Vallabkacharya_. --A Vishnuite sect and order of religiousmendicants. See article Bairagi. 

_Valmika, Valmiki_. --A subdivision of Khedawal Brahmans who taketheir name from the sage Valmika. A subcaste of Kayasths. 

_Vamachari Sect_. --Synonym for Vam-Margi. 

_Vani_. --Synonym for Bania. 

_Varade, Warade_. --(A resident of Berar, a variant of Berari, _q. V. _)A subcaste of Simpi or Maratha Darzi. A subcaste of Dhangar and Nai. 

_Varendra or Barendra_. --A subcaste of Bengali Brahmans. 

_Vartati_. --(Pure. ) Subcaste of Andh. 

_Vasishta or Vashishta_. --Name of a famous saint in classicalliterature. An eponymous section of Brahmans. 

_Vellala_. --The great cultivating caste of the Tamil country, towhom by general consent the first place in social esteem among theTamil Sudra castes is awarded. They have a strength of more than 21/2 millions in India; in the Central Provinces there were in 1911about 700 in Chanda, Nagpur and other Districts. In the _Madras CensusReport_ of 1901, Mr. Francis gives an interesting description of thestructure of the caste and its numerous territorial, occupationaland other subdivisions. He shows also how groups from lower castescontinually succeed in obtaining admission into the Vellala communityin the following passage: "Instances of members of other casteswho have assumed the name and position of Vellalas are the VettuvaVellalas, who are really Vettuvans; the Puluva Vellalas, who areonly Puluvans; the Illam Vellalas, who are Panikkans; the Karaiturai(lord of the shore) Vellalas, who are Karaiyans; the Karukamattai(palmyra leaf stem) Vellalas, who are Balijas; the Guha (Rama'sboatman) Vellalas, who are Sembadavans; and the Irkuli Vellalas, whoare Vannans. The children of dancing girls also often call themselvesMudali, and claim in time to be Vellalas, and even Paraiyans assumethe title of Pillai, and trust to its eventually enabling them to passthemselves off as members of the caste. " The Vellalas will not touchthe plough with their own hands. Some of them abstain from flesh andliquor, and prohibit the remarriage of widows with a view to raisingtheir social status. 

_Vidur_. --A caste. A subcaste of Gondhali, Kasar, Komti, Kunbi, and Lohar, comprising persons of illegitimate descent. 

_Vir_. --Subcaste of Gopal. 

_Virmushti_. --A class of Bairagis or religious mendicants. 

_Vishnu Swami_. --A class of Bairagis or religious mendicants. 

_Vishwamitra_. --Name of a famous saint in classical literature. Aneponymous section of Brahmans. 

_Vyas_. --A section of Brahmans and of Agharia. 

_Waddar_. --A name for Telugu Oddes or navvies in Chanda. A subcasteof Beldar. 

_Wadewar_. --Synonym of Odde or Beldar in Chanda. 

_Waghe_. --(_Wagh_ or _bagh_, a tiger. ) A section of Koshti and Mana, a clan of Maratha. 

_Waghmare_. --(Tiger-killer. ) A clan of Arakh, Gopal and Mahar. 

_Wakkaliga, Okkiliyan_. --A Canarese caste of cultivators, of whicha few representatives were returned from Nagpur. They reside mainlyin the Madura and Coimbatore Districts. The name is derived from theCanarese _okkalu_, [510] which means cultivation or agriculture. 

_Wakmar_. --(One who left the _pangat_ or caste feast while his fellowswere eating. ) Title of Hatkar. 

_Wandhekar_. --Subcaste of Kunbi. 

_Wanjari_. --Synonym for Banjara. Subcaste of Kunbi. 

_Warade_. --(A resident of Berar. ) Subcaste of Gurao. 

_Wartki_. --(A washerman. ) Synonym for Dhobi in the Maratha country. 

_Wasudeo, Wasdeo_. --The name of the father of Krishna, the Hindugod. Synonym of Basdewa. A subcaste of Joshi. 

_Watkari_. See Otari. 

_Wika_. --Synonym for Uika, a well-known clan of Gonds. 

_Yadu, Yadava_. --A well-known clan of Rajputs. 

_Yadubansi_. --(Of the Yadu race. ) A subcaste of Ahir. 

_Yadu-Bhatti. _--Clan of Rajputs. Synonym for Yadu. 

_Yajur-Vedi. _--A subcaste of Brahmans who follow the Yajur-Veda. Theyare also known as Madhyandan and Apastambha. 

_Yarande_. --(One who presses the _erandi_ or castor-oil seed. ) Subcasteof Teli. 

_Yati_. --(For Jati). A Jain ascetic. 

_Yelama_. --Synonym of Velama. 

_Yogi_. --Synonym of Jogi. 

_Yojna_. --Subcaste of Komti. 

SUBJECT INDEX

This Index contains references to general ethnological and othersubjects referred to in the articles, either those on main castes andtribes in Part II. , or those on religions and sects in Part I. Theselatter are usually distinguished by the letters R. For religion orS. For sect. Very occasionally a reference is made to one of the minorarticles in the Glossary. The reference numbers are to the paragraphsof the articles. In the few cases where no reference number is giventhe subject is either treated generally in the article referred to, orthe article itself is so short that further indication is unnecessary. 

Abhiras, the--Ahir, 2

Aboriginal tribes, position of, in Hindu society--Bhuiya, 3

Acrobatic performances--Nat, 4, 5

Address, methods of--Bairagi 11, Brahman, 18, Gond, 72, Gosain, 5, Lodhi, 10, Muhammadan R. , 32

Admission of outsiders--Arya Samaj R. , 3, Bhaina, 6, Bhamta, 3, Bhil, 11, Dahait, 3, Dhanwar, 11, Gond, 70, Injhwar, 4, Jhadi Telenga, 3, Kaikari, 4, Kanjar, 8, Khond, 9, Mahli, 2, Mehtar, 5, Panka, 5, Turi, 6, Vellala, Adoption--Bhamta, 3

Agricultural rites--Gond' 48, Kohli, 4, Kurmi, 32, Oraon, 21, 22

Agricultural superstitions--Kurmi, 33

Akali sect, the--Sikh R. , 6

Akti or Akshit tritiya festival--Chitari, 6, Chitrakathi

Alcohol, prohibition of--Kalar 6

Ambagarhia Deo, worship of--Koshti, 3

Amulets--Bhil, 9, Sunar, 12

Ancestors, reincarnation of--Chamar, 7, Dhakar, 2, Gond, 37, 39, Khond, 5. Oraon, 10

Ancestors, worship of--Badhak, 9, Gond, 38, 42, Gowari, 5, Koshti, 4, Oraon, 14, Sansia, 3, Sundi, Thug, 17, Turi, 4

Angad Guru--Sikh R. , 2

Animal hospitals--Jain R. , 14

Animal sacrifices, in Greece--Kasai, 17 sacrifice of buffalo--Mahar, 2

Animals, kindness to--Bishnoi, 3, Dohor

Animals, veneration for--Bhil, 8, Gowari, 5, Jain R. , 14, Kasai, Oraon, 20

Animism--Kasai, 4

Anniversaries of the dead--Kurmi, 28

Appearance and mode of life--Baiga, 7, 8, Beria, 1, Bhil, 12, Bhishti, Bhuiya, 14, Chamar, 1, Khatri, 1, Kirar, 4, Kohli, 5, Kol, 16, Korku, 10, Korwa, 2, Oraon, 23, Panwar Rajput, 13, Velama, 1

Arjun Guru--Sikh R. , 2

Arts, origin of the--Mochi, 3

Arya Samaj R. , prospects of--Arya Samaj R. , 6

Assassination, methods of--Thug, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8

Astronomical beliefs and stories--Bhatra, 4, Dhuri, 3, Dumal, 4, Jadua Brahman, Joshi, 1-16, Mahar, 11, Turi, 4

Baigas, a branch of the Bhuiyas--Bhuiya, 6

Balak Das--Satnami S. , 4

Banda, worship of--Kharia, 8

Banjari Devi, worship of--Banjara, 10

Bankrupt, going (or Diwala Nikalna)--Bhat, 16

Barber. See article Nai

Barber-surgeon--Nai, 6

Bathing--Gond, 64, Kurmi, 39

Beard, the--Nai, 11

Beggars or religious mendicants. See articles Bairagi, Fakir, Gosain, etc. 

Begging, mode of--Aghori, 1, Basdewa, Gopal, Jogi, 11, Waghya

Bell-metal--Kasar, 4

Betel-vine, account of--Barai, 5

Betrothal--_Passim_. See especially Banjara, 6, Gadaria, 3, Gond, Kawar, 4, Kolta, 3, Korku, 4, Kunbi, 7, Kurmi, 5, Prabhu, 1, Rajput, Turi, 3

Bhang--Kalar, 10

Bhanwar ceremony (walking round the sacred post at marriage)--Kirar, 2, Kurmi, 9

Bhats and Charans--Bhat 2

Birth ceremonies--_Passim_, See especially Ahir 10, Chamur 8, Gond 28, 29, Halba 15, Jat 11, Kawar 6, Kunbi 10, 11, Kurmi 15-17, Mehtar 8-11, Muhammadan R. 7-9, Sonjhara 4; ceremony of second birth--Korku 10

Birthdays--Muhammadan R. 12

Blacksmiths--Lohar 5

Blanket-weaving--Gadaria 7

Blood, smeared on images of gods--Lakhera 5

Blood-covenant--Kewat 2, Khairwar 5

Brahmo Samaj R. , veneration of, foundation of, progress of--BrahmoSamaj Religion 2, 3, 9

Branding the body--Gond 67, Oraon 11

Bride, purchase of--Agaria 2, Audhelia 2, Banjara 6, Dahait 3, Dangi3, Kawar 4, Khadra, Kharia 5, Khond 4, Kir 2, Kohli 2, Kol 10, PanwarRajput 7, Pardhi 3, Rajjhar 3

Bridegroom, dress of a--Daharia 3, Khangar 3, Sansia (Uria) 2

Buddhism compared with Jainism--Jain R. 2

Buffalo, as a corn god--Kumhar 9, Mahar 2

Bullocks, veneration for--Kunbi 24

Buradeo, worship of--Bhunjia 1, Gond 38, 45, Pardhan 4

Burial--Kurmi 23

Calendar, the Hindu--Joshi 1-15

Camel, sacrifice of the--Kasai 15

Cannibalism--Aghori 2, Birhor, Gond 52

Car Festival--Jain R. 11

Carpentering and woodwork--Barhai 6

Caste customs--Badhak 8, Balahi 3, Banjara 19, Chasa 3, KabirpanthiS. 9, Panwar Rajput 13, Satnami S. 8. See also _Admission ofOutsiders. _

Caste feasts--Kurmi 41, Intro. 82, 84

Caste Panchayat or committee--Alur 17, Brahman 20, Dhoba 5, Gond 73, Gowari 7, Halba 18, Kadera 3, Kawar 12, Kol 19, Oraon 27, Pardhan 6, Intro. 93

Caste rules and penalties--_Passim_. See especially Bharia 7, Brahman20, Dhanwar 11, Dhimar 12, Dohor, Gond 73, 74, Gowari 7, Jat 13, Kamar9, Kawar 12, Kol 18, Kurmi 44, Mahar 12, Mehtar 4, Panwar Rajput 12, Pardhi 4, Teli 11

Caste structure--Mehtar 3; origin of--Intro. 3, 4

Cattle, castration of--Chamar 15; slaughter of--Kasai 2; worshipof--Banjara 13, Hatkar 2

Character. See _Moral Character_

Charans--Banjara 2, Bhat 9, 12

Children, devices for procuring--Kunbi 12, Mehtar 8, Muhammadan R. 7;superstitions about--Gond 31; traffic in--Ganda 2

Choti or scalp-lock--Nai 9

Circumcision--Muhammadan R. 13

Civil marriage act--Brahmo Samaj Religion 6

Clothes. See _Dress_

Cocoanut, legends about--Kabirpanthi S. 5

Conception, miraculous, of children--Dhanwar 1

Coppersmiths--Tamera

Counting, official counter or Medha Gantia--Bhatra 4, Parja 7, Intro. 60

Courtesans, education of--Kasbi 4

Couvade, practice of--Oraon 9, Sonjhara 4, Verukala, Intro. 60

Cow-killing, penalty for--Tiyar

Cradle songs--Chitari 5

Criminal practices--Badhak 17, Banjara 21, Beldar 6, Beria 2, Bharota1, Chamar 16, Kanjar 5, Pardhan 6, Pasi 7. See also _Theft_

Crows, beliefs about--Kunbi 15

Cultivating status--Jat 5, Kunbi 4, Kurmi 45, Intro. 21

Cultivation--Gond 79; patch cultivation 80

Dacoity--Badhak 2, 3, 4, Korwa 10, Mang Garori, Mina 3, Pardhi 12, Pindari 4, 5, 6, Ramosi 2, Sansia 4, 5

Daily life--Maratha 8

Dancing--Gond 76, Gondhali, Kashi 3, 8, Kharia 12, Kol 17, Korwa 8, Majhwar 7, Oraon 25, 26, Parja 4

Dasahra festival--Kumhar 10, Mahar 2, Sunar 4

Dauwa or wet-nurse--Ahir 7

Dayanand Saraswati--Arya Samaj R. 1, 2

Days--Joshi 9, 16; omens from--Kawar 10, Parja 7

Dead, beliefs about the--Kurmi 29

Death ceremonies--_Passim_. See especially Bedar 3, Binjhwar 6, Bishnoi8, Brahman 14, Chamar 7, Dhakar 3, Gond 32-38, Gosain 10, Gujar 6, Gurao 6, Halba 12, Kabirpanthi S. 7, Katia 4, Kawar 7, 8, Kharia 9, Khatri 4, Khojah, Khond 6, Kirar 3, Kol 14, Koli 6, Korku 9, Kunbi 14, Kunjra, Kurmi 20, 21, 22, 26, Lingayat, Mahar 6, Muhammadan R. 14, Panwar Rajput 11, Parsi R. 16, 17, Rajput 6, Sonjhara 5, Intro. 89

Dehendra Nath Tagore--Brahmo Samaj Religion 4

Deo Brahman, ceremony of--Bedar 2

Demeter, the goddess--Kumhar 7

Deshmukh and Deshpandia, offices of--Kunbi, 2

Devi, the goddess--Kumhar, 11

Dhar and Ujjain--Panwar Rajput, 3

Dharam Das, legend of--Kabirpanthi S. , 4

Dharna, sitting--Aghori, 2, Bhat, 14, Maratha, 14

Dhatura--Kalar, 10

Digging earth for oven at wedding--Kirar, 2

Diseases--Mehtar, 13 magical cure for--Koshti, 6

Disguises--Badhak, 5, Bhamta, 1, Jadua Brahman, Thug, 7

Divorce--Binjhwar, 5, Chamar, 6, Dewar, 3, Dhanwar, 6, Dhimar, 4, Gadba, 2, Gond, 25, Halba, 10, Katia, 3, Kohli, 2, Koli, 4, Korku, 10, Koshti, 3, Kunbi, 8, Mahar, 5, Mina, 4, Muhammadan R. , 6, PanwarRajput, 8, Savar, 4, Taonla

Diwali Festival, the--Ahir, 15, Bania, 15

Dog--Banjara, 20; associated with the god Khandoba--Maratha, 7

Domestic animals, taboos about--Dhangar, 4, Mang, 7, Naoda, Sonjhara, 6

Doms, the--Kanjar, 4

Donkey, the--Dhobi, 7

Dravidian tribes, their origin and immigration--Kol, 4, 5, Intro. , 37, 39

Dress--Banjara, 18, Bharia, 7, Bohra, 7, Brahman, 22, Darzi, 4, Gadba, 5, Gond, 61, Gosain, 4, Halba, 19, Jogi, 7, Kasbi, 8, Kawar, 11, Kol, 16, Korku, 10, Koshti, 7, Kunbi, 22, Kurmi, 37, 38, Mahar, 12, Muhammadan R. , 31, Oraon, 23, 24, Pardhi, 5, Parsi R. , 18, Rajput 11

Dyeing clothes--Rangrez, Chhipa

Ear, tearing the--Sunar, 10

Ear-piercing--Gond, 62, Kachhi, 5, Muhammadan R. , 11, Sunar, 10, 11

Earth, beliefs about the--Bhunjia, 4

Earth-eating--Chitari, 3, Kurmi, 14

Earth-goddess--Kumhar, 11

Eating with relatives, taboos on--Gauria

Eclipse, legends about--Mehtar, 19, Teli, 8

Emasculation. See article Hijra

Eunuchs. See article Hijra

Evil eye--Bhatra, 8, Chitari, 4, Khangar, 3, Mahar, 11

Exogamous septs or clans--_Passim_. See especially Bhaina, 3, Brahman, 8, Chadar, 1, Dahait, 2, Dangi, 2, Gond, 12, Gowari, 3, Halba, 4, Jhadi Telenga, 2, Karan, Katia, 2, Kawar, 3, Kewat, 2, Khond, 3, Korku, 3, Kunbi, 5, Kurmi, 4 and Appendix, Lodhi, 4, Mahar, 5, Maratha, 4, Panwar Rajput, 6, Rajput, 4, Savar, 3, Intro. , 48, 69

Extortionate practices of Bards--Bhat, 7

False bride, custom of--Dhobi, 2

Fasting for the crops--Kunbi, 7, Oraon, 22; other fasts--Jain R. , 13, Thug, 18

Female palanquin bearers--Kahar, 3

Festivals--Gadba, 3, Gond, 53, Khond, 10, Maratha, 7, Oraon, 20, 21, Parja, 7

Fighting, methods of--Gosain, 9, Khond, 7, 8

Fights of animals--Kasai, 21

Fishing--Dhimar, 8

Flowers--Mali, 3, 4, 10

Folktales--Korwa, 11

Food--Baiga, 8, Bania, 17, Bharia, 7, Brahman, 21, Gadba, 5, Gond, 68, Kawar, 12, Khond, 9, Kol, 18, Kolta, 4, Korku, 10, Kunbi, 21, Kurmi, 40, Lodhi, 9, Mina (or Deswali), 4, Muhammadan R. , 30, Parsi R. , 18, Rajput, 8, Tiyar, Intro. , 85, 88; leavings of food--Dhimar, 10

Foreign religions, adoption of--Mahar, 10, Mehtar, 16

Forest ascetics--Jogi, 5

Fosterage--Ahir, 7

Funeral priest--Kurmi, 26

Furniture--Baiga, 7, Kunbi, 20, Kurmi, 36

Games and pastimes--Kamar, Mal, Pardhi, 7, 11

Ganja (Indian hemp)--Kalar, 10, 11

Ganpati, worship of--Bania, 14, Koshti, 5; legend about--Kunbi, 16

Gardening--Mali, 10, Intro. , 28

Ghasi Das (legends and teachings of)--Satnami S. , 2, 3, 4

Ghosts, beliefs about--Bhat, 10, 11

Gipsies, origin of--Kanjar, 2

Girls dedicated to temples--Kashi, 2, Waghya

Goats and sheep--Dhangar, 5, Gadaria, 6

Gods, attitude towards the--Garpagari, 4; making contracts withthe--Mehtar, 8

Going away ceremony (or Gauna)--Halba, 9, Katia, 3, Lodhi, 6, PanwarRajput, 8

Gold, sanctity of--Sunar, 7; washing for--Sonjhara, 8

Gondwana--Gond, 2

Govind Singh, Guru--Sikh R. , 3

Graveyards--Bohra, 4, Kurmi, 23

Grazing cattle--Ahir, 19

Greeting--See _Address, methods of_

Grinding grain--Kanjar, 9

_Gur_ or sugar, the sacred--Thug, 16

_Guru_ or spiritual preceptor--Bairagi, 13, Daharia, 3

Hailstorms, averting--Garpagari, 1, 4

Hair--Gond, 63, Jogi 7, Manbhao 3, Nai _passim_

Hair-cutting--Nai 3

Halal (sacrifice) rites of Muhammadan, --Atari 4, Kasai 3

Hanuman, the god--Garpagari 3, 4, Kunbi 12

Haveli, meaning of--Kurmi, 3

Heber, Bishop--Swami Narayan S. 3

Hindu R. , aversion to--Satnami S. 7. See _Religious Beliefs_

Holi Festival--Bania 16, Gond 54, Khairwar 9, Mannewar

Homosexual practices--Hijra

Horoscopes--Prabhu 1

Horse--Maratha 7

Houses--Banjara 19, Bohra 7, Gond 60, Kunbi 19, Kurmi 34, Sonjhara 7;superstitions about--Gond 36, Kurmi 35, Parja 7

Human corpse, eating of--Aghori 2

Human sacrifices--Banjara 16, Gond 51, Khond 12, Oraon 17

Hun immigration, the--Gujar 1, 2, Panwar Rajput 1, 2

Hunting, methods of--Gond 81, Kolhati 6, Mal, Pardhi 8, 9, 10;ceremonial hunting--Bhatra 7, and Gond

Hypergamy--Brahman 10, Dangi 2, Daraihan, Lodhi 3, Mina 4, Murha 2, Intro. 16

Id festivals--Muhammadan R. 20, 21

Illegitimacy--Khatri 3, Vidur 3, Dhakar

Immorality of girls--Oraon 4

Impure castes--Intro. 40, 94

Incest, legend of--Lohar 1

Indoor servants--Dhimar 10, Kahar, 4

Infant-marriage--Dhuri 2, Khandait, Kir 2

Infanticide--Rajput 4

Inheritance--Kamar 6, Kawar 12, Khairwar 8, Kol 15, Korku 12, Kunbi 6, Rautia 5

Initiation, rites of--Bairagi 11, Bishnoi 4, Gosain 3, KabirpanthiS. 6, Manbhao 2, Parmarthi S. , Satnami S. 5, Sikh R. 4, Thug 19, Waghya, Intro. 83

Interest on money--Bania, 23, Muhammadan R. 35

Iron-working industry--Lohar 5; superstitions about iron--Lohar 2

Jain Banias--Bania, 9, and Bania, Parwar subcaste; Jain Guraos--Gurao 8

Jasondhis, the--Bhat 8

Jawaras or Gardens of Adonis--Kurmi 31

Jhambaji--Bishnoi 2

Juari as a food--Kunbi 21

Juggling--Jadua Brahman

Kabir, legend and teachings of--Kabirpanthi S. 1, 2, 3

Kali, worship of--Sakta S. , Thug, 14; derived from the tiger--Thug, 14, 16, 22

Karan, legend of--Basdewa

Karma festival--Baiga 8, Binjhwar 8, Gond 56, Majhwar 7, Oraon 19

Kayasths, aversion to--Ghasia 8

Kazi--Muhammadan R. 25

Keshub Chandar Sen--Brahmo Samaj R. 5. 7

Kettle-drum--Ganda 5, Nagarchi

Khandoba, worship of--Bhil 8, Maratha 7, Waghya

Khatpati--Bhat 16

Khonds, rebellion of the--Khond 14

Kidnapping children--Banjara 17

King, legend of killing--Bhil 2

Kinship, basis of--Kasai 9, 10, 11

Kolarians and Dravidians, the--Kol 4, Intro. 35-39

Koli caste; derived from Kol tribes--Kohli, 1

Koran--Muhammadan R. 27

Krishna, the god--Ahir, 4, 12; worship of Krishna--Bairagi 7

Lac (bangles and toys)--Lakhera, 4, 9; industry--Lakhera 3

Lalbeg, worship of--Mehtar 15

Land, rules for occupation of--Khond 7; rights in--Bania 24; ownershipof--Intro. 23

Language--Ahir 3, Baiga 10, Bhil 14, Gond 78, Halba 5, Kharia 14, Kol 5, 22, Kolam 1, Korku 14

Leather--Chamar 11, 12, 13

Leather-workers--Mochi 4

Legends of origin--_Passim_. See especially Agharia, Baiga, Balahi, Bhat, Bhoyar, Bhunjia, Brahman (Kanaujia and Nagar sub-castes), Chamar, Daharia, Dangi, Dhanwar, Dhimar, Halba, Holia, Jat, Kalar, Kasar, Kharia, Khatri, Kol, Komti, Korku, Lohar, Mali, Mang, PanwarRajput, Parja, Sanaurhia, Sunar, Sundi, Teli

Levirate, the--Mang 4, Mina (or Deswali) 4, Parja 6, Sunar 3, Turi 3

Lingo, Gond hero, legend of--Gond 5-10

Liquor, drinking--Gond 69, Kalar 4, 7; and preparation of--Kalar 13;rice-beer--Kol 7, Oraon 26; toddy or date-palm liquor--Pasi 6

Liquor, sanctity of--Kalar 8, 9

Lizard hunting--Badhak15

Love charms--Kunbi 13

Lukman Hakim, worship of--Kadera 4

Madak or opium smoking--Kalar 11

Magic--Banjara 15, Bharia 6, Bhat 11, Bhatra 8, Dhanwar 10, Gauria, Gond 46, 49, Jhadi Telenga 7, Kawar 6, 10, Kol 13, Korku 8, Teli 14, Vam-Margi S. 

Maha-Brahman, presents to--Kurmi 26

Manasa Devi--Nat 6

Maratha, derivation of name--Mahar 1, Maratha 2

Maratha immigration into the Central Provinces--Kunbi 2, 3

Maratha soldiers--Maratha 13, 15, 16

Marriage, barber's duties at--Nai 5

Marriage between relations, restrictions on--Balahi 2, Brahman 9, Dangi 3, Dhoba 2, Gond 15, Injhwar 3, Kai-kari 2, Kunbi 6, Murha 2, Panka 4, Tamera 2

Marriage by capture--Gond 22, Kolam 2, Oraon 6, Intro. 71, 72

Marriage cakes, the--Kurmi 7

Marriage crowns--Chitari 6

Marriage customs--_Passim_. See especially Baiga 4, Bania 11, Banjara7, Bhatra 5, Binjhwar 3, 4, Brahman 11, Chamar 5, Daharia 3, Gadaria 3, Ganda 3, Gond 15-23, Halba 6, 8, Jat 8, Jhadi Telenga 4, Kachera 3, Kachhi 3, Kapewar, Kasbi 5, Kawar 4, Kayasth 8, Kharia 5, Khatri 4, Khond 4, Kol 10, Kolam 2, Kolta 3, Komti, Korku 5, Koshti 3, Kunbi 7, Kunjra, Kurmi, Lodhi 5, Mahar 5, Mali 6, Muhammadan R. 5, Oraon 6, Panwar Rajput 7, Parja 3, 4, 5, Prabhu 1, Raghuvansi 2, Rajput 5, Sansia 2, Teli 5, Turi 3

Masan Baba, worship of--Teli 7

Massage--Nai 4

Mecca, pilgrimage to--Muhammadan R. 18

Meghnath rites--Gond 55

Menstruation--Dhanwar 2, Gond 27, Halba 14, Kamar 4, Kunbi 10, Kurmi 12, 15

Migration--Bhuiya 5, Kirar, Kohli 1, Kol 5, Kunbi 2

Military system--Arab, Maratha 11, 12, 13, 15, 16

Milk--Ahir 20

Miscarriage--Kurmi 12

Monasteries--Bairagi 14, Gosain 8

Moneychangers and testers--Sunar 14

Moneylenders--Bania 18-24

Months, the Hindu--Joshi 11, 13

Moon, legends about--Bharia 6, Kunbi 16, Turi 4; the moon's pathand daily mansions--Joshi 4, 8, 10, 15

Moral character, disposition, or conduct--Badhak 16, Banjara 22, Bhil 3, 12, Bhilala 5, Brahman 25, Chamar 17, Dangi 5, Gond 58, 59, Gujar 3, Hijra, Jat 4, Kohli 5, Kunbi 11, 23, 24, Kunjra, Manbhao 2, Oraon 28, Panwar Rajput 13, Pardhan 5, Parja 1, Pindari 7, Rajput 9, 10, 14, Thug 11, Turi 6

Mosques--Muhammadan R. 22

Mourning--Bania 13, Brahman 14, Chauhan, Dumal 4, Ganda 4, Gond 34, Kawar 7, Khatri 4, Kirar 3, Kunbi 15, Kurmi 25, 27; shaving hairfor--Nai 15

Muhammadan and Hindu rites, mixture of--Bishnoi 5, Kunbi 18, Kunjra, Meo, Mukeri, Sikligar, Teli 8

Muhammadan castes--Muhammadan R. 3

Muhammadan tribal divisions, families and names--Muhammadan R. 4, 9

Muharram rites--Kunbi 18, Muhammadan R. 19

Mulla, the--Bohra 3, Muhammadan R. 24

Music, in connection with dancing--Kasbi 3

Musical instruments--Mochi

Nails, superstitions about--Nai 16

_Nakshatras_, the--Joshi 7, 8, 14

Namdeo Sect--Darzi 5

Names--Agaria 4, Baiga 5, Bhatra 10, Bhoyar 3, Chamar 8, Dhanwar 13, Gond 30, Halba 16, Jhadi Telenga 6, Joshi 18-21, Khond 5, Kol 20, Kolhati 5, Mahar 8, Sunar 2, Vidur 6

Naming of a child--Oraon 10, Vidur 6

Naming relations, taboos on--Bhatra 10, Dhanwar 13, Gond 72, Khond 9, Lodhi 10

Nanak--Nanakpanthi S. 1, Sikh R. 1

Nanakpanthi and Sikh sects, distinction between--Sikh R. 5

Narayandeo, worship of--Koshti 5, Panwar Rajput 9

Nudity of women--Garpagari 4

Numbers, superstitions about--Joshi 12

Oaths--Mahar 12

Oil-pressing--Teli 15

Omens, beliefs about--Ahir 16, Badhak 12, Baiga 6, Gond 21, 47, Kawar 10, Koli 3, Korku 8, Mang-Garori, Mina 3, Pardhi 4, Parja 7, Sansia 6, Thug 22, 23, 24

Opium--Kalar 10, 11, Rajput 9

Ordeals--Bharia 6, Kaikari 4, Kolhati 5, Pardhi 6, Sansia 7

Ornaments--Ahir 18, Gond 61, Kunbi 22, Sunar 6, 8, 9

Outram, Sir James--Bhil 4

Paida ceremony--Jat 10

Palanquin or Doli--Kahar 2

Parasurama, legend of--Panwar Rajput 2

Passover, the--Kasai 18

Pavilion or the marriage-shed--Kurmi 6

Pearls--Sunar 9

Physical type. See _Appearance_

Pickaxe, the Sacred--Thug 15

Pigs, breeding for sacrifice and estimation of--Kumhar 6, 8

Pipal tree, beliefs about--Kunbi 12

Pledge, or covenant, between married couple--Bhatra 5; with thegods--Bhat 14. See also _Dharna_

Pola festival--Kunbi 17

Polyandry, survivals of fraternal--Bhuiya 10, Khond 4, Korku 5, Oraon 7. See also Gowari 3

Polygamy--Agharia 3, Andh, Bania 12, Barai 3, Dangri, Dhuri 2, Gond 26, Kaikari 2, Kohli 2, Korwa 4, Kunbi 8, Kurmi 11, Mali 7, Muhammadan R. 6

Prannath--Dhami S. 

Pregnancy, rites during--Chitari 3, Gond 28, Halba 15, Kasbi 6, Kunbi 10, Kurmi 13, Muhammadan R. 8

Priests, tribal--Koshti 5

Prostitution--Beria 3, Kasbi 2, 7

Proverbs--Arora, Bahna 5, Bharbhunja 3, Dhobi 7, Jogi 14, Julaha

Puberty rites--Gurao 3, Kaikari 3, Lodhi 7

Rajput and Jat, relations of--Jat 3

Rakshabandhan festival--Patwa

Ramazan, fast of--Muhammadan R. 17

Ram Das, Guru--Sikh R. 2

Ram Mohan Roy--Brahmo Samaj R. 1, 2

Red a lucky colour--Lakhera 5

Red dye on the feet--Lakhera 7

Red threads, custom of wearing--Lakhera 8

Relatives, taboos between--Kanjar 8, Kharia 6. See also Marriagesbetween Relatives, and Naming Relatives

Religious beliefs--_Passim_. See especially collection of articleson Religions and Sects, and caste articles on Bishnoi, Manbhao, Bairagi and Gosain. Also articles Baiga 6, Banjara 10, Brahman 15, 16, Chamar 9, Gond 40-56, Khond 11, Korku 6, Koshti 5, Kunbi 16, Kurmi 30, Mahar 9, Oraon 15, 16, Thug 12; Hinduism, Intro. 90, 95, 96

Sacred thread, the--Brahman 17, Gurao 5, Kunbi 16, Lodhi 11; of theJains--Jain R. 9; the sacred cord of the Parsis--Parsi R. 15

Sacrifices, beliefs about and method of--Kasai 22, 23

Sacrificial meal, the--Kasai 8, Kurmi 7, Lakhera 5, 6

Sacrificial method of slaughter--Kasai 22

Sacrificial slaughter for food--Kasai 20

Sahajanand Swami--Swami-Narayan S. 1

Sal flower festival--Oraon 20

_San_-hemp--Lorha

Sankrants--Joshi 6

Sati or burning of widows--Brahman 13

Scent--Atari 4

Sculpture, Hindu--Mochi 3

Sects. For individual sects see articles in section on Religionsand Sects. For right-hand and left-hand sects see articles Mala andVam-Margi S. 

Self-torture--Jogi 4

Sewn clothes, wearing of--Darzi 3

Sexual morality--Gosain 11, Khond 4, Mali 6, Oraon 4, 21

Shankar Acharya--Gosain 2, Smarta S. 

Shantik ceremony--Gurao 3, Maratha 6

Sheep--Gadaria 6, Dhangar 5

Shoes--Chamar 12, 14, Mochi 7

Sikh Council (Guru-Mata)--Sikh R. 7

Silajit--Siddi

Singaji, deified Ahir--Ahir 12

Singara or waternut--Dhimar 8

Sister's son, importance of--Bhamta 2, Dhera, Gowari 4, Gurao 5, Halba 7, Kamar 3, Pasi 5; marriage to maternal uncle's daughter--Bhatra 5, Parja 3; connection with uncle--Mehtar 13

Siva, the god. See article Saiva Sect

Sleeping-place or common dormitory--Bhuiya 9, Gond 71, Oraon 4;dormitory discipline--Oraon 12

Snake-bite, cure for--Gauria, Kir 3, Nat 6

Snake-worship and snake-charmers--Gond 43, Nat 6, Panwar Rajput 10

Social extravagance--Jat 10, Kirar 2, Kurmi 5, Maratha 8

Social life--Kunbi 19, Muhammadan R. 32

Social status and customs--Barhai 5, Basor 5, Bhat 4, Bhilala 1, Bhunjia 5, Brahman 18, Chamar 16, Dangi 4, Dewar 4, Halwai, Jat 5, Kahar 1, Kalar 4, Kolam 5, Koshti 8, Kumhar 3, Kunbi 5, Lodhi 2, 9, Lohar 2, Mahar 13, 14, Mali 1, Mehtar 17, Mina (or Deswali) 1, 4, Nat 3, Oraon 26, Pardhi 5, Sunar 5, Tanti, Teli 10, 13, Velama, Vidur 6

Soldiers. See articles Arab, Bhil, Khandait, Maratha, Paik, Rajput, Taonla

Soma, sacred liquor--Kalar 5; Homa liquor--Parsi R. 13

Songs--Bhat 17, Bhunjia 1, Chitari 5, Dhanwar 4, Gond 77, Gondhali, Kayasth 9, Murha 5, Panwar Rajput 7, Parja 4

Souls of the dead recalled--Ahir 11, Gond 37, Kharia 10, Khond 6, Kurmi 24, Lohar 4, Oraon 13, Taonla

Spangles for the forehead--Lakhera 6

Spells--Lohar 4

Spirits, beliefs in--Badhak 10, Bhat 15, Halba 13, Kalanga 3, Mahar11, Panwar Rajput 10

Spirits-laying--Kawar 8 (of persons killed by tiger)

Subcastes--_Passim_. See especially Brahman 5, 6, 7, Chamaar 2, 3, Dhimar 2, Gond 11, Halba 3, Kalar 2, ,3, Kanjar 1-6, Kawar 2, Kayasth 7, Khond 2, Kol 2, 8, Korku 3, Kunbi 3, Kurmi 3, Lodhi 3, Lohar 3, Mali 5, Mehtar 2, Sunar 2, Intro. 5, 45-47

Suckling children--Kurmi 18

Sudra--Intro. 12

Suicide--Bhat 10, 13, Jasondhi, Rajput 14; burning of widows--Brahman13

Suthra Shahi--Nanakpanthi S. 4

Sweetmeats, preparation of--Halwai

Swindling practices--Jadua Brahman, Jogi 13, Sunar 15, Yerukala

Taboos, on food--Dhakar 3, Kharia 6; of relationship--Sansia 3;general--Jat 13, Thug 23

Tank building--Kohli 3, Sansia (Uria) 4

Tanning--Chamaar 11

Tattooing--Bharia 7, Binjhwar 9, Brahman 23, Dhanwar 12, Gond 65, 66, Gowari 8, Halba 20, Kamar 10, Mahar 12, Oraon 11; suggested originof--Sunar 11

Teeth, disposal of--Kaikari 3, Kunbi 10, Nai 16

Theft, and detection of--Bhamta 1, Bharia 6, Mang-Garori, Ramosi 3, Sanaurhia 3, Yerukala. See also _Criminal practices_

Threads as amulets--Lakhera 8, Patwa

Thugs derived from Kanjars and Doms--Thug 3

Tiger, worship of--Koshti 1, Panwar Rajput 10

Tirthakars of Jains--Jain R. 3, 12

Tobacco--Kalar 12

Tomb-stones--Gond 35

Totem, worship of--Kewat 1

Totemism--Agharia 2, Andh, Audhelia 2, Barai 2, Basor 3, Bhaina 3, Bharia 2, Bhil 6, Bhoyar 2, Bhulia, Chadar, Chasa 2, Chauhan, Dahait 2, Dhanwar 2, Dumal 2, Gadba 1, Gond 13, 14, Kalanga 2, Kawar 3, Kewat 2, Khadal, Khadra, Khangar 2, Kharia 4, Khond 3, Kol 9, Kurmi 4, Lodhi 4, Majhwar 4, Oraon 3, Parja 2, Rautia 2, Savar 3, Sudh, Intro. 49, 51

Traps for animals--Gond 81

Trees, spirits in--Kunbi 12

Turmeric--Mali 5

Twins, beliefs about--Kurmi 19

Udasi--Nanakpanthi S. 3

Ukika sacrifice, the--Muhammadan R. 10

Umbrella--Dahait 6, 7

Vaishnava, sect--Kasbi 7

Vaishya--Intro. 13

Valmiki, legend of--Mehtar 14

Vermilion and spangles, meaning of, substitutes for blood--Lakhera 5, 6

Village community--Intro. 22, 23, 73

Village gods--Banjara Devi in Banjara 10, Chordewa in Oraon 16, Khermata in Baiga 6, Kurmi 30, Maiya Andhiyari in Dhanwar 9, MithuBhukia in Banjara 11

Village menials--Chamaar 15, Dhimar 12, Gurao 1, Kahar 1, Kumhar 4, Mang 6

Village--priests (Bhumka Jhankar)--Binjhwar 9, Korku 7, Intro. 28

Villages--Gond 60, Korku 10, Kunbi 19

Vishnu, the god. See article Vaishnava Sect

Washerman--Dhobi 8

Washing clothes, method of--Dhobi 5, 6, Gond 64

Watchman, village--Kotwar, Ramosi 3, Intro. 27

Weapons--Khond 7

Weeping, custom of--Bharia 3, Chauhan, Gond 22

Widow-marriage--_Passim_. See especially Bania 12, Banjara 8, Brahman12, Chamaar 6, Gauria (disposal of first husband's children), Gond24, Gujar 5, Halba 10, Kirar 2, Kohli 2, Kori 2, Koshti 3, Kunbi 9, Kurmi 11, Mahar 5, Mali 7, Muhammadan R. 6, Panwar Rajput 8, Teli 6;sale of widows--Panwar Rajput 8; Sati or burning of widows--Brahman 13

Wine-drinking, legend of--Kalar 7. See Liquor

Witchcraft--Bhatra 8, Bhil 9, Gond 50, Kawar 10, Oraon 16

Women, sexual morality of--Gond, Gowari; seclusion of--Rajput, 13

Wool, sanctity of--Gadaria, 8; shearing and weaving--Gadaria, 7

Yadava tribe, the--Ahir, 4

Yawning--Chitari, 4

Yoga philosophy--Jogi, 1

Zend-Avesta--Parsi R. , 3, 4

Zodiac, the--Joshi, 2-7

End of Vol. I

NOTES

[1] _Indian Caste_, p. 12. 

[2] Dr. Wilson's _Indian Caste_ (Times Press and Messrs. Blackwood), 1875, p. 88, quoting from Rig-Veda. 

[3] Dr. Wilson's _Indian Caste_ (Times Press and Messrs. Blackwood), 1875, p. 88, quoting from Rig-Veda. 

[4] Rig-Veda, i. 11. Wilson, _ibidem_, p. 94. 

[5] Wilson, _ibidem_, p. 99. 

[6] Manu, ii. 17, 24. 

[7] Barbarians or foreigners. 

[8] See Burnett and Hopkins, _Ordinances of Manu, s. V. _

[9] Wilson, _Indian Caste_, p. 170, quoting Weber, _Indische Studien_, i. 170. 

[10] A collection of rules for sacrifices and other rites, comingbetween the Vedas and the law-books, and dated by Max Müller between600-200 B. C. 

[11] Wilson, _Indian Caste_, p. 182. 

[12] Wilson, p. 184, quoting from Shrauta-sutra of Katyayana, 1. 1. 6. 

[13] Manu, iv. 99; iii. 178. 

[14] Wilson, pp. 421, 422. 

[15] Wilson, p. 187, quoting from Hiranyakeshi Sutra. 

[16] See article Mehtar in text. 

[17] Wilson, p. 363, quoting from Smriti of Angira. 

[18] Wilson, _Indian Caste_, p. 195, from Hiranyakeshi Sutra. 

[19] Manu, viii. 417. 

[20] Wilson, p. 260, quoting Mahabharata, viii. 1367 _et seq. _

[21] Wilson, p. 403, quoting from _Vyavahara Mayukha_. 

[22] Wilson, p. 400, from Parashara Smriti. 

[23] Wilson, p. 140, quoting from _Atharva Veda_, iv. 32. 1. 

[24] Wilson, p. 211. 

[25] Wilson, _Indian Caste_, referring to Ptolemy, vii. 1. 61 andvi. 120. 3. 

[26] Wilson, pp. 113, 114. 

[27] See for the impure castes _para. _ 40 _post_. 

[28] The word "aboriginal" is used here for convenience and not asconveying any assertion as to the origin of the pre-Aryan population. 

[29] _Bombay Gazetteer_, _Parsis of Gujarat_, p. 213. 

[30] Rig-Veda, 6. 3. 16, quoted by Wilson, _Indian Caste_, p. 110. 

[31] Wilson, p. 109. 

[32] Monier-Williams, Sanskrit Dictionary, pointed out by Mr. Crooke. 

[33] Quoted by Wilson, p. 209. It would seem probable, however, that the Vaishyas must themselves have formed the rank and file ofthe fighting force, at least in the early period. 

[34] Manu, i. 90. 

[35] Wilson, _Indian Caste_, p. 193, quoting from Hiranyakeshi Sutra. 

[36] Wilson, p. 260, quoting Mahabharata, viii. 1367 _et seq_. 

[37] Mahabharata, xii. 2749 _et seq_. 

[38] List of classes of Indian society given in the Purusha-Medha ofthe White Yajur-Veda, Wilson, pp. 126-135. 

[39] Manu, viii. 113. 

[40] Hopkin's and Burnett's _Code of Manu, _ x. 64, 65, and footnotes. 

[41] Mahabharata, xiii. 2510 _et. Seq_. , quoted by Wilson, p. 272. 

[42] Manu, ix. 149, 157. 

[43] Manu indeed declares that such children could not be initiated(x. 68), but it is clear that they must, as a matter of fact, havebeen capable of initiation or they could not possibly have beenmarried in the father's caste. 

[44] See article on Brahman for some further details. 

[45] Wilson, _Indian Caste_, i. 440, quoting _Brahma Vaivarrta Purana_. 

[46] See article Bhat for further discussion of this point. 

[47] _Dolichos uniflorus_. 

[48] See article Jat for a more detailed discussion of their status. 

[49] _Tribes and Castes of Bengal_, art. Khandait. 

[50] Proprietors of large landed estates. 

[51] See article on Kunbi, para. 1. 

[52] _Village Communities_, p. 127. 

[53] _History of the Marathas_, vol. I. P. 25. 

[54] _Village Communities_, pp. 226, 227. 

[55] _The Aryan Household_, ed. 1891, p. 190. 

[56] _Ibidem_, p. 228. Professor Hearn followed Sir Henry Maine inthinking that the clan was an expansion of the patriarchal jointfamily; but the reasons against this view are given subsequently. 

[57] _Memoir of Central India_, vol. Ii. P. 22. 

[58] _La Cité antique_, 21st ed. Pp. 66, 68. 

[59] _La Cité antique_, 21 st ed. Pp. 66, 68. 

[60] _Nigeria_, quoted in _Saturday Review_, 6th April 1912. 

[61] _Religion of the Semites_, p. 96. 

[62] See article Sunar for a discussion of the sanctity of gold andsilver, and the ornaments made from them. 

[63] _Michelia champaka_, a variety of the jack or bread-fruit tree. 

[64] See article Darzi for further discussion of the use of sewnclothes in India. 

[65] See articles on Bhulia, Panka, Kori and Julaha. 

[66] Traill's _Account of Kumaon, Asiatic Researches_, vol. Xvi. (1828)p. 213. 

[67] _Tribes and Castes of Bengal_, art. Bari. 

[68] Pointed out by Mr. Crooke. 

[69] The Marathi name for the god Hanuman. 

[70] _Linguistic Survey_, vol. Iv. , _Munda and Dravidian Languages_, p. 7. 

[71] _Acacia catechu_. 

[72] See article on Gond. 

[73] _Linguistic Survey_, p. 15. 

[74] Introduction to _The Mundas and their Country_, p. 9. 

[75] _Linguistic Survey_, p. 277. 

[76] See for this the article on Kol, from which the above passageis abridged. 

[77] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. Xii. P. 175. 

[78] _Cochin Census Report_, 1901, quoted in Sir H. Risley's _Peoplesof India_, 2nd ed. P. 115. 

[79] This was permissible in the time of Asoka, _circa_ 250B. C. Mr. V. A. Smith's _Asoka_, pp. 56, 58. 

[80] Sir H. Risley's _Tribes and Castes of Bengal_, art. Tanti. 

[81] See article Kanjar for a discussion of the connection of thegipsies and Thugs with the Kanjars. 

[82] See article Chamar, para. 1. 

[83] _Loha_, iron; _tamba_, copper; _kansa_, brass or bell-metal;_sona_, gold. 

[84] _Kanch_, glass. 

[85] _Phul_, flower; _haldi_, turmeric; _jira_, cumin. 

[86] _Crotalaria juncea_. See article Lorha for a discussion of theobjections to this plant. 

[87] _Morinda citrifolia_. The taboo against the plant is eitherbecause the red dye resembles blood, or because a number of insectsare destroyed in boiling the roots to extract the dye. 

[88] See article on Brahman. 

[89] Sonjhara is a separate caste as well as a subcaste of Dhimar. 

[90] See article Kurmi, appendix, for some instances of territorialnames. 

[91] Wilson's _Indian Caste_, p. 439. 

[92] Vol. I. Pp. 272, 276. 

[93] _Studies in Ancient History_, p. 123. 

[94] See lists of totems of Australian and Red Indian tribes. SirJ. G. Frazer notes that the majority are edible animals or plants. 

[95] Address to the British Association, 1902. I had not had theadvantage of reading the address prior to the completion of this work. 

[96] M'Lennan, _Studies in Ancient History_, p. 123, quoting fromGrant's _Origin and Descent of the Gael_. 

[97] _Totemism and Exogamy_, i. Pp. 112, 120, ii. P. 536, iii. Pp. 100, 162; _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 209-10; _Native Tribesof South-East Australia_ p. 145; _Native Tribes of Northern Australia_(Professor Baldwin Spencer), pp. 21, 197; J. H. Weeks, _Among thePrimitive Bakongo_, p. 99. 

[98] See pp. II, 138, 190 (Edition 1891). 

[99] _Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. Pp. 338, 339. 

[100] _La Cité Antique_, p. 254. 

[101] _The Origin of Civilisation_, 7th ed. P. 246. 

[102] W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, pp. 52, 53. 

[103] I. P. 253. 

[104] 2nd ed. Vol. I. Pp. 169, 174. See also Sir E. B. Tylor's_Primitive Culture_, i. Pp. 282, 286, 295; ii. Pp. 170, 181, etc. 

[105] See also _Primitive Culture_, i. Pp. 119, 121, 412, 413, 514. 

[106] Messrs. Spencer and Gillan, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_(London, Macmillan), p. 201. 

[107] _Linguistic Survey of India_, vol. Iv. , _Munda and DravidianLanguages_, pp. 40, 41, 45. 

[108] _Linguistic Survey of India_, vol. Iv. , _Munda and DravidianLanguages_, pp. 292, 294. 

[109] Dr. A. H. Keane, _The World's Peoples_, London, Hutchinson, 1908, p. 50. 

[110] _Nimar Settlement Report_. 

[111] See also _Primitive Culture_, i. P. 408. 

[112] _The Oraons_, pp. 408, 409. 

[113] 2nd ed. Vol. Ii. P. 457 _et seq. _

[114] For instances of omens see article Thug and Index. Also MissHarrison's _Themis_, pp. 98, 99. 

[115] _La Cité Antique_, p. 225. 

[116] W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, pp. 178, 571. 

[117] _Early History of Mankind_, 3rd ed. P. 143. 

[118] _Ibidem_, p. 125. 

[119] See article Joshi for examples of Hindu names. 

[120] _La Cité Antique_, p. 357. 

[121] p. 182, _et seq. _

[122] See para. 61. 

[123] I. P. 430. 

[124] See article on Nai. 

[125] 2nd ed. Vol. I. P. 57. 

[126] _Native Tribes of Central Australia, _ Introduction, p. 25. 

[127] Dr. A. H. Keane, _The Worlds Peoples, _ p. 62. 

[128] For counting, see _Primitive Culture_, 5th ed. Pp. 240, 254, 265, 266. 

[129] _Account of the Mewar Bhils_, J. A. S. B. , vol. Xxiv. (1875) p. 369. 

[130] _Early History of Mankind_, p. 293. 

[131] _Ibidem_, p. 294. 

[132] _Ibidem_, p. 295. 

[133] See also _Primitive Culture_, i. P. 493, ii. P. 431. 

[134] See article on Mochi for the Muhammadan reference. The Jewishreference is of course to the Second Commandment. 

[135] _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 176. 

[136] _Ibidem_, pp. 181, 182. 

[137] _The Golden Bough_, 2nd ed. Ii. P. 120. 

[138] _The Golden Bough_, 2nd ed. Iii. P. 301. 

[139] Section on the Kol tribe in Dalton's _Ethnology of Bengal_. 

[140] Mr. S. C. Roy, _The Oraons_, p. 262. 

[141] See also _Primitive Culture_, 5th ed. Ii. Pp. 243, 244, 246. 

[142] See article on Brahman. 

[143] See article Bairagi. 

[144] _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 185, 186. 

[145] _Ibidem_, pp. 154, 155. 

[146] _Primitive Culture_, 5th ed. Ii. Pp. 243, 244. 

[147] _Primitive Culture_, 5th ed. Ii. Pp. 243, 244. 

[148] Dr. A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 146. In this case the reference seems to be to any one of severaltotems of a sub-class. 

[149] Dr. A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 145. 

[150] _Ibidem_, pp. 148, 149. 

[151] _The Religion of the Semites_, pp. 273, 274. 

[152] _Primitive Paternity_, vol. I. Pp. 272, 273. 

[153] _The Religion of the Semites_, p. 265. 

[154] See paragraph 80 below and the article on Kasai. 

[155] _The Origin of Civilisation_, p. 240. 

[156] See _The Golden Bough_, ii. P. 396 _et seq. _

[157] This view of sacrifice was first enunciated by ProfessorRobertson Smith in the article on Sacrifice in the _EncyclopædiaBritannica_, and _The Religion of the Semites_. 

[158] _History of Human Marriage_, p. 324. 

[159] Many instances are also given by Mr. Hartland in _PrimitivePaternity_. 

[160] _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 481. 

[161] _Primitive Marriage_, p. 135, footnote. 

[162] _Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. P. 473, iii. Pp. 34, 76, 101, 225, 272, 308, 360. The Australians have secret Churinga names, theChuringas apparently representing the spirits of ancestors which havereturned to the totem. (Spencer and Gillan, _ibidem_, Appendix A. )

[163] _Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia_, pp. 198, 200. 

[164] _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 70; _Natives ofAustralia, _ Mr. N. W. Thomas, p. 75. 

[165] _Totemism and Exogamy_, iii. Pp. 93, 120, 122, 124, 226, ii. P. 6. 

[166] _Totemism and Exogamy_, vol. Iv. 

[167] See article Lakhera for further discussion of the marking withvermilion and its substitutes. 

[168] _La Cité Antique_, Paris, Librairie Hachette, 21st ed. P. 4. 

[169] _La Cité Antique_, p. 45. 

[170] This word seems to mean elder sister, and is applied by thegirls to their sex-totem, the emu-wren. 

[171] _Native Tribes of S. -E. Australia, _ p. 149. 

[172] _History of Human Marriage_, pp. 418-420. 

[173] _The People of India_ (Thacker & Co. ), pp. 171, 173. 

[174] _Tribes and Castes of the N. -W. P. And Oudh_, art. Nunia. 

[175] _Religion and Customs of the Oraons, Memoirs_, As. Socy. OfBengal, vol. I. No. 9. 

[176] Mr. S. C. Roy, _The Oraons_, p. 247. 

[177] See article on Rajput, para. 9. 

[178] Professor W. E. Hearn's _Aryan Household_ (London, Longmans, Green & Co. ), p. 160. 

[179] At first the whole _gens_ were the heirs, _Ancient Law_, p. 221. The group of agnatic kinsmen are mentioned in _Early Law andCustom_, pp. 238, 239, but not directly as heirs. 

[180] _Aryan Household_, p. 28, quoting Becker's _Charicles_, p. 394. 

[181] _Aryan Household_, p. 160, quoting Plutarch, _QuaestionesRomanae_, c. 6. 

[182] _La Cité Antique_, 21st ed. Paris, Hachette et Cie. 

[183] _Aryan Household_, p. 215. 

[184] _La Cité Antique_, p. 299. 

[185] _La Cité Antique_, p. 304. 

[186] _Ibidem_, pp. 128, 129. 

[187] _Ibidem_, p. 318. 

[188] _Ibidem_, p. 129. 

[189] _Ibidem_, p. 273. 

[190] _Ibidem_, p. 129. 

[191] _Ibidem_, p. 320. 

[192] _La Cité Antique_, p. 279. 

[193] _Ibidem_, pp. 281, 282. 

[194] _Ibidem_, p. 281. 

[195] _Ibidem_, p. 320. 

[196] _La Cité Antique_, p. 179. 

[197] _Ibidem_. 

[198] _Ibidem_. 

[199] _Ibidem_, p. 181. 

[200] _La Cité Antique_, p. 113. 

[201] _Ibidem_, pp. 186-188. 

[202] _La Cité Antique_, _ibidem_. 

[203] Pp. 151, 154. 

[204] The above account of the festival and pilgrimage is taken fromthe Rev. T. P. Hughes' _Dictionary of Islam_, articles Idu-l-Azhaand Hajj. 

[205] _La Cité Antique_, p. 134. 

[206] _Ibidem_, p. 127. 

[207] Para. 48 above. 

[208] See article on Rajput, para. 9. 

[209] _The Magic Art_, ii. P. 89, quoting Satapatha Brahmana. 

[210] See article on Kasai. 

[211] See account in article on Kasai. 

[212] _Orpheus_, pp. 123, 125. 

[213] 7th ed. P. 300. 

[214] _Origin of Civilisation_, 7th ed. P. 299. 

[215] _The Dasahra: an Autumn Festival of the Hindus_, Folk-lore, March 1915. Some notice of the Dasahra in the Central Provinces iscontained in the article on Kumhar. 

[216] Crooke, _loc. Cit. _ p. 41. 

[217] See also article Mahar. 

[218] _La Cité Antique_, pp. 202, 204. 

[219] _Imperial Gazetteer of India_, ii. P. 312. 

[220] _Totemism and Exogamy_, vol. Ii. Pp. 528, 530. 

[221] _Ibidem_. 

[222] _Totemism and Exogamy_, vol. Ii. P. 608; _The Golden Bough_, 2nd ed. Vol. Iii. P. 407. 

[223] Dr. A. H. Keane, _The World's Peoples, _ p. 138. 

[224] Mr. L. D. Barnett's _Antiquities of India_, p. 171. 

[225] _The Golden Bough_, 2nd ed. Vol. I. Pp. 234, 235. 

[226] _Ibidem_, vol. Ii. Pp. 9, 10. 

[227] Other features of the sacramental rite, strengthening thishypothesis, are given in the article Kabirpanthi Sect. The accountis taken from Bishop Westcott's _Kabir and the Kabirpanth. _

[228] See articles Dewar, Bhunjia, Gauria, Sonjhara, Malyar. 

[229] Some instances are given in the article on Kalar and on Rajput, para. 9. 

[230] Dr. A. H. Keane, _The World's Peoples_, pp. 129, 130. 

[231] Para. 11. 

[232] For further notice of Vishnu and Siva see articles Vaishnava andSaiva sects; for Devi see article Kumhar, and for Kali, article Thug;for Krishna, article Ahir; for Ganpati, article Bania. 

[233] See above, para. 13. 

[234] _La Cité Antique_, p. 341. 

[235] _Early History of Mankind_, pp. 259, 260. The needfire, asdescribed by Sir E. B. Tylor, had the character of a purificatory rite, but it may be doubted whether this was its original form, any morethan in the case of the Suovetaurilia or Pola ceremonies. 

[236] Mr. J. T. Marten's _Central Provinces Census Report_, p. 238. 

[237] For further notice of this offence see article Sunar underEar-piercing. 

[238] Para. 61. 

[239] "Tarpeia" in M. Salomon Reinach's _Cults, Myths and Religions_(English edition, London, David Nutt, 1912). 

[240] _Cults, Customs_, p. 130. 

[241] Maclagan, _Punjab Census Report_, p. 174. 

[242] Burn, _United Provinces Census Report_, p. 82. 

[243] _Cults, Customs_, p. 144. 

[244] _Ibidem_, pp. 176, 177. 

[245] _Cults, Customs_, pp. 148, 149. 

[246] Maclagan, _l. C. _

[247] _Ibidem_. 

[248] J. T. Marten, _Census Report_ (1911). 

[249] Lillingston, p. 45, on the authority of Max Mullet. ProfessorOman states, however, that he had but little acquaintance with theVedas (_Brahmans, Tkeists, _ p. 103), and if this was so it would seemlikely that his knowledge of the other ancient languages was not veryprofound. But he published a book in Persian and knew English well. 

[250] Oman, quoting from Dr. George Smith's _Life of Dr. AlexanderDuff_, vol. I. P. 118. 

[251] Oman, quoting Mary Carpenter's _Last Days in England of theRaja Ram Mohan Roy_, p. 67. 

[252] Lillingston, p. 51. 

[253] _Brahmans, Theists_, p. 105. 

[254] _Brahmans, Theists_, p. 111. 

[255] Lillingston, p. 73. 

[256] _Brahmans, Theists_, p. 116. 

[257] _Ibidem_, p. 113. 

[258] _Brahmans, Theists_, p. 118. 

[259] Lillingston, p. 96. 

[260] _Brahmans, Theists_, p. 133. 

[261] _Brahmans, Theists_, pp. 131, 139, 140. 

[262] _Brahmans, Theists_, p. 148. 

[263] This article is compiled from the notices in Wilson's _HinduSects, As. Res. _ vol. Xvi. Pp. 79-81; Sir E. Maclagan's _PunjabCensus Report_, 1891; and Mr. Bhimbhai Kirparam's _Hindus of Gujarat_, _Bombay Gazetteer_, vol. Ix. 

[264] Captain C. E. Luard, in _Central India Census Report_ (1901), p. 88. 

[265] _Bombay Gazetteer, Hindus of Gujarat_ (Mr. Bhimbhai Kirparam), p. 545. 

[266] This information was kindly furnished by the Diwan of Panna, through the Political Agent at Bundelkhand. 

[267] Barth, p. 148. 

[268] Hopkins, p. 310, and _The Jains_, p. 40. 

[269] Barth, p. 149. 

[270] _The Jainas_, pp. 38-47. 

[271] The writer is inclined to doubt whether either Buddhism orJainism were really atheistic, and to think that they were perhapsrather forms of pantheism; but the above is the view of the bestauthorities. 

[272] _The Jainas_, p. 10. 

[273] _The Jainas_, p. 6. 

[274] _Ibidem_, p. 10. 

[275] Moor's _Hindu Infanticide_, pp. 175-176. 

[276] Marten, _C. P. Census Report_ (1911), p. 67. 

[277] Maclagan, _Punjab Census Report_ (1891), p. 183. 

[278] Mr. Marten's _Central Provinces Census Report_, 1911. 

[279] The particulars about the Tirthakars and the animals and treesassociated with them are taken from _The Jainas_. 

[280] _Jonesia Asoka_. 

[281] _Cedrela toona_. 

[282] _Grislea tomentosa_. 

[283] _Eugenia jambolana_. 

[284] _Michelia champaka_. 

[285] Crooke, _Things Indian_, art. Pinjrapol. 

[286] Moor, _Hindu Infanticide_, p. 184. 

[287] _Rajasthan_, vol. I. P. 449, and pp. 696, 697, App. 

[288] _Central Provinces Census Report_, 1911. 

[289] Westcott, _Op. Cit. _ p. 3. 

[290] _Op. Cit. _ p. 12. 

[291] _Kabir and the Kabirpanth_, pp. 115 and 116. 

[292] Raipur District. 

[293] The description of the Chauka service is mainly taken fromBishop Westcott's full and detailed account. 

[294] _Ficus glomerata_. 

[295] Sherring, _Hindu Castes and Tribes, _ iii. Pp. 96, 123. 

[296] By Surgeon-Major Cornish. 

[297] _Bombay Census Report_, 1901, pp. 181-183. 

[298] _Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies_, p. 117. 

[299] Mr. Marten's _C. P. Census Report_ (1911), Subsidiary Table, ix. , Occupation, p. 276. 

[300] Short for Amir or Prince. 

[301] Siddik means veracious or truthful, and he was given the nameon account of his straightforward character (_Bombay Gazetteer. _)

[302] _Supplemental Glossary_, vol. I. P. 195. 

[303] Mr. A. M. T. Jackson in _Bomb. Gaz. Muh. Guj_;, p. 10. 

[304] _Bombay Gazetteer, ibidem_. 

[305] Hughes' _Dictionary of Islam, s. V. _ Marriage. 

[306] _Bomb. Gaz. Muh. Guj. _ p. 166. 

[307] _Ibidem_, p. 66. 

[308] _Bomb. Gaz. Muh. Guj. _ pp. 147, 148, from which the wholeparagraph is taken. 

[309] _Bomb. Gas. Muh. Guj. _ p. 150. 

[310] Temple's _Proper Names of the Punjabis_, pp. 41, 43. 

[311] _Qanun-Islam_, p. 20. 

[312] _Ibidem_. 

[313] _Qanun-i-Islam_, pp. 26, 27. 

[314] _Ibidem_, pp. 30, 35. 

[315] Hughes, _Notes on Muhammadanism_, pp. 122, 131. 

[316] _Qanun-i-Islam_, p. 286. 

[317] _Bomb. Gaz. Muh. Guj. _ pp. 168, 170. 

[318] _Dictionary of Islam_, art. Inheritance. 

[319] Hughes, _Notes on Muhammadanism_, pp. 63, 75. 

[320] See _post_. The account is compiled mainly from the _Dictionaryof Islam, _ articles Idu-l-Azha and Hajj. 

[321] _Bomb. Gas. Muh. Guj_. P. 138. 

[322] Hughes, _Dictionary of Islam, s. V. _ Idu-l-Azha. 

[323] Hughes, _ibidem_. 

[324] _Bomb. Gaz. Muh. Guj_. P. 131. 

[325] Professor Margoliouth's _Muhammadanism. _

[326] _Bomb. Gaz. Muh. Guj_. P. 131. 

[327] _Bomb. Gaz. Muh. Guj. _ pp. 132, 135. 

[328] _Bomb. Gaz. , ibidem_. 

[329] Professor Margoliouth's _Muhammadanism_ and the _Dictionaryof Islam_. 

[330] _Early Developments of Muhammadanism_, pp. 87, 97. 

[331] _Notes on Muhammadanism_, p. 168. 

[332] _Dictionary of Islam_, _s. V. _ Food. 

[333] _Bomb. Gaz. Muh. Guj. _ pp. 100-103, and _Dictionary of Islam_, art. Dress and Ornaments. 

[334] Hughes, _Notes on Muhammadanism_. 

[335] _Qanun-i-Islam, _ pp. 24, 25. This account is a very old one, and the elaborate procedure may now have been abandoned. 

[336] Hughes, _Dictionary of Islam, s. V. _ Fitrah. 

[337] _Bomb. Gaz. Muh. Guj. _ pp. 143, 144. 

[338] Hughes, _Dictionary of Islam_, _s. V. _ Whistling. 

[339] _C. P. Census Report_, 1911, p. 66. 

[340] This article is compiled from Sir Denzil Ibbetson's _PunjabCensus Report_ of 1881, and Sir E. D. Maclagan's _Punjab Census Report_of 1891. 

[341] Ibbetson, para. 260. 

[342] Maclagan, para. 88. 

[343] Maclagan, _loc. Cit. _

[344] Ibbetson, para. 265. 

[345] Maclagan, para. 95. 

[346] _Tribes and Castes_, article Suthra Shahi. 

[347] _C. P. Census Report_ (1911), p. 69. 

[348] P. 276. 

[349] _Orphéus_, p. 94. 

[350] _Ibidem_. 

[351] Haug, _loc. Cit. _ pp. 69, 70. 

[352] _Orphéus_, pp. 91, 92. 

[353] Haug, pp. 267, 268. 

[354] Haug, p. 269. 

[355] Haug, pp. 272, 273. 

[356] _Great Religions of India_. 

[357] _Great Religions of India_. 

[358] _Orphéus_, p. 96. 

[359] _Ibidem_, p. 98. 

[360] Haug, p. 199. 

[361] Sykes' _Persia and its People_, p. 180; _Great Religions ofIndia_, p. 173. 

[362] _Bombay Gazetteer_, vol. Ix. Part ii. , _Parsis of Gujarat_p. 190. 

[363] _Bombay Gazetteer, ibidem. _

[364] _Bombay Gazetteer_, vol. Ix. Part ii. , _Parsis of Gujarat_, pp. 233, 237. 

[365] P. 133. 

[366] _Bombay Gazetteer_, vol. Ix. Part ii. , _Parsis of Gujarat_, pp. 221-226. 

[367] _Bombay Gazetteer_, vol. Ix. Part ii. , _Parsis of Gujarat_, p. 231. 

[368] _Ibidem_, pp. 239-242. 

[369] _Bombay Gazetteer_, vol. Ix. Part ii. , _Parsis of Gujarat_, pp. 241, 243. 

[370] _Bombay Gazetteer, Parsis of Gujarat_, pp. 205, 207, 219, 220. 

[371] See also article on Kalar. 

[372] _Aegle marmelos_. 

[373] Dr. Bhattacharya's _Hindu Castes and Sects_, p. 371. 

[374] See articles Kumhar, Thug and Sakta sect. 

[375] See art. Sakta Sect. 

[376] Mr. Marten's _C. P. Census Report_, 1911. 

[377] _India Census Report_ (1901), p. 360. 

[378] _Hindu Castes and Sects_ (Thacker, Spink & Co. , Calcutta), pp. 407-413. 

[379] Sir E. Gait's note, _India Census Report_. 

[380] _Hindu Castes and Sects_. 

[381] This article is based principally on a paper by Mr. Durga PrasadPande, Tahsildar, Raipur. 

[382] _Bilaspur Settlement Report_ (1888), p. 45. 

[383] Some of Mr. Chisholm's statements are undoubtedly inaccurate. Forinstance, he says that Ghasi Das decided on a temporary withdrawalinto the wilderness, and proceeded for this purpose to a small villagecalled Girod near the junction of the Jonk and Mahanadi rivers. Butit is an undoubted fact, as shown by Mr. Hira Lal and others, thatGhasi Das was born in Girod and had lived there all his life up tothe time of his proclamation of his gospel. 

[384] _Ibidem_. 

[385] _Luffa acutangula_. 

[386] _Solanum melangenum_. 

[387] Some of the Bundela raids in the north of the Province weremade on the pretext of being crusades for the protection of thesacred animal. 

[388] From Mr. Durga Prasad Pande's paper. 

[389] This text is recorded by Mr. Durga Prasad Pande as follows:

 "Bhaji chhurai bhanta chhurdi Gondli karat chhonka Lai bhaji ke chhurawate Gaon la marai chauka. Sahib ke Satnamia; 'Thonka. '"

Or

"We have given up eating vegetables, we eat no brinjals: we eatonions with more relish; we eat no more red vegetables. The _chauka_has been placed in the village. The true name is of God; (to whichthe pair replied) 'Amen. '"

[390] See article Nanakpanthi for an account of Nanak's creed. 

[391] Here again, Sir D. Ibbetson notes, it is often the women whoare the original offenders: "I have often asked Sikhs how it is that, believing as they do in only one God, they can put any faith in andrender any obedience to Brahmans who acknowledge a large number ofdeities, and their answer in every case has been that they do notthemselves believe in them; but their women do, and to please themthey are obliged to pay attention to what the Brahmans say. "

[392] _Punjab Census Report_ (1891), para. 107. 

[393] Account of the Sikhs, _Asiatic Researches_. 

[394] Apparently the Scripture of Govind, the tenth _guru_. 

[395] 'Hurrah for the Guru's Khalsa, Victory to the Guru. '

[396] Sir Lepel Griffin's _Life of Ranjit Singh_. 

[397] Based on the account of the sect in the volume, _Hindus ofGujarat, _ of the _Bombay Gazetteer_, and _The Swami-Narayan Sect_pamphlet, printed at the Education Society's Press, Bombay, 1887. 

[398] Bishop Heber's _Narrative of a Journey through the UpperProvinces, _ pp. 143, 153. 

[399] _The Swami-Narayan Sect_, pp. 4, 22. The above details are given, because in the _Bombay Gazetteer_ the Swami is said to have prohibitedthe taking of food with low-caste people, and caste pollution; andthis appears incorrect. 

[400] _The Swami-Narayan Sect_, p. 25. 

[401] _Bombay Ducks_, p. 194. 

[402] For a suggested explanation of the myth of Parasurama seearticle Panwar Rajput. 

[403] See also article Ahir. 

[404] Kabirpanthi, Nanakpanthi, Dadupanthi, Swami-Narayan, etc. 

[405] This article is based on Professor Wilson's _Hindu Sects_, M. Chevrillon's _Romantic India_, and some notes collected by MunshiKanhya Lal of the Gazetteer Office. 

[406] _Dhatura alba_, a plant sacred to Siva, whose seed is a powerfulnarcotic, and is used to poison travellers. 

[407] This article consists entirely of extracts from the article onthe Wahhabi sect in the Rev. T. P. Hughes' _Dictionary of Islam_. 

[408] Irvine, _Army of the Mughals_, p. 198. 

[409] Irvine, _Army of the Mughals_, p. 232. 

[410] _Summary of the Maratha and Pindari Campaigns_, p. 264. 

[411] _Bombay Gazetteer_, vol. Ix. Part ii. P. 16. 

[412] _Madras Census Report_ (1891), p. 221. 

[413] _Punjab Census Report_ (1881), para. 543. 

[414] _Berar Census Report_ (1881), p. 128. 

[415] _Punjab Census Report_ (1881), para. 529. 

[416] Khan Bahadur Lutfullah Faridi in _Bombay Gazetteer_, _Muh. Guj. _

[417] _Berar Census Report_, _ibidem_. 

[418] In 1911 about 3000 persons belonging to the caste were returned, mainly from Bilaspur District, and the Korea and Sarguja States. 

[419] Crooke, vol. I. P. 184. 

[420] _Eastern India_, ii. P. 467. 

[421] _North-West Provinces Gazetteer_, vol. Xiv. , Mirzapur, p. 365. 

[422] _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_, page 72. 

[423] This article consists of extracts from Mr. Crooke's account ofthe caste in his _Tribes and Castes_. 

[424] _Eastern India_, ii. 248. 

[425] _Punjab Census Report_ (1881), para. 542. 

[426] _Tribes and Castes_, art. Bhatia. 

[427] _Rajasthan_, ii. P. 292. 

[428] _Tribes and Castes of Bengal_, art. Bind. 

[429] _Tribes and Castes of the N. W. P. And Oudh_, art. Bind. 

[430] _Bauhinia scandens. _

[431] _Ethnology of Bengal. _ pp. 158, 221. 

[432] See art. Bhunjia. 

[433] _Linguistic Survey of India, _ vol. Iv. , _Munda and DravidianDialects, _ p. 102. 

[434] Caldwell's _Dravidian Grammar_, pp. 123 and 134. CaptainGlasfurd says: 'The termination _war_ is a Telugu affix signifyingperson or man' (_Settlement Report of the Upper Godavari District_(1868), p. 26). 

[435] This article consists only of extracts from the accounts ofColonel Dalton and Sir H. Risley. 

[436] Dalton's _Ethnology of Bengal_, pp. 126, 127. 

[437] _Tribes and Castes of Bengal_, art. Chero. 

[438] See also art. Daharia for a discussion of the origin of thatcaste. 

[439] _Tribes and Castes_, art. Dhalgar. 

[440] From a paper by Narayan Bohidar, Schoolmaster, Sonpur State. 

[441] This article is based on papers by Mr. D. P. Kshirsagar, Naib-Tahsildar, Buldana, and Mr. Khandekar, Headmaster, Nandura. 

[442] _Madras Census Report_ (1901), p. 149. 

[443] _Bhandara Settlement Report_ (Mr. A. B. Napier), p. 8. 

[444] _Criminal Tribes of the C. P. _, p. 61. 

[445] Buchanan, i. P. 331. 

[446] _B. G. Muh. Guj_. , p. 84. 

[447] This article is based on information collected by Mr. Hira Laiin Betul. 

[448] Art. Dom. In _Tribes and Castes of Bengal_, and of the_North-Western Provinces and Oudh_. 

[449] See article Are. 

[450] _Thana Gazetteer_, pp. 119, 120. 

[451] _Sholapur Gazetteer_, p. 158. 

[452] _Madras Census Report_ (1891), p. 238. 

[453] _Ibidem_, p. 280. 

[454] _Satara Gazetteer_, p, 41. 

[455] _Nasik Gazetteer_, p. 54. 

[456] This account is taken from inquiries made by Mr. Hira Lalin Patna. 

[457] _Tribes and Castes of Bengal_, art. Bauri. 

[458] From a paper by Mr. Kripasindh Tripathi, Headmaster, SariaMiddle School, Sarangarh State. 

[459] From _pag_, a foot. 

[460] Malcolm, _Memoir of Central India_, ii. P. 21. 

[461] This paper is compiled from notes taken by Mr. Hira Lal atRaj-Nandgaon and Betul. 

[462] Perhaps _Pandanus fascicularis_. 

[463] This article is compiled from papers by C. Ramiah, Kanungo, Sironcha, and W. G. Padaya Naidu, clerk, District Office, Chanda. 

[464] _Mysore Census Report_ (1891), p. 205. 

[465] This article is compiled from a paper by Mr. Ghasinam Dani, Deputy Inspector of Schools, Bastar State. 

[466] The caste numbered 85 persons in 1911. The above notice iscompiled from a paper by Mr. Krishna Sewak, Naib-Tahsildar, Bargarh. 

[467] Based on inquiries made by Mr. Hira Lal, Assistant GazetteerSuperintendent in Bhandara. 

[468] _Madras Census Report_ (1901), p. 168. 

[469] _Bombay Gazetteer, Guj. Mukh_. P. 18. 

[470] Elliott's _Memoirs_, vol. I. P. 54. 

[471] Crooke's _Tribes and Castes_, vol. I. P. 161. 

[472] _Madras Census Report_ (1891), p. 303. 

[473] _India Census Report_ (1891), p. 200. 

[474] _Man_, November 1909. 

[475] Tone, _Letter on the Marathas_ (1798), India Office Tracts, p. 25. 

[476] Lane, _Modern Egyptians_, p. 373. 

[477] _Census Report_ (1891), p. 211. 

[478] From a paper by Mr. Rajaram Gangadhar Deshpande, Tahsildar, Wardha. 

[479] _Settlement Report of the Upper Godavari District_ (1868), quoted in Mr. Nunn's _Monograph on the Gold and Silver Industries ofthe Central provinces_. 

[480] _Monograph on the Gold and Silver Industries, loc. Cit. _

[481] _Berar Census Report_ (1881), p. 219. 

[482] Based on a paper by Mr. Ali Mustafa, Naib-Tahsildar, Hatta. 

[483] _Census Report_ (1891), p. 179. 

[484] In the introduction to Firishta's History (Elliot, vi. P. 568), it is stated that Roh is the name of a particular mountain (country)which extends in length from Swat and Bajaur to the town of Siwibelonging to Bhakar. In breadth it stretches from Hasan Abdul toKabul. Kandahar is situated in this country. (Crooke's _Hobson-Jobson_, p. 766. )

[485] Mr. Crooke's _Tribes and Castes_, vol. Iv. Pp. 165, 166. 

[486] _Proper Names of the Punjabis_, p. 74. 

[487] _Indian Life and Sentiment_, p. 99. 

[488] _Linguistic Survey_, vol. Iv. P. 30. 

[489] _Linguistic Survey_, vol. Iv. , _Munda and Dravidian Languages_, p. 79. 

[490] _Ibidem_, pp. 84, 85. 

[491] _Ethnology of Bengal_, p. 235 _et seq. _

[492] _Tribes and Castes of Bengal_, App. I. 

[493] _Ibidem_, pp. 222, 223. 

[494] This article is written from papers by Mr. G. A. Khan, AssistantCommissioner, Venkatesh Tumaiya Ayawar, Schoolmaster, Chanda, andMr. G. Padaya Naidu, District Officer, Chanda. 

[495] _North Arcot Manual_, i. P. 200. 

[496] _North Arcot Manual_, i. P. 242. 

[497] Based on a paper by G. Pydiah Naidu of the Gazetteer Office. 

[498] Vol. Xi. P. 433. 

[499] Mr. Edwardes, _Byways of Bombay_, p. 79. 

[500] _Bombay Gazetteer, ibidem_. 

[501] _J. A. S. B. _, No. 3 of 1903, p. 103. 

[502] Partly based on a note by Mr. C. J. Irwin, Assistant Commissioner, Jubbulpore. 

[503] _Bombay Gazetteer_, vol. Xvii. (_Sholapur_), p. 234. 

[504] _Bombay Gazetteer, Belgaum_, p. 250. 

[505] _Tribes and Castes_, art. Sikligar. 

[506] Based on a paper by Mr. Gokul Prasad, Naib-Tahsildar, Dhamtari. 

[507] _Tribes and Castes of Bengal_, art. Tanti. 

[508] _Madras Census Report_ (1901), p. 153. 

[509] _Tribes and Castes of Bengal, s. V. _

[510] _Madras Census Report_ (1891), p. 243.