THE WRITINGS OF SAMUEL ADAMS VOLUME IV. 1778-1802 THE WRITINGS OF SAMUEL ADAMS COLLECTED AND EDITED BY HARRY ALONZO CUSHING VOLUME IV 1778-1802 CONTENTS OF VOLUME IV 1778. To Richard Henry Lee, January 1st Military Affairs--European Politics--Articles of Confederation--Army Supplies. To --------, January l0th New Haven Conference--Legislation on Trade--Baron Steuben. To Archibald Campbell, January 14th Exchange of Prisoners. To Horatio Gates, January 14th Introducing Baron Steuben--Captain Olivier. Vote of Town of Boston, January 21st Articles of Confederation. To John Burgoyne, February 6th Declining a Conference. To Daniel Roberdeau, February 9th The Work of Congress. To Arthur Lee, March 12th Complaints of French Volunteers. To Jonathan Trumbull, March 19th Defence of Hudson River. To James Lovell, March 27th Postal Service--Military Academy--Exchange of Prisoners--Case of John Amory. To Francis Lightfoot Lee Illness--Conditions in Boston--Military Affairs. To Richard Henry Lee, April 20th Action of France--Attitude of England, iii To Mrs. Adams, May 5th Journey from Boston. To the Earl of Carlisle and others Address of "An American. " To Baron Steuben, June 3rd Action of Congress. To John Adams, June 21st The English Commissioners--Arrivals from France--Arthur Lee. To Mrs. Adams, July 9th Signing of Articles of Confederation. To James Warren, July Cases of Manley and McNeil--Appointment of Naval Officers. To James Warren, July Office-holders--The British Commissioners--Arrival of French Squadron. To Samuel Phillips Savage, August 11th . Return of Hancock. To Peter Thacher, August 11th . The British Commissioners--Activity of Quakers. To James Warren, September 1st Cases of Manley and McNeil--Personal Critics--The Rhode Island Expedition. To James Bowdoin, September 3rd Conduct of John Temple. To Hannah Adams, September 8th Illness of Wife. To John Bradford, September 8th Conduct of McNeil. To James Warren, September 12th Case and Conduct of Manley--The Rhode Island Expedition. To Samuel Phillips Savage, September 14th The Rhode Island Expedition--Activity of Tories. To ----, September 21st Appointment of Auctioneers--Attitude of Manley--Public Criticism of FrenchAdmiral. To Mrs. Adams, September 28th Death of Friends--Family Affairs. To William Cooper, September 3Oth Assistance in Exchange of Son. To Samuel Phillips Savage, October 6th Extravagance in Boston. To James Warren, October nth Conduct of Arthur Lee--Opinion of Silas Deane--Affairs of Du Coudray--PublicCriticisms of Deane. To James Warren, October 14th Attacks on Arthur Lee--Berkenhout. To Jonathan Trumbull, October 16th Death of Son. To Timothy Matlack, October 16th Proposed Manifesto of General Clinton. To James Warren, October 17th Attitude of Politicians to Tories. To Mrs. Adams, October 2oth Personal Enemies in Boston. To John Adams, October 25th Military Affairs--Relations with France--The Rhode Island Expedition--NavalMovements. To Arthur Lee, October 26th Comments on Correspondence. To ----, October 26th Falsehoods of Enemies. To the Public, October 30th Manifesto of the Continental Congress. To Samuel Phillips Savage, November 1st Share of New England in Securing Independence--Personal Relations. To James Warren, November 3rd Work of Congress--Foreign Relations--Proposed Resignation. Thanksgiving Proclamation, November 3rd Resolution of Continental Congress. To Samuel Phillips Savage, November l0th State of Society and Politics in Boston. To Jeremiah Powell, December 1st Use of Appropriation--Re-election to Congress. To Mrs. Adams, December 13th Relations with John Temple--Personal Critics--Deane and Lee. To the Council of Massachusetts, December 15th Enclosing Declaration of French Minister. To James Bowdoin, December 19th Conduct of John Temple. To John Winthrop, December 21st Conduct of John Temple. To Samuel Cooper, December 25th Conduct of John Temple--Deane and Lee--Proposed Resignation. To Charles Chauncy, December 25th Conduct of John Temple--Gates and Heath. 1779. To Samuel Cooper, January 3rd Deane and Arthur Lee. To James Warren, January 6th Silas Deane--William Lee--Arthur Lee. To Samuel Cooper, January 6th American Representatives in France. To Samuel Cooper, January 19th Negotiations with France--Diplomatic Appointments. To Jonathan Trumbull, February 6th Naval Affairs. To John Winthrop, February 6th Depreciated Currency. To Samuel Allyne Otis, February l0th Recommending Richard Checkley. To James Warren, February 12th Confidential Correspondents--Public Manners and Principles. To the Board of War, February 16th Action of Governor Clinton on Flour Shipments. To Samuel Cooper, February 21st Monopoly of Trade and Land--Course of England. To Mrs. Adams, March 7th Proposed Resignation as Secretary--Personal Jealousies--News from France. To John Adams, March 9th Personal Reflections. To Benjamin Austin, March 9th Opinion of Deane and Arthur Lee. To Mrs. Adams, March 23rd Purpose to Resign as Secretary and as Delegate--Attitude of Countrymen. To James Warren, March 23rd, 24th Purpose to Resign--Personal Critics--Arthur Lee, To James Lovell, March 26th Case of Otis and Henley. To James Lovell, March 27th Application of Medical Officers. To James Lovell, March 30th John Paul Jones--Retention of Prize Money--The "Aliance. " To the Council of Massachusetts, April 1st Want of Bread--Journals of Congress. To John Pitts, April 27th Comments on Political Affairs. To Samuel Cooper, April 29th Proper Attitude toward England--Canada and Nova Scotia. To George Washington, May 26th The Marine Committee--State of the Navy. To Benjamin Hawes, July l0th Movement of Troops. To the Navy Board, July 12th Movement of Ships. To Jonathan Trumbull, July 13th Hostilities in Connecticut. To Horatio Gates, July 14th Hostilities in Connecticut. To the Navy Board, July 14th Penobscot Expedition. To Meshech Weare, July 28th Investigation of Seizure. To Arthur Lee, August 1st Enemies of Lee. To Solomon Lovell, August 6th Military Affairs. To the Council of Massachusetts, August l0th Aid for Penobscot Expedition. To the Council of Massachusetts, August 11th Movement of Troops. To Solomon Lovell, August 14th Movement of Troops. To John Frost, August 17th The Penobscot Expedition. To----, August 17th The Penobscot Expedition. To Henry Jackson, August 21st The Penobscot Expedition. To Horatio Gates, August 22nd Failure on the Penobscot--Campaign Preparation. --Luzerne. To George Washington, October 12th Raising of Troops. To the Navy Board, October 19th Lack of Fuel--Protection of Coast. To Elbridge Gerry and James Lovell, December Subscription for Children of Joseph Warren. To Elbridge Gerry, December 2Oth . Appointment to Convention. To Elbridge Gerry and James Lovell, December 20th Education of Children of Joseph Warren. --Subscription for Benefit ofChildren of Joseph Warren To the House of Representatives of Massachusetts, December 23rd. Resolution of Council on Absentees. 1780. To the Governor of Rhode Island, January 5th . Exclusion of Secret Enemies. To John Adams, January 13th Work of the Legislature--Military Affairs--Constitutional Convention--Delegatesin Congress. To John Morin Scott, February 17th Condition of Public Records. To James Lovell, March 5th Political Details. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, March 9th Petition for Permission to Purchase Property of Absentees, To John Adams, March 15th The Massachusetts Constitution. To James Lovell, March 25th The Vermont Controversy--Work of Congress--The Penobscot Expedition--The EasternTerritory--Need of Consulate In France. To John Adams, May Work of the Legislature--The New Constitution. Article Signed "Vindex, " June 12th Origin of the Contest--Character of the Army--Duty of the People. To James Bowdoin, June 20th Defence of Connecticut. To John Fellows, June 20th Control of Hudson River--Military Plans. To Robert Howe, June 20th Movement of Massachusetts Troops. To John Fellows, June 21st Plans for Defence of Hudson River. To Robert Howe, June 21st The Defence of Hudson River. To La Fayette, June Assistance of France--Military Preparations in Massachusetts --The ComingElection. To John Adams, July 10th The Massachusetts Constitution--The French Fleet. To Hannah Adams, August 17th Paternal Advice. To James Bowdoin, August 22nd French Opinion of Massachusetts Troops--The Vermont Controversy--The NewConstitution. To John Lowell, September 15th The Vermont Controversy--Condition of the Army. To Mrs. Adams, September 19th Sacrifice in Public Service--The Southern Campaign. To James Warren, October 6th The Massachusetts Election--Reflections on Congress. To Mrs. Adams, October 10th Visit of Arthur Lee to Boston--Election of Hancock--Treason of Arnold. To Mrs. Adams, October 17th Opinion of Arthur Lee--Election of Hancock. To James Warren, October 24th Public Service and Proper Government. To Richard Henry Lee, October 31st The Campaign in Virginia--Opinion of Arthur Lee. To Samuel Cooper, November 7th Visit of Arthur Lee to Boston--Legislation for the Army--The SouthernCampaign. To Mrs. Adams, November nth, 13th Robbery of the Mail--The Massachusetts Election. To James Warren, November 20th Activity of Personal Enemies--Local Politics. To Thomas Wells, November 22nd Advice on Married Life. To Mrs. Adams, November 24th Reflections on Results of Public Service. To Elbridge Gerry, November 27th. Proposed Retirement of Adams--Necessity for Public Service ofGerry--Character of Massachusetts Government. To John Adams, December 17th Military Activities--Treason of Arnold--Diplomatic Appointments--TheMassachusetts Constitution. To John Adams, December 20th Conditions in the South--Need of a Navy. To John Scollay, December 30th Support of Warren's Children--The New Government of Massachusetts--Characterof the Population. 1781. To Richard Henry Lee, January 15th Opinion of Arthur Lee--Recurrence to First Principles. To John Pitts, January 17th Office-seeking. To James Warren, February 1st Effect of Foreign Influence. To Mrs. Adams, February 1st Relations with Dr. Cooper--Relations with Hancock. To Mrs. Adams, March 15th Desire to Return Home--Situation of Son. Article, Unsigned, April 2nd Character of Government--The Massachusetts Election. To Caleb Davis, April 3rd. Admission of Belligerent Subjects--Affairs at Boston. Article, Unsigned, April 16th The Massachusetts Election--The Duty of Citizens. To Samuel Cooper, April 23d Political Details--Attacks of Rivington. To Thomas McKean, August 29th Return of John Laurens--Peace and the Fishery--Executive Appointments. To Thomas McKean, September 19th Recommending Major Brown--Need of Strong Navy. To Horatio Gates, October 11th Proposed Court of Inquiry--The Southern Campaign. To William Heath, November 21st Relations of Canada and Vermont. To Selectmen of Other Towns, December 14th Letter of Boston on the Fishery--Instructions to Representatives. To John Adams, December 18th Local Politics. To John Adams, December 19th Proposed Revision of Statutes--Education--Public Manners --Action of Boston onthe Fishery. 1782. To Alexander McDougall, May 13th Purpose of Patriots. To John Lowell, May 15th Legislative Procedure--Election of Representatives. To John Lowell, June 4th Controversy with Governor as to Legislative Procedure. To Arthur Lee, November 21st Petition of William Burgess. To Arthur Lee, December 2nd Affairs in Canada. 1783. To Arthur Lee, February 10th Case of Landais--The Fishery. To the Selectmen of Boston, March 10th Election as Moderator. To Arthur Lee, April 21st Political Fictions--Journals of Congress. To Benjamin Lincoln, May 1st Case of John Allan--Recommendations. To Horatio Gates, May 2nd Case of John Allan--The Saratoga Campaign. To Elbridge Gerry, September 9th Committee of Correspondence--Relation of Congress to the People. To John Adams, November 4th Need of Public Jealousy--Foreign Influences--Negotiation with Holland. 1784. To John Adams, February 4th Commending Appleton. To Elbridge Gerry, February 25th Work of the Committee of Correspondence--Financial Legislation--Case ofGridley. To John Adams, April 16th Action on Treaty--Treatment of Aliens--Need of Commercial Treaty--Danger ofPopular Conventions--The Cincinnati. To John Adams, April 17th Cases of Noyes and Dashwood. To Elbridge Gerry, April 19th The Cincinnati--Gerry's Proposed Retirement. To Elbridge Gerry, April 23rd The Court of Appeals--The Cincinnati--Foreign Influence. To Noah Webster, April 30th Commutation of Pay of Officers--Popular Committees and ConstitutionalGovernment. To John Adams, June 20th Personal Greeting. To John Adams, December 2nd Case of Dashwood. To Richard Henry Lee, December 23rd Conditions in Congress--Effects of Peace--Foreign Relations --NationalPolicy--Attitude of England. 1785. To Richard Henry Lee, March 24th The Six Nations--Case of John Allan. To Richard Henry Lee, April 14th Introducing Macauley Graham. To John Adams, July 2nd Conditions of Trade--Massachusetts Election. To John Adams, August 16th Case of Captain Stanhope. To Richard Henry Lee, December 17th Case of Captain Landais. 1786. To John Adams, April 13th William Gordon--Relations with England. To John Adams, July 21st Political Liberty and National Faith--The Tories. 1787. To Richard Henry Lee, December 3rd The National Constitution. 1789. To Richard Henry Lee, April 22nd Powers of Congress--Commending Leonard Jarvis. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, May 27th Accepting Election as Lieutenant-Governor. To Richard Henry Lee, July 14th The State Governments--Political Applications. To Elbridge Gerry, August 22nd Congressional Control of Lighthouses--Constitutional Amendments. To Richard Henry Lee, August 24th Nature of the Constitution--Importance of Amendments. To Richard Henry Lee, August 29th Power of Removal--Relations with Washington--The Eastern Boundary. 1790. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, May 28th Accepting Election as Lieutenant-Governor. To John Adams, September 2nd Application of Captain Lyde. To John Adams, October 4th Political Reflections. To John Adams, November 25th Nature of the Constitution--The American Legislatures--Succession inOffice--Effects and Nature of Good Government --Universal Education andLiberty. 1794. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, January 17th . Death of Governor Hancock--The Federal Constitution--The MassachusettsConstitution--Essential Principles of Government--Public Education. Proclamation, February 19th Appointing Day of Thanksgiving. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, May 31st General Election--European War--Object of the Constitution. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, June 4th Use of Castle Island. Proclamation, November 3rd Appointing Day of Thanksgiving. 1795. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, January 16th Object of Frequent Sessions--Purity of Elections--EuropeanAffairs--Fortifications--Pennsylvania Insurrection--Amendment of StateConstitution. To Jeremy Belknap, March 30th Action of Continental Congress with Reference to Captain Cook. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, June 3rd. Re-election as Governor--Duty of Public Officers--Justification of ColonialSettlers--Foreign Relations--Public Education --Amendment of StateConstitution--The Judicial System--Public Credit. To the Public, July 4th Address at Laying of Corner-stone of State House. Proclamation, October 14th Appointing Day of Thanksgiving. 1796. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, January 19th Agriculture, Commerce, and Manufactures--The National and StateConstitutions--Treaty-making Power--The Treaty with England. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, May 31st Duty to the Union--Duty of the Legislators. Proclamation, October 6th Appointing Day of Thanksgiving. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, November 17th Choice of Presidential Electors. To the Senate of Massachusetts, November 23rd Vacancies in Electoral College. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, November 24th Vacancies in Electoral College. 1797. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, January 27th Retirement of Washington--General Elections--Public Education--TheMilitia--Determination to Retire from Public Life. Proclamation, March 20th Appointing Day of Thanksgiving. To John Adams, April 17th Introducing Mr. Wyllys. 1801. To Thomas Jefferson, April 24th Congratulations on Election--Political Comments. To Thomas Jefferson, November 18th Congratulations on Peace. 1802. To Thomas Paine, November 30th Defence of Infidelity--Effect of Proposed Age of Reason. 1778 TO RICHARD HENRY LEE. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON Jany 1 1778 MY DEAR SIR I had the Pleasure of receiving your Letter dated at York the 23d ofNovr last, which mentions your having before written to me by a youngGentn Capt Romane who was to pass through this Place in his Return toFrance. That Letter has not yet come to Hand. I shall regard all yourRecommendations with the utmost Respect. Our military Affairs in the middle Department are in such a Situationas to afford us too much Reason to be chagrind. We have indeed sufferdno shameful Defeats, but a promising Campaign has however endedingloriously. To what are we to attribute it? I believe to a miserableSet of General Officers. I mean to make some Exceptions. For the Sakeof our Country, my dear Friend, let me ask, Is our Army perpetually tobe an unanimated one; because there is not Fortitude enough to removethose bad Men. I remember the Factions in Carthage which prevented hermaking herself the Mistress of the World. We may avoid Factions and yetrid our Army of idle cowardly or drunken officers. HOW was Victorysnatchd out of our Hands at German Town! Was not this owing to the sameCause? And Why was only one General officer dischargd? Was it becausethere were just Grounds to suspect only one? Is there not Reason tofear that our Commander in Chief may one day suffer in his ownCharacter by Means of these worthless Creatures? May he not sufferunder the Reputation of an unfortunate Commander, than which I think hecannot suffer a greater Evil. It is difficult to seperate from theMinds of the People the Idea of unfortunate from that of the Want ofsome necessary soldierly Quality. At best the unfortunate General hasPity only as the Reward of his Services; and how soon does Pitydegenerate into Contempt. Cicero if I mistake not some where tells us, that when a General is fortunate it matters not whether it is ascribdto his being a Favorite of the Immortal Gods, or to certain goodQualities in him which others are incapable of observing. His Soldierswill encounter every Danger under his Conduct. His Enemies will beconfounded at his Approach. His Country will revere him. The Reverse isequally just. As therefore we regard the Reputation of the Comdr inChief of our Armies, which is of the greatest Importance to ourAffairs, let us promote this Winter a strict Scrutiny into the Causesof this unfortunate Campaign. Our Affairs are far from wearing adesperate Aspect. Our Successes at the Northward must give usReputation abroad; and Reputation is a Kind of real Strength. That ourMen are brave, Brandy Wine & German-town can witness. Let us then givethem officers worthy of them, and Heaven will prosper our righteousCause. There is indeed one thing which to me appears threatning. It isabsolutely necessary that the Commissarial Departmt should be restoredto a better State, or the Army will soon suffer. This my dear Sirrequires your speedy Return to Congress. Did the Army suffer or was itin Danger of suffering before the Alterations in that Department thelast Summer, why then should we not put it upon its old Footing &prevail upon the former Commissary, who is the fittest Man I know, toact again in that office. 1 I have been favord with a Letter from Dr Leesince his Return to Paris from Berlin. 2 The Powers of Europe Iperceive, are too timid, or too intent upon enslaving others, toespouse the Cause of Liberty in America. No Matter, my Friend. We shallnot be obligd to them; and they will hereafter be more sensible of ourImportance when they find that we have struggled thro our Difficultieswithout them. We shall do greater Honor to our Selves and our Cause;and those Liberties for which we pay so dear a Price will be morejustly & more highly valued by our selves and our Posterity. France, inmy Opinion, misses the Sight of her true Interest in delaying to take adecisive Part. She runs a great Risque; for if Britain should be sopolitick as to recognize our Independence which she sees us determindat all Hazzards to maintain, and should propose to us a Treaty ofAlliance offensive & defensive, would not the flattering Expectationsof France be cut off? I mention this, not because I expect or wish forit. But should such Recognition & such Proposals be made the nextSpring, which may happen, would France have any Reason to fault Americafor acceeding to it? We are independent. The Nations of Europe mayacknowledge it when they dare to do it. We have Fortitude enough tomaintain it. This is our Business. The Nations may reap honestAdvantages from it. If they have not Wisdom enough to discern inSeason, they will regret their own Blindness hereafter. We will disposeour Favors as we please. The Letter from Congress to the Assembly of this State, inclosing theArticles of Confederation, came to Hand the Day of its Adjournment, which is to a shorter Day than was intended that the weighty Mattersrecommended might be considerd with all possible Speed. The Assemblywill meet on the 7th Instant. It will be difficult for the Members toprevail upon themselves to make a new Law after having beennecessitated so late to repeal one framed for the same purpose. A Comthowever I am inclind to think will be appointed to meet those of theother States mentiond in the recommendation. The Articles ofConfederation seem to be well liked. I suppose you will have the Senseof this Assembly soon. I am much pleasd with a spirited Act lately made by your Assembly forthe Supply of our Troops and the beneficial Effects it has had. I amnot in much Pain about Cloathing for this year. A large Quantity hasbeen lately brought here by the Agent of the Clothier General--Part ofwhich has been made & I suppose by this time arrivd at Camp. TheTaylors and others are busily employd. Every Method should neverthelessbe tryed for further Supplys. A Superabundance will not be amiss. Lawsin other States similar to yours will eventually facilitate this Partof our Work. I understand that our Army is gone or going into Winter Quarters at theDistance of 18 Miles from Philadelphia. Why could not Barracks havebeen as well erected near enough to have. . . . The Enemy all the Winter. Our Army was within three or four miles of them the whole Winter whenthey were in this Town. I hope the Campaign will be opend by us veryearly the next Spring. I should have written to you before this time, but on my Arrival here Ifound the Gen1 Assembly sitting, unluckily for me as it engagd me inpublick Business; and I have been obligd to spend a Fortnight in theCountry. Adieu my friend & believe me to be affectionately, Your, 1 Cf. , vol. Iii. , page 317. 2 Wharton, Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence, vol. I. , p. 517. TO --------------. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON Jany 10 1778 MY DEAR SIR/ The General Assembly of this State having sat the greatest part of theTime since I arrivd here & the Council constantly has prevented mywriting so often to my Friends, and when I have wrote, so fully as Ihave an Inclination to do. The Assembly is now sitting, and have madeChoice of Mr Cushing Mr Pain and a Country Gentleman1 whose Name I donot now recollect, to join Committees of other States at New Havenagreable to a late Recommendation of Congress. But having been obligdso lately to repeal an Act of a similar Nature to that which is nowproposd, I am doubtful whether they will be prevaild upon to pass a newone. It will however have its due Consideration if the joynt Comtesshould propose such a Measure. I expect every Day to have the Articlesof Confederation brot forward, and have good Reason to think it will beagreed to, even those parts which it may be wishd had been different, for the Sake of that Union which is so necessary for the Support of thegreat Cause. The Resolutions of Congress recommending passing a Law similar to thatlately passed in Virginia &c were yesterday read at the Council Board. I had the Oppty of hearing them read once, so that I cannot yet form myJudgment of them. Indeed I think it is easy to see the Necessity ofsuch a Law as that of Virginia, but whether it would be practicable toput into Execution a Law prohibiting the Sale of Goods without Licencerequires Consideration for Nothing more betrays the Weakness ofGovernment than to make Laws wch cannot be executed. I am sensible itis nearly of as much Importance to suppress the Monopolizers as toprovide for our Army, but the blow must be levelled at them only. Ifthe Popular Indignation can once be raisd to a suitable Pitch as Ithink it can it will become dangerous for them to withhold their Goodsor demand an exorbitant Price for them and the Evil will be cured. Ithink every Step should be taken for the Downfall of such Wretches, andshall be ready to joyn in any Measure within Doors or without whichshall be well adapted to this Effect. It is the general Observation of those who are in the way of observingthat the sinking our State bills for Notes & thereby lessening theQuantity in Circulation & the Taxes we have laid has already reducedthe price of Goods. This was mentioned to me by Mr S A Otis with whom I have just dined. I have written to Bro Gerry by the Baron De Steuben whom I stronglyrecommend to the Notice of my worthy Colleagues & others. Mr Gerry willshew you my Letter, which makes it needless for me to add further thanthat from the recommendatory Letters of Dr Franklin & other papers wchI have seen & the Conversation I have had with the Baron, I reallyesteem him a modest candid & sensible Gentn. The Dr says he is spokenhighly of to him by two of the best Judges of military merit in France, tho he is not him self a Frenchman but a Prussian. Since I last wrote to you I am favord with yours of 27 Decr inclosingamong other papers Copy of a Letter from your Correspondent in Holland. Before you knew the Contents I bolted out your Letter in the presense &hearing of Madam & other good Ladies. I cannot promise you thatMischief is not done. I am endeavoring (and Mr Gerry will say it isjust like him) to turn the torrent toward Braintree; for I really thinkmy Namesake is full as suspectable as I am. I thank Mrs Clymer for hergood opinion of me, and I can assure her, the Hint you gave me of thisin your Letter to me was very timely & is likely to make Matters easywith me. I might have dated this Letter at the Council table where I am writingin Haste. My best Regards to all who love our Country in Sincerity. Colo Chasetells me your Son behaves well & that he is very clever. Your Family is well provided for as I am informd. You will never I amperswaded think your self under an obligation to baulk your publickSentiments from an Idea of Gratitude to private Friends. Sat Verbum. Imay explain my self more fully in another Letter. Adieu my friend. Burnthis. 1 Elisha Porter of Hadley. TO ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL. 1 [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON Jany 14 1778 SIR Your Letter of the 10th Instant came to my hand on the 12, and I shouldinstantly have returnd an Answer upon an Affair, in the Dispatch ofwhich you must feel yourself so nearly interrested, had an opportunitypresented. Colo Allens Exchange, it is probable, may not so easily be negotiatedas that of Colo Webb; But this Gentleman has been much longer inCaptivity than the other. And although I have no personal Acquaintancewith him, yet I am well assured that he is a brave Soldier. Such aCharacter, you, Sir, must esteem; and this is also the Character ofColo Webb. I have not been insensible of the Obstruction which may havehitherto prevented the Exchange of Colo Allen, and the true Source ofit. If private or partial Motives have prevaild in the Mind of anyGentleman in New York, to the Prejudice of a Man of distinguishd Merit, I can only observe, that it is totally inconsistent with those purePrinciples, which you will allow me to say, have, and I trust ever willactuate Americans in the present Contest. You will excuse my saying anymore to you on so delicate a Point. I sincerely wish the Release of every man in Captivity; and shall formy own part be well pleasd with your availing your self of an Exchangewith either of the above mentiond Gentlemen, if it may be consistentwith the Sentiments of Congress. My first Concern is for the Honor & Safety of my Country. Havingpremised this, I can readily subscribe with due Respect, Yr very hbl Servt, 1 An officer in the English army. TO HORATIO GATES. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON Jan 14 1778 DEAR SIR Yesterday I took the Liberty of writing to you by the Baron De Steubena Native of Prussia who I doubt not will deliver the Letter into yourHand. He will previously wait on Gen1 Washington to whom he has Lettersof warm Recommendation from the Commissioners of America in France. Hehas also Letters to Mr President Laurens and other Members of Congressfrom gentlemen of Note in that Country. He offers his Services toAmerica as a Volunteer; wishing to give no Offence by interfering inCommand. He appears to me to be a modest, candid & sensible Gentleman;and, I have Reason to think, from the Letters I have seen, he has greatmilitary Merit. Of this you will be able to form a decisive Judgment. There is a certain Canadian Officer, by the Name of Laurens Olivier, aCaptain, whose Character and warm Attachment to our Cause while he wasan Inhabt of Canada, my Friend Mr Thos Walker a Gentn well known to MrGerry, speaks highly of. This Officer will make known certainDifficulties he is under to you. I am told he is a deserving Man; Sucha Character I may with Confidence recommend to your patronage. You mayrely upon it I will never willingly trouble my self or you with personsof a different sort. I am &c, VOTE OF TOWN OF BOSTON. [MS. , Boston City Clerk's Office; the text, with variations, is inBoston Record Commissioners' Report, vol. Xviii. , p. 298. ] [January 21, 1778. ] The Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union between the severalStates now represented in the Continental Congress, having been laidbefore this Town, were distinctly and repeatedly read and maturelyconsiderd, Whereupon; Resolvd, as the opinion of this Town, that thesaid Articles appear to be well adapted to cement the Union of the saidStates, to confirm their mutual Friendship, establish their Freedom andIndependence, and promote their general Welfare: And theRepresentatives of the Town are hereby instructed, to give their Votesin the General Assembly, that the Delegates of this State may beauthorizd to ratify the said Articles of Confederation in order thatthe same may become conclusive. TO JOHN BURGOYNE. 1 [MS. , Public Record Office, London; a draft is in the Samuel AdamsPapers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON Febry 6th, 1778. SIR I should not have failed yesterday to have returned an Answer to yourLetter, which was brought to me the preceding Evening, had it not beenfor the violence of a Disorder which had seized me near a Week before. That Disorder still continues to afflict me much, and prevents myseeing any one but my physician, or doing any business even of the mosttrifling Nature. Under such Circumstances, you will excuse me if I decline to engagewith you in Conversation, upon a subject in which you think the generalCause of Humanity and possibly the essential Interests of both ourCountries are concerned. I have the Honor to be Sir Your most humble Servt 1 Lieutenant General in the English army. TO DANIEL ROBERDEAU. 1 [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] Feb 9 1778 SIR I have not been unmindful of the favor you did me in writing to me sometime ago. My not having returnd an Answer has been owing, I do assureyou, altogether to many Avocations, and at last to a bodily disorder bywhich I have been confind to my House and great part of the time uponmy bed for near a fortnight. I am now about my Room and gladly take theOpportunity to drop from my Pen an Expression of the honest Friendshipwhich I feel for your self and your agreable Connections. I find by the Letters I receive from Mr Lovell who is kind enough towrite to me often, that Congress is reduced to a small Number present. This has not been unusual in the Winter Season. But you have a greatDeal of Business and that of the arduous Kind. It would be a strongInducement to me to leave domestick Enjoymt, that I might take as greata Share of the Burthen with you as my Shoulders would bear. It is noSatisfaction to me, you may rely upon it, to be able to plead the Wantof Health sufficient to go through so long a Journey at this rigorousSeason. My Brother Gerry can recollect with how much pleasure the fewwho were at Baltimore passed through the Fatigues of Business the lastWinter, when our Affairs wore a more gloomy Aspect than they have everyet done. We did it with Alacrity, because there was a Spirit of Unionwhich leads to wise & happy Decisions. I hope the same Spirit nowprevails and that Measures are taking to collect & support an Army andto introduce (Economy & Discipline among officers of Rank as well asprivate Soldiers, so as by Gods Blessing to insure us a successfulCampaign. Your Resolution respecting Burgoyne I think must have nettledhim. I have long with Pain suspected a perfidious Design. ThisResolution must have crossd it. It will cause much Speculation inEurope. No Matter. The Powers there seem more inclind to speculate thanto espouse the Rights of Man. Let them speculate. Our Business is tosecure America against the Arts & the Arms of a treacherous Enemy. Theformer we have more to apprehend from than the latter. Please to pay my due Regard to your Sisters & Family in which Mrs Adesires to be joynd & be assured that I am Yr unfeigned friend 1 Cf. , Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography. TO ARTHUR LEE. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON March 12th 1778 MY DEAR FRIEND This Letter will be deliverd to you by Captn Romanet a young FrenchGentleman Nephew to General Grobouval Commander of the frenchArtillery. He is a modest well behaved youth, and is one of Monsr duCoudrays Corps many of whom I suppose are returnd to Francedissatisfied with the Determination of Congress against ratifying MrDean's Compact. The Necessity of doing this was disagreable to theMembers, but it could not have been otherwise, without causing a greatUneasiness in our Army at a very critical Juncture. I hope no illConsequences will result to our Country and Cause from the Complaintsof these Gentlemen. Mr Romanet ingenuously acknowledges to me that MrDu Coudrays Disappointment appears to him to have been necessary, andpossibly his Connections in France may give Weight to his opinion. I have been favord with your acceptable Letter of the 31 July fromParis. From your not having noticed several Letters which I havewritten to you, I suspect they have miscarried. I know not that theywould have servd any other good Purpose, than to have shown howdesirous I was of reviving a Correspondence which heretofore. . . . . TO JONATHAN TRUMBULL. [MS. , Massachusetts Archives; a text is in W. V. Wells, Life of SamuelAdams, vol. Iii. , pp. 7, 8, ] STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY BOSTON Mar 19 1778 SIR/ I am to acquaint your Excellency in the Name & by order of the Councilof this State, that your Letter of the 16th Instant directed to thePresident, relative to the Defence of Hudsons River has been receivd &read at that Board. The General Assembly is now under a shortAdjournment, and the Council are not authorizd in their ExecutiveCapacity & seperate from the House of Repts to order any Part of theMilitia of this State beyond its Limits. The Assembly will meet on thefirst Day of the next Month. Your Excellencys Letter, together withanother receivd this Day from Govr Clinton upon the same Subject, willthen be laid before that Body; and altho the Government of this Stateare now under the Necessity of keeping up more than fifteen hundred ofthe Militia to guard the Troops of Convention & for other extraordinaryService in and about the Town of Boston, yet there can be no Doubt buta due Attention will be given to so interesting & important a Concernas the Defence of Hudsons river. I have the Honor to be with the most cordial Esteem Yr Excys most Humble Servt TO JAMES LOVELL. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON March 27 1778 MY DEAR SIR You cannot imagine how much I feel my self obligd to you for writing tome frequently. Your Letters however do not come to me in regular Order. HOW is it that I did not receive those of the 10th & 16th of Feby bythe Post till yesterday? I am affraid there is some Deficiency in thePost office Department; but as I would fain hope our Friend Mr Hastingsis not in Fault, I will beg you in his Behalf, to move to the PostMaster General for an Addition to his Salary, for he assures me hecannot live upon what he now receives. I am very sorry your Letter of the 10th did not come in Season, for Ishould have gladly interrested my self for so valueable a Citizen as MrLeach at the late annual Meeting. I have long wishd that for theReputation as well as substantial Advantage of this Town a militaryAcademy was instituted. When I was in Philadelphia more than two yearsago I mentiond the Importance I conceivd it to be of, in Letters to myFriends here. At least we might set up a publick School for militaryMathematicks, and I know of no one better qualified for an Instructorthan Mr Leach. I wish he had mentiond it to me. Perhaps he may have hadPromises of Attention to him from some other Person upon whom herelies. I will consult with such Men of Influence in the Town as I amacquainted with, and will not be wanting in Endeavors to improve yourHints for the mutual Benefit of the Publick & Mr Leach. I am pleasd to observe in your Letter of 28 Feby that Mr Burgoyne seemsto be alterd in his Ideas of Congress. The Gentleman to whom yourequest me to communicate the Contents of that Letter, I am not in theleast acquainted with, but shall comply with your Request whenever Ishall find an opportunity of doing it. I fear from what you mention in your Letter of the 7th of March thatthe Expectations of the People with Regard to Ty. & Independence willbe baulkd. If they are, the Cause in my opinion will be injurd & theConfidence of the People in those who have the Mannagement of ourAffairs civil & military lessend, which I should be very sorry to see. In the same Letter you tell me that Lt Colo Anstruthers Request to seekhis own Release on Condition of his getting Colo Allens is granted. Inow inclose a Letter which I had mislayed & omitted to send, relatingto Lt Colo Campbells who I wish might be exchanged for Friend Ethan. 1 I do not wonder that you have been mortified upon the Delay of acertain Affair to which you refer in your Letter of the 10th Instant. Iwrote you the Opinion of this Town respecting that Affair above a Monthago. I shall only observe that in my opinion, every one who isintrusted with the Affairs of the Publick does not feel so sensibly forits Reputation as I think you do. I have inclosd the Instructions ofthe General Assembly to their Delegates in Congress upon theConfederation, and when I shall have the pleasure of seeing you I mayperhaps give you the Causes why that important Matter was not determindsooner. I immediately after reading your last mentiond Lettercommunicated to the Council that part of it which relates to thePropriety & Necessity of making regular Returns of what is done here inConsequence of the Recommendations of Congress; and a Committee of thatBoard is now looking over the Journals & Papers for that Purpose. Inthe same Letter you mention your having receivd a Letter from Mr JohnAmory, with his Request that you wd put a memorial into Congress forhim. In what Manner could Congress interpose for him if you shouldcomply with his Request? His Residence in this State was deemd by theGen1 Assembly to be dangerous to the State. Will Congress order orrecommend that He should reside in it notwithstanding? "He was surprizdinto an Oath of Allegiance!" He said upon his Examination here that hewas not compelled to take the Oath. He did not recollect the Form orTenor of the Oath he had taken--but desired to live peaceably in hisNative town but could not in Conscience take up Arms against theBritish King. I will desire Mr Appleton to write to you on the Subject. 1 Allen. Cf. Page 9. TO FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] [BOSTON, ----, 1778. ] MY DEAR SIR It was much longer than the usual time before your very acceptableLetter of the 22 Decr came to my hand. I receivd it as a singular Favorand felt the more thankful for it, because I knew that hardly anythingcould induce you to write a Letter but the urgent Affairs of ourCountry or the powerful feelings of private Friendship. I should havewritten you an Answer sooner but the peevish nominal Saint who scrap'dan Acquaintance with me at Baltimore the last Winter, has followd meeven to this place. I think he is the most impertinent & troublesomeVisitant I ever had. I am so thoroughly disgusted at the Creature thatI have taken every Method that could be devisd to prevent my being everplagud with him again. He seems at length to be about leaving me & hemay depend upon it I shall deny all his Visits for the future. The Spirit of Avarice, I am sorry to be obligd to say it, prevails toomuch in this Town; but it rages only among the few, because perhaps, the few only are concernd at present in trade. The old substantialMerchants have generally laid aside trade & left it to Strangers orthose who from nothing have raisd fortunes by privateering. The Body ofthis Community suffer proportionably as much as the great continentalPublick. It must be confessd that the Charges of Trade are enormous, and it is natural for men when they have at great Risque & Expenceimported Commodities which are wanted by every body, if they mustreceive in payment for them what is valued by no body, to demand asmuch of it as they please, especially if it is growing daily into lessRepute. This you know has been the Case. There is but one effectualRemedy; & that is to lessen the Quantity of circulating paper Money. This is now doing here. Our Assembly have laid on a very heavy Tax, &are determind to repeat it again and again. Besides which they havecalled in a large Quantity of their bills, for which they have issuedNotes payble with Interest. The Effects are already felt & the pricesof Goods have been for some time past gradually sinking. You tell me we have a great many men now inlisted & that you hope Meanswill be found to collect them. I joyn with you in these hopes, and thatwe may keep them together when they are collected and make a good Useof them. Howe I understand has fortified himself by a Line of Redoubtsfrom River to River. Has he more than 13 or 14 [sic] Men in America? Ifnot why should we wait till he is reinforced before we make anEnterprize somewhere. Your Resolution to stop the Embarkation here I fancy has nettledBurgoyne. He has since been soliciting Interviews with A & B & wishesfor private Conversations upon a Matter in which "he thinks the GeneralCause of Humanity and possibly the essential Interests of both ourCountries are concernd. "1 He has not prevaild upon A to comply with hisRequest; for more Reasons than one which I think must be obvious upon ashort Review of our History. The Resolutions of Congress will affordMatter of Speculation for the Politicians in Europe. But must they notall acknowledge that Burgoyne himself had made it necessary? After asolemn Declaration made to the very Officer with whom he had enterdinto the Convention that it was broken on our Part, Does he, if hebelieves his own Declaration hold him self bound by it on his part?Would he not, if sufferd to go to Sea, most probably carry aReinforcement to Gen1 Howe & laugh at us for puting it in his Power? I have twenty things to say to you, but my ill state of Health preventsmy adding more than that I am, with sincere Regards to Mrs Lee in whichMrs A very cordially joyns Yr affectione 1 Cf. Page 12. TO RICHARD HENRY LEE. [MS. , American Philosophical Society. ] BOSTON April 20 1778 MY DEAR SIR---- I most heartily congratulate you on the happy and important News fromEurope which will be conveyd to Congress by Mr Dean the Brother of ourlate Commissioner who will be so kind as to deliver you this Letter. France has acted with Magnanimity; while Britain continues to discoverthat Meanness and Poverty of Spirit, which renders her still more thanever contemptible in the Eyes of all sensible People. The Moderation ofFrance is such as becomes a great and powerful Nation. Britainforgetfull of her former Character, sinks into Baseness in the Extreme. The one is generously holding out the Arm of Protection to a Peoplemost cruelly oppressd while the other is practicing the Arts ofTreachery and Deceit to subjugate and enslave them. This is a Contrastwhich an ancient Britain would have blushd to have had predicted tohim. It is a true Contrast, and we will blush for them. Commissioners we are again told are coming out to treat with us. Thisis what we had Reason to expect. Her only Design is to amuse us &thereby to retard our operations, till she can land her utmost Force inAmerica. We see plainly what Part we are to take; to be before hand ofher; and by an early Stroke to give her a mortal Wound. If we delay ourvigorous Exertions till the Commissioners arrive, the People abroadmay, many of them will be amusd with the flattering Prospect of Peace, and will think it strange if we do not consent to a Cessation of Armstill propositions can be made and digested. This carries with it an Airof Plausibility; but from the Moment we are brought into the Snare, wemay tremble for the Consequence. As there [are] every where awfulTories enough, to distract the Minds of the People, would it not bewise for the Congress by a Publication of their own to set thisimportant Intelligence in a clear Light before them, and fix in theirMinds the first Impressions in favor of Truth? For I do assure you, itbegins to be whisperd by the Tories & as soon as they dare to do itthey will speak aloud, that this is but a french Finesse and thatBritain is the only real Friend of America. Should not the People beinformd with the Authority of Congress that Britain persists inclaiming a Right to tax them and that the new or intended Act ofParliament, expressly declares her Intention to be only a Suspension ofthe Exercise of the Right till she shall please again to exercise it?that is till she shall have lulled them into a State of Security. Thather Commissioners are not to be vested with full Powers to finish anyTreatys, nor even to promise a Ratification of them. This will be leftin great Uncertainty, till it shall be considerd in Parliament. Theyare allowed, as one of our Friends expresses it, to proclaim aCessation of Hostilities, and revoke their Proclamation, as soon as inConfidence of it our Militia are allowd to go home. They may suspendthe Operation of prohibitory Acts of Trade; and take off thatSuspension where our Merchants in Consequence of it shall have beenindued to send their Ships to Sea. In short they may do every thingthat may tend to distract and divide us, but Nothing that can afford usSecurity. The British Court have Nothing in View but to divide by Meansof their Commissioners. Of this they entertain sanguine Expectations;for I am well assured, that they say they have certain Advice, thatthey have a large Party in Congress, almost a Majority, who are forreturning to their Dependency! This cannot be true--Dr Franklin in aLetter of the 2d of March informs me that America at present stands inthe highest Light of Esteem thro' out Europe, and he adds, A Return toDependence on England would sink her into Eternal Contempt. Be pleasd to present my due Regards to all Friends, and acquaint myworthy Colleagues that Mr Deans great Haste prevents my writing tothem. I intend to set out on my Journy to York Town next Week where Ihope for the Pleasure of seeing you. In the mean time be assured that Iam Your affectionate, I thank you for your Favor of Mar 1st which I recd three days ago-- TO MRS. ADAMS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PALMER 84 Miles from Boston May 5th 1778 MY DEAR BETSY I wrote to you by my kind Host Mr Greenleafe. Yesterday I left hisHouse and slept the last Night at Colo Henshaws. He and his Ladytreated me with great Hospitality & Friendship. This day I dined atBrookfield with Mr Ward a Minister in that Town. He married MissColeman Mr Pembertons Niece. I am much obligd to them for their kindTreatment of me. I made them promise to visit you when they go toBoston. This Afternoon I met my Son on the Road. I was sorry I couldnot have the Pleasure of conversing with him. I parted with him withgreat Regret. May Heaven bless him! Tell him I shall never think himtoo old to hearken to the Advice of his Father. Indeed I never hadReason to complain of him on that Account. He has hitherto made me aglad Father. This implys that I esteem him a wise Son. I have been themore sparing of Advice to him because I have thought he did not needit; but in these critical Times when Principles & Manners as well asthe Liberties of his Country are in Danger he has need to be on hisGuard. My Children cannot imagine how much Comfort I have in believingthey are virtuous. I am not willing to admit of a Fear that they willever deprive me of this Comfort. My warm Affections are due to myFamily and Friends. Adieu my dear Betsy. Your affectionate, "AN AMERICAN" TO THE EARL OF CARLISLE AND OTHERS. [W. V. Wells, 1 Life of Samuel Adams, vol. Iii. , pp. 18-26; printed inthe Massachusetts Spy, July 16, 1778. ] To the Earl of Carlisle, Lord Viscount Howe, Sir William Howe (or, inhis absence, Sir Henry Clinton), William Eden, and George Johnstone. Trusty and well-beloved servants of your sacred master, in whom he iswell pleased. As you are sent to America for the express purpose of treating withanybody and anything, you will pardon an address from one who disdainsto flatter those whom he loves. Should you therefore deign to read thisaddress, your chaste ears will not be offended with the language ofadulation, --a language you despise. I have seen your most elegant and most excellent letter "to hisExcellency, Henry Laurens, the President, and other members of theCongress. " As that body have thought your propositions unworthy theirparticular regard, it may be some satisfaction to your curiosity, andtend to appease the offended spirit of negotiation, if one out of themany individuals on this great continent should speak to you thesentiments of America, --sentiments which your own good sense hathdoubtless suggested, and which are repeated only to convince you that, notwithstanding the narrow ground of private information on which westand in this distant region, still a knowledge of our own rights, andattention to our own interests and a sacred respect for the dignity ofhuman nature, have given us to understand the true principles whichought, and which therefore shall, sway our conduct. You begin with the amiable expressions of humanity, the earnest desireof tranquillity and peace. A better introduction to Americans could notbe devised. For the sake of the latter, we once laid our liberties atthe feet of your Prince, and even your armies have not eradicated theformer from our bosoms. You tell us you have powers unprecedented in the annals of yourhistory. And England, unhappy England, will remember with deepcontrition that these powers have been rendered of no avail by aconduct unprecedented in the annals of mankind. Had your royal mastercondescended to listen to the prayer of millions, he had not thus havesent you. Had moderation swayed what we were proud to call "mothercountry" her full-blown dignity would not have broken down under her. You tell us that all "parties may draw some degree of consolation, andeven auspicious hope, from recollection. " We wish this most sincerelyfor the sake of all parties. America, in the moment of subjugation, would have been consoled by conscious virtue, and her hope was, and is, in the justice of her cause and the justice of the Almighty. These aresources of hope and of consolation which neither time nor chance canalter or take away. You mention "the mutual benefits and consideration of evils that maynaturally contribute to determine our resolutions. " As to the former, you know too well that we could derive no benefit from a union withyou, nor will I, by deducing the reasons to evince this, put an insultupon your understandings. As to the latter, it were to be wished youhad preserved a line of conduct equal to the delicacy of your feelings. You could not but know that men who sincerely love freedom disdain theconsideration of all evils necessary to attain it. Had not your ownhearts borne testimony to this truth, you might have learned it fromthe annals of your own history; for in those annals instances of thiskind at least are not unprecedented. But should those instances beinsufficient, we pray you to read the unconquered mind of America. That the acts of Parliament you transmitted were passed with singularunanimity, we pretend not to doubt. You will pardon me, gentlemen, forobserving that the reasons of that unanimity are strongly marked in thereport of a committee of Congress agreed to on the 22d of April last, and referred to in a late letter from Congress to Lord Viscount Howeand Sir Henry Clinton. You tell us you are willing "to consent to a cessation of hostilitiesboth by sea and land. " It is difficult for rude Americans to determinewhether you are serious in this proposition or whether you mean to jestwith their simplicity. Upon a supposition, however, that you have toomuch magnanimity to divert yourselves on an occasion of so muchimportance to America, and, perhaps, not very trivial in the eyes ofthose who sent you, permit me to assure you, on the sacred word of agentleman, that if you shall transport your troops to England, wherebefore long your Prince will certainly want their assistance, we shallnever follow them thither. We are not so romantically fond of fighting, neither have we such regard for the city of London, as to commence acrusade for the possession of that holy land. Thus you may be certainhostilities will cease by land. It would be doing singular injustice toyour national character to suppose you are desirous of a like cessationby sea. The course of the war, and the very flourishing state of yourcommerce, notwithstanding our weak efforts to interrupt it, daily showthat you can exclude us from the sea, --the sea, your kingdom! You offer "to restore free intercourse, to revive mutual affection, andrenew the common benefits of naturalization. " Whenever your countrymenshall be taught wisdom by experience, and learn from past misfortunesto pursue their true interests in the future we shall readily admitevery intercourse which is necessary for the purposes of commerce andusual between different nations. To revive mutual affection is utterlyimpossible. We freely forgive you, but it is not in nature that youshould forgive us. You have injured us too much. We might, on thisoccasion, give you some instances of singular barbarity committed, aswell by the forces of his Britannic Majesty as by those of his generousand faithful allies, the Senecas, Onondagas, and Tuscaroras. But wewill not offend a courtly ear by the recital of those disgustingscenes. Besides this, it might give pain to that humanity which hath, as you observe, prompted your overtures, to dwell upon the splendidvictories obtained by a licentious soldiery over unarmed men indefenceless villages, their wanton devastations, their deliberatemurders, or to inspect those scenes of carnage painted by the wildexcesses of savage rage. These amiable traits of national conductcannot but revive in our bosoms that partial affection we once felt foreverything which bore the name of Englishman. As to the common benefitsof naturalization, it is a matter we conceive to be of the mostsovereign indifference. A few of our wealthy citizens may hereaftervisit England and Rome to see the ruins of those august temples inwhich the goddess of Liberty was once adored. These will hardly claimnaturalization in either of those places as a benefit. On the otherhand, such of your subjects as shall be driven by the iron hand ofOppression to seek for refuge among those whom they now persecute willcertainly be admitted to the benefits of naturalization. We labor torear an asylum for mankind, and regret that circumstances will notpermit you, gentlemen, to contribute to a design so very agreeable toyour several tempers and dispositions. But further, your Excellencies say, "We will concur to extend everyfreedom to trade that our respective interests can require. "Unfortunately, there is a little difference in these interests whichyou might not have found it very easy to reconcile, had the Congressbeen disposed to risk their heads by listening to terms which I havethe honor to assure you are treated with ineffable contempt by everyhonest Whig in America. The difference I allude to is, that it is yourinterest to monopolize our commerce, and it is our interest to tradewith all the world. There is, indeed, a method of cutting this Gordianknot which, perhaps, no statesman is acute enough to untie. Byreserving to the Parliament of Great Britain the right of determiningwhat our respective interests require, they might extend the freedom oftrade, or circumscribe it at their pleasure, for what they might callour respective interests. But I trust it would not be for our mutualsatisfaction. Your "earnest desire to stop the effusion of blood andthe calamities of war" will therefore lead you, on maturer reflection, to reprobate a plan teeming with discord, and which, in the space oftwenty years, would produce another wild expedition across theAtlantic, and in a few years more some such commission as that "withwhich his Majesty hath been pleased to honor you. " We cannot but admirethe generosity of soul which prompts you "to agree that no militaryforce shall be kept up in the different States of North America withoutthe consent of the General Congress or particular Assemblies. " The onlygrateful return we can make for this exemplary condescension is, toassure your Excellencies, and, on behalf of my countrymen, I do mostsolemnly promise and assure you, that no military force shall be keptup in the different States of North America without the consent of theGeneral Congress and that of the Legislatures of those States. Youwill, therefore, cause the forces of your royal master to be removed;for I can venture to assure you that the Congress have not consented, and probably will not consent, that they be kept up. You have also made the unsolicited offer of concurring "in measurescalculated to discharge the debts of America, and to raise the creditand value of the paper circulation. " If your Excellencies mean by thisto apply for offices in the department of our finance, I am to assureyou (which I do with "perfect respect") that it will be necessary toprocure very ample recommendations. For, as the English have not yetpursued measures to discharge their own debt and raise the credit andvalue of their own paper circulation, but, on the contrary, are in afair way to increase the one and absolutely destroy the other, you willinstantly perceive that financiers from that nation would presentthemselves with the most awkward grace imaginable. You propose to us a device to "perpetuate our union. " It might not beamiss previously to establish this union, which may be done by youracceptance of the treaty of peace and commerce tendered to you byCongress. And such treaty I can venture to say would continue as longas your ministers could prevail upon themselves not to violate thefaith of nations. You offer, to use your language, the inaccuracy of which, consideringthe importance of the subject, is not to be wondered at, or at leastmay be excused, "in short, to establish the powers of the respectiveLegislatures in each particular State, to settle its revenue, its civiland military establishment, and to exercise a perfect freedom oflegislation and internal government, so that the British Statesthroughout North America, acting with us in peace and war, under onecommon sovereign, may have the irrevocable enjoyment of every privilegethat is short of a total separation of interests, or consistent withthat total union of force on which the safety of our common religionand liberty depends. " Let me assure you, gentlemen, that the power ofthe respective Legislatures in each particular State is most fullyestablished, and on the most solid foundations. It is established onthe perfect freedom of legislation and a vigorous administration ofinternal government. As to the settlement of the revenue and the civiland military establishment, these are the work of the day, for whichthe several Legislatures are fully competent. I have also the pleasureto congratulate your Excellencies that the country for the settlementof whose government, revenue, administration, and the like, you haveexposed yourselves to the fatigues and hazards of a disagreeable voyageand more disagreeable negotiation, hath abundant resources wherewith todefend her liberties now, and pour forth the rich stream of revenuehereafter. As the States of North America mean to possess theirrevocable enjoyment of their privileges, it is absolutely necessaryfor them to decline all connection with a Parliament who, even in thelaws under which you act, reserve in express terms the power ofrevoking every proposition which you may agree to. We have a due senseof the kind offer you make to grant us a share in your sovereign; butreally, gentlemen, we have not the least inclination to accept of it. He may suit you extremely well, but he is not to our taste. You aresolicitous to prevent a total separation of interests; and this, afterall, seems to be the gist of the business. To make you as easy aspossible on this subject, I have to observe, that it may, and probablywill, in some instances, be our interest to assist you, and then wecertainly shall. Where this is not the case, your Excellencies havedoubtless too much good sense as well as good nature to require it. Wecannot perceive that our liberty does in the least depend upon anyunion of force with you; for we find that after you have exercised yourforce against us for upwards of three years, we are now upon the pointof establishing our liberties in direct opposition to it. Neither canwe conceive that, after the experiment you have made, any nation inEurope will embark in so unpromising a scheme as the subjugation ofAmerica. It is not necessary that everybody should play the Quixote. One is enough to entertain a generation at least. Your Excellencieswill, I hope, excuse me when I differ from you as to our having areligion in common with you; the religion of America is the religion ofall mankind. Any person may worship in the manner he thinks mostagreeable to the Deity; and if he behaves as a good citizen, no oneconcerns himself as to his faith or adorations, neither have we theleast solicitude to exalt any one sect or profession above another. I am extremely sorry to find in your letter some sentences whichreflect upon the character of his most Christian Majesty. It certainlyis not kind, or consistent with the principles of philanthropy youprofess, to traduce a gentleman's character, without affording him anopportunity of defending himself; and that, too, a near neighbor, andnot long since an intimate brother, who besides hath lately given youthe most solid additional proofs of his pacific disposition, and withan unparalleled sincerity which would do honor to other princes, declared to your Court, unasked, the nature and effect of a treaty hehad just entered into with these States. Neither is it quite accordingto the rules of politeness to use such terms in addressing yourselvesto Congress, when you well knew that he was their good and faithfulally. It is indeed true, as you justly observe, that he hath at timesbeen at enmity with his Britannic Majesty, by which we suffered someinconveniences; but these flowed rather from our connection with youthan any ill-will towards us; at the same time it is a solemn truth, worthy of your serious attention, that you did not commence the presentwar, --a war in which we have suffered infinitely more than by any formercontest, a fierce, a bloody, I am sorry to add, an unprovoked and cruelwar, --that you did not commence this, I say, because of any connectionbetween us and our present ally; but, on the contrary, as soon as youperceived that the treaty was in agitation, proposed terms of peace tous in consequence of what you have been pleased to denominate aninsidious interposition. HOW, then, does the account stand between us?America, being at peace with the world, was formerly drawn into a warwith France in consequence of her union with Great Britain. At present, America being engaged in a war with Great Britain, will probably obtainthe most honorable terms of peace in consequence of her friendlyconnection with France. For the truth of these positions, I appeal, gentlemen, to your own knowledge. I know it is very hard for you topart with what you have accustomed yourselves from your earliestinfancy to call your Colonies. I pity your situation, and therefore Iexcuse the little aberrations from truth which your letter contains. Atthe same time it is possible that you may have been misinformed. For Iwill not suppose that your letter was intended to delude the people ofthese States. Such unmanly, disingenuous artifices have of late beenexerted with so little effect, that prudence, if not probity, wouldprevent a repetition. To undeceive you, therefore, I take the libertyof assuring your Excellencies, from the very best intelligence, thatwhat you call "the present form of the French offers to America, " inother words, the treaties of alliance and commerce between his mostChristian Majesty and these States, were not made in consequence of anyplans of accommodation concerted in Great Britain, nor with a view toprolong this destructive war. If you consider that these treaties wereactually concluded before the draft of the bills under which you actwas sent to America, and that much time must necessarily have beenconsumed in adjusting compacts of such intricacy and importance, andfurther, if you consider the early notification of this treaty by theCourt of France, and the assurance given that America had reserved aright of admitting even you to a similar treaty, you must be convincedof the truth of my assertions. The fact is, that when the Britishminister perceived that we were treating with the greatest prince inEurope, he applied himself immediately to counteract the effect ofthese negotiations. And this leads me, with infinite regret, to makesome observations which may possibly be by you considered in anoffensive point of view. It seems to me, gentlemen, there is something (excuse the word)disingenuous in your procedure. I put the supposition that Congress hadacceded to your propositions, and then I ask two questions:-- Had you fullpower from your commission to make these propositions? Possibly you didnot think it worth your while to consider your commission, but weAmericans are apt to compare things together and to reason. The secondquestion I ask is, What security could you give that the BritishParliament would ratify your compacts? You can give no such security;and therefore we should, after forfeiting our reputation as a people, after you had filched from us our good name, and persuaded us to giveto the common enemy of man the precious jewel of our liberties, --after allthis, I say, we should have been at the mercy of a Parliament which, tosay no more of it, has not treated us with too great tenderness. It isquite needless to add that, even if that Parliament had ratified theconditions you proposed, still poor America was to lie at the mercy ofany future Parliament, or to appeal to the sword, which certainly isnot the most pleasant business men can be engaged in. For your use I subjoin the following creed of every good American:--Ibelieve that in every kingdom, state, or empire there must be, from thenecessity of the thing, one supreme legislative power, with authorityto bind every part in all cases the proper object of human laws. Ibelieve that to be bound by laws to which he does not consent byhimself, or by his representative, is the direct definition of a slave. I do therefore believe that a dependence on Great Britain, however thesame may be limited or qualified, is utterly inconsistent with everyidea of liberty, for the defence of which I have solemnly pledged mylife and fortune to my countrymen; and this engagement I will sacredlyadhere to so long as I shall live. Amen. Now, if you will take the poor advice of one who is really a friend toEngland and Englishmen, and who hath even some Scotch blood in hisveins, --away with your fleets and your armies, acknowledge theindependence of America; and as ambassadors, and not commissioners, solicit a treaty of peace, amity, commerce, and alliance with therising States of this Western world. Your nation totters on the brinkof a stupendous precipice, and even delay will ruin her. You have told Congress, "if, after the time that may be necessary toconsider this communication and transmit your answer, the horrors anddevastations of war should continue, we call God and the world towitness that the evils which must follow are not to be imputed to GreatBritain. " I wish you had spared your protestation. Matters of this kindmay appear to you in a trivial light, as mere ornamental flowers ofrhetoric, but they are serious things, registered in the high chanceryof Heaven. Remember the awful abuse of words like those by GeneralBurgoyne, and remember his fate. There is One above us who will takeexemplary vengeance for every insult upon His majesty. You know thatthe cause of America is just. You know that she contends for thatfreedom to which all men are entitled, --that she contends againstoppression, rapine, and more than savage barbarity. The blood of theinnocent is upon your hands, and all the waters of the ocean will notwash it away. We again make our solemn appeal to the God of heaven todecide between you and us. And We pray that, in the doubtful scale ofbattle, we may be successful as we have justice on our side, and thatthe merciful Saviour of the world may forgive our oppressors. I am, my Lords and Gentlemen, the friend of human nature, and one whoglories in the title of An American. 1Also attributed to Adams in The Remembrancer, 1778, p. 306. TO BARON STEUBEN. [MS. , Emmet Collection, Lenox Library. ] YORK TOWN June 3d 1778 SIR/ I very gratefully acknowledge the Receipt of your Favor of the 28th ofMay by Mr Ternant, as well as another which was deliverd to me inBoston. It affords me great Satisfaction to find that Congress, sensible of your Merit, have put it in your Power to do eminent Serviceto our Country in the Army, and that your Services are so acceptablethere. This is the Fulfillment of my earnest Wishes when I had thePleasure of conversing with you in Boston. May Heaven prosper you. MrTernants Haste prevents my adding more than that I am with very cordialEsteem Your affectionate very humble servt TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS. , Adams Papers, Quincy. ] YORK TOWN June 21 1778 MY DEAR SIR Although we are exceedingly pressd with publick Business at thisJuncture I cannot omit the Opportunity that now offers of writing toyou. The general Scituation of Affairs, and the particular Transactionsbetween the British Commissioners and the Congress will be transmitedto you by this Conveyance, by the Committee for foreign Affairs. SinceI last came to this Place from Boston, several Gentlemen have arrivdhere from France viz Mr Simeon Dean, Mr Carmichael, Mr Stephenson, & MrHolker. Mr Carmichael comes strongly recommend[ed] by Dr Franklin & MrSilas Dean; but Dr Lee in his Letter gives Reasons why he cannot placea Confidence in him. From a long Correspondence with Dr Lee, I conceiveso great an Opinion of his Candor as well as inflexible Integrity &Attachment to our Country, that I cannot entertain a Doubt that hewould suffer partial Considerations to operate in his Mind to thePrejudice of any Man. Such a Difference of Sentiments concerning aGentleman who I imagine must be of some Consequence, could not takePlace without at least apparently good Grounds; and it may produce suchEffects on this Side of the Water as may prove uncomfortable to us ifnot injurious to our Cause. Would it not then be doing some Service, toexercise your Prudence in endeavoring to investigate the real Groundsof it, in doing which possibly some things may open to View ofImportance and at present not thought of. Dr Lee is a Gentleman of a fair and generous Mind. I wish thereforethat you would freely converse with him upon this Subject if you thinkyou can do it with Propriety; and let him know that I have latelyreceivd many Letters from him, which I have duly attended to and wouldhave acknowledgd to him by this Opportunity, if I had Leisure. By the last Accounts I have had from Braintree your Lady & Family werein Health, though anxiously wishing to hear of your safe Arrival. I shall write to you as often as I can & shall esteem my self happy inreceiving your Favors. I remain very affectionately Your Friend, TO MRS. ADAMS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADE July 9 1778 MY DEAR BETSY Mr Mc Lean the Bearer of this Letter arrivd in this City yesterday, andtells me he saw you on the Day he left Boston, and that you were thenin Health. He now returns in so great Haste as to afford me Time onlyto let you know that I still enjoy that inestimable Blessing. I nowwrite at the Table in Congress, having just put my Hand to theConfederation with my Colleagues & the Delegates of seven other States. North Carolina and Georgia whose Members are absent have acceded to theConfederation. Mr H has just obtaind the Leave of Absence and is goinghome on Account of his ill State of Health & the Circumstances of hisFamily. He tells me his Wife is dangerously ill. Adieu my dear, TO JAMES WARREN. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADE July -- 1778 MY DEAR SIR Capt Manley1 has obligd me with your favor of the 5th. He and McNeilare both here with different Views. The one to obtain another Ship, andthe other to get the Sentence of the Court Martial by which he iscensurd & broke, reversd. Perhaps both may be disappointed. I havereceivd a Number of Letters by both. One from you. To this I shall paya very particular Regard, because I am well satisfied you never sufferPrejudices to divert your Attention from the great object--the publickGood. "Manly is a blunt, honest and I believe brave officer. ' I observeyour Caution; and I admire it because I think it is a proof of yourIntegrity. Manlys Bravery is an Article of your Beliefe. His Bluntness&Honesty, of Certainty. I have not yet lookd into the Papers; but Irecollect, when they were read in Congress, to have heard the Want ofExperience imputed to him, and some thing that had the Appearance ofblameing him for not giving out any Signals for the Direction of theShips under his Command. This it must be ownd, strongly implys the Wantif not the total Absense of Discretion. Now I would ask my Friend, whether the Character of a blunt & honest officer entitles him to theCommand of one of our Capital Ships if he is "deficient in point ofExperience & Discretion. " The Characteristick of a Sailor is the blunthonest Tar. They carry this Character to an inimitable Height. Butsurely every honest blunt or even brave Tar is not fit for Command inour Navy. I some times fear there was an Error in the beginning. Thusmuch for Manly. "His Address (viz Mc Neils) is insinuating. HisAssurance great. He may tell you fine Storys" &c. How contemptible doeshe appear. I should think he had taken a Lesson from Hutchinsonspolitical Book, if I had not Reason to believe that he used to despisehim most heartily. But I advert to a Letter from another of my Friendsto whose upright opinions I have always given Weight; there I find "Heis open & sincere'' Synonimous Terms with blunt & honest. "His Temperis naturally warm which he has sometimes indulgd in speaking his Mindfreely of Persons in office"--This you know has always been deemd anunpardonable Sin, and I am affraid it always will be. To be sure italways will be so deemd by that Kind of Men in office who meet withnone to hinder them from persisting in the most expensive Blunders butthe open sincere and warm Friends of our Country. I am warrented insupposing this Character belongs to Capt Mc Neil, because my worthyCorrespondent in whose Veracity & Judgment I have before told you Iplace a Confidence, has affirmd to me, that he knows his Sufferings forour glorious Cause. Has not Mc Neil struck upon this Rock? It ispossible he has. Says my friendly Correspondent "We all know his Zeal &Sufferings for our glorious Cause. " Such a Character commands myFriendship; but it has no Consideration in the present Appeal. Has hehad a fair Trial? I pay a proper Regard to the Decisions of a Courtmartial, & shall not give my Vote for altering them in any Instance butwhen Error Fraud or partiality shall appear plainly to my ownSatisfaction. Our Navy officers must not expect to pick & chuse for themselves. Theyought to be content with the Appointments given to them. It is trueAppointments should be made with more Discretion than I think they canbe by any Men at three or four hundred Miles Distance. For this ReasonI moved that they should be made by the Navy Board, which obtaind in acertain Degree as you have seen or will see by a Letter from the MarineCommittee. Had this been the Case before Olney would have remaind inthe, Resistance & Bush must have waited for another. If the Queen ofFrance is a better Vessel it will turn out not to the Disadvantage ofOlney. While we have more officers in Commission than Ships, there mustbe Disappointments, Envy, & Suspicions (oftentimes unreasonable) ofeach other. This is the Make of Man, and we may as well think ofstopping the Tide as altering it. The Appointment of Landais affords anample Subject for the Observations of Speculatists and the Resentmentof Navy officers. I think he is, as you observe an ingenuous & wellbehaved Man, and if he is an able & experiencd officer, as we areassured he is by those whose Duty it is to give us the bestIntelligence, it is a pity that two very good Lieutenants shd have theShip & the Service on that account. I hope others may be found to filltheir places. "It is an opinion that I was Landais' chief Patron. " Onthis occasion you discover your self, as you are disposd to do on everyoccasion, partial in my favor. If I was in any Degree instrumental inpromoting Capt Landais, it was because I really thought he would be ofeminent Use to our Navy. And I question whether it would not have beenthought a well judgd Appointment, if there had not been a fancifulPredilection in favor of Another. Even the Name of the Ship may havegiven Disgust to some Men. I hope when Manly is provided with such aShip as will please him the Difficulties or Obstructions in the Way ofgetting the Alliance manned will be removd. I am very sure yourExertions will not be wanting to promote the Service. Adieu, 1 Recently of the Ship Hancock. The record of his court martial waslaid before the Continental Congress on August 5, and ordered to bereferred to the Marine Committee for filing among its papers. TO JAMES WARREN. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADA July 1778 MY DEAR SIR/ It is but seldom I can find Leisure to write a long Letter. You mustexcuse me if I give you my Thoughts as I am able to recollect andadjust them into any Order. I find -------- to be an excellent Member of Congress. He is a thorough and zealous Republican, and an able Supporter of thepublick Liberty. I am satisfied it would be for the great Benefit ofour Country, if you and he were to form an intimate Connection witheach other. This I am very desirous of, because I have no Idea of yourbeing long secluded from the publick Councils. He will go home shortly. I have not yet answerd your Letters of the 26th and 28th of June. I amin Pain about the Ship in your Harbour. Her Owners neglect to put herinto Repair, and I fear a great Number of her Officers and Crew forWant of Skill or Experience will be at a LOSS what to do with her ifshe meets with a Storm. What a Pity is it, that an honest old Pilot haslately been dischargd, who used to steer successfully through Rocks &Quick sands! And that he should suffer this hard Usage, only because, unknown to him one who was a hearty Well wisher to the Voyage, and wasanxious that Capacity & Merit might always govern Promotions, hadventurd to declare him the fittest Man to take the Command. Ambition, or rather Vanity, and Avarice--an insatiable Thirst for Places andPreferment, without Ability or Intention to fulfil the Duties of them, tends to the Ruin of any Country, and if not eradicated, will sooneffect it. It would be the Glory of this Age, to find Men having noruling Passion but the Love of their Country, and ready to render herthe most arduous and important Services with the Hope of no otherReward in this Life than the Esteem of their virtuous Fellow Citizens. But this, some tell us, is expecting more than it is in the Power ofhuman Nature to give. Be it as it may. There are some Men to whom thepublick Confidence most certainly ought to be refused. I mean those whoin perilous Times have never dared to avow the publick Sentiments. Last Saturday1 Congress recd another Letter from the BritishCommissioners. You have it inclosd with a short Resolution2 inConsequence of it. This shuts the Door until they will be pleased toopen it. Governor Johnstone has acted so base a part as to hint theoffer of Bribes not only to the President but every other Member ofCongress, as you will see by the Inclosd Letter to Mr R. Morris. Bythis he has in my opinion forfeited the Character of an honest Man &justly exposd himself to Contempt. I hope some Strictures will be madein the Newspapers on this as well as the disrespectful & even insolentLanguage in the Commissioners Letter, not so proper to be noticed byCongress. I am assured that a Bribe of 10, 000 Guineas has been offerdto a Gentleman of Station & Character here. He refusd it as you mightsuppose with suitable Resentment, telling the Lady who negociated thisdirty Business, that the British King was not rich enough to purchasehim. Mr D3 of whom I may perhaps hereafter have much to say to you is arrivdwith the Sieur Gerard. I have long ago formed my opinion of theAmerican Commissioner & have not yet alterd it. That of the frenchMinister is, a sensible prudent Man, not wanting in political Finesse &therefore not to be listned to too implicitly. The french Squadron liesoff Sandy Hook. I have inclosd the Names & Rates of the ships togetherwith the Spanish Ships in N York as deliverd to us by a Prisoner latelyescaped from thence. Their Force bears no proportion to each other. TheQuestion in my Mind is whether the french Admiral will risque his largeShips to be workd, as they must be in an Engagement, in the Narrows --theWidth of the Channel is and its Depth at low Water. I am told that thisis a favorite Expedition of Count d'Estaing himself, proposd by him ¬ Mr D, to the french Court, and that his Reputation as a Politicianas well as an Admiral is at Stake. From the Character I have recd ofhim, I make no Doubt he will answer the highest reasonable Expectationsof the King his Master and of America. Mr Ds political Friends, some ofwhom I suppose are in Boston, are disposd to give him great Eclat onAccount of the Aid afforded us in sending this Squadron. His interestwith the french Ministry is represented as very forceable in procuringit and the Newspapers mention the favors conferd on him even by theKing himself. The Truth as I conceive it is, the total overthrow ofBurgoyns Army was an Event which it was thought would produce Overturesfrom Britain, and France was apprehensive of our listening to Terms &compromising Matters. Hence it was, more than from any other Cause orthe Interest of any Individual that a Treaty was facilitated & agreedto and to secure us in their Alliance & support us in sending thisSquadron, and the Purpose of M Gerards Mission. We are informd thatEleven Sail of Merchantmen & a Frigate have fallen into his Hands. I have declind answering your Letter of the 26 of June till I couldassure you that the Sum you wishd for was granted for the Use of yourDepartment. I now have the Pleasure of informing you that it will beorderd as soon as it arrives from York Town. It is every hour expected. The Marine Committee have agreed that the Navy Board shall appointCommanders for Vessels of War under Twenty Guns. 1 July 18; the letter was dated July 11. 2 "That no answer be given to the letter of the nth instant from theBritish commissioners. " 3 Silas Deane; Congress on July 11 was notified by him of his arrivalon the Languedoc. TO SAMUEL PHILLIPS SAVAGE. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILAD Augt 11 -78 MY DEAR FRIEND I yesterday had the pleasure of receiving your favor by the post, covering the News papers and a Letter, as you emphatically express it, "from one of my closest Friends"; for all which I thank you mostheartily. You ask me what occasiond the very sudden return of Mr H. ----1. I answer inhis own Word to me, His own Want of Health & the dangerous Illness ofhis Lady. You say he arrivd quite unexpected--you must surely be mistaken;for he publickly said he had Leave of Absence from his Constituents. You add, various are the Conjectures for the true Cause. It is the Lotof a great Man to have every Movement he makes critically scanned, andthe strangest Constructions are oftentimes put upon those parts of hisConduct which may be most easily explaind. You have so many Twistingsin your Typography and my Eyes are grown so dim with Age that I cannotwell discover whether you inform me that his Friends say the Air orAirs of Philadelphia doth not suit him; though I must conclude theformer from your usual Correctness in Grammar, for there is an evidentfalse Concord in admitting the latter. Pray let me know whether theNews Papers have not done him Injustice in announcing that he made hisEntrance into Boston on Sunday. I should think they had; for a wellbred Man will carefully avoid counteracting the vulgar Prejudices orinjuring the Feelings of the People where he may happen to be. I congratulate you on the present happy Appearance of our publickAffairs, & joyn with you in Praying that Heaven may still prosper them. I shall take it as a favor if you will deliver the inclosd Manuscript, without suffering a Copy to be taken, to Mrs A. I told her, I wouldsend it to her as being not an unfit Subject for female Inspection &Criticism. I am very affectionately, Yours, 1 Hancock; cf. Page 41. TO PETER THACHER. 1 [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILAD Augt 11 -78 MY DEAR SIR I am quite ashamd that I have not yet acknowledgd the two Letters whichI have had the Pleasure of receiving from you since I left Boston; youwill excuse me when I tell you, I have many Letters, which are dailyaccumulating, unanswerd, and very little Leisure. This by the Way, mustconvince you how unfit a Person I am even if I were otherwisequalified, to undertake the important Task you require of me in yourlast. While I am giving you the true Reason of my Silence, I hope itwill not prevent your writing to me by every opportunity. Herein youwill lay me under great obligations. By the late Publications, you have seen, and doubtless have made yourown Comments on the epistolary Correspondence between the BritishCommissioners & Congress. The short Resolution on their last Letter, has put an End to it. Last Week the Minister from France had anAudience in Congress. The Manner of conducting this Ceremony, togetherwith a Letter from his most Christian Majesty and the Speeches of theMinister and the President are publishd in the inclosd News Paper. Ihave had several opportunitys of seeing him at his own House, and a fewdays ago he made a Visit to the Delegates of the Massachusetts who livetogether. He is easy and polite in his Manners and converses freelywithout much Ceremony. Nothing can equal the barefaced Falshood of the Quakers & Tories inthis City, unless perhaps their Folly, in giving out that M. Gerarddoes not come in the Character of a publick Minister, but only toobtain Pay for the Stores we have receivd from that Country. TheseQuakers are in general a sly artful People, not altogether destitute, as I conceive, of worldly Views in their religious Profession. Theycarefully educate their Children in their own contracted Opinions andManners, and I dare say they have in their Hearts as perfect a Systemof Uniformity of Worship in their Way, and are busily employd aboutspiritual Domination as ever Laud himself was, but having uponprofessed Principles renouncd the Use of the carnal Weapon, they cannotconsistently practice the too common Method made use of in formertimes, of dragooning Men into sound Beliefe. One might submit to theirown inward Feelings, whether they do not now & then secretly wish forfire from Heaven in support of their Cause, in order to bring them upona footing with. Those whose Consciences dictate the kindling fires onEarth for the pious Purpose of convincing Gainsayers, and who keep theSword in their Hands to enforce it. He who in the Spirit of the Apostleprofesses to wish Peace to all those who love the Lord Jesus Christ inSincerity, must discover an unmortified Pride & a Want of ChristianCharity to destroy the peace of others who profess to have that sincereAffection to the Common Master, because they differ from him in Mattersof mere opinion. But the Post is just going. I must therefore concludewith assuring you that I am affectionately, Yours, 1 A clergyman, of Maiden, Mass. TO JAMES WARREN. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILAD Sept 1 -78 MY DEAR SIR After having been disappointed several Weeks I am at length favord withyour very acceptable Letter of the 18 of August. You have formerlyhinted to me your Apprehension that I mt think your Letters came to metoo frequently. I could not then suppose you to be in Earnest; but yourSilence from the 17 July to the Date of your last, which you own to bemany Days, is a very serious Comment, & obliges me in a formal Mannerto assure you, that you cannot gratify me more than by writing to meoften. My Enemies in Boston are exceedingly mistaken if they think I havecondescended to become a Party Man in their unimportant Disputes aboutManly & Mc Neil, 1 Neither of whom, in my opinion have derived any Honorfrom the Decisions of the late Courts martial. I wonder how Manly canattribute his Disappointment to me. At my Request he called to see me. I found him to be one of those Men who stand in Need of Advice & gavehim the best I could. I told him what Questions would probably be askedhim that he might prepare to answer them. In short I said every thingto him as a Friend which was proper for me to say. Perhaps I was toocandid to be thought a Friend. I intended to have been present at theCommittee, but was unavoidably hinderd. He did not call on me a secondtime. Mc Neil is still here. He has called on me twice or thrice. Iknow not in what part of the City he lives. His Friends & his Enemiesmay be assured that I will give my Voice on the Subject Matter of hisPetition according to my best Skill & Judgment. In this I expect to bejustified by those to whose good opinion alone I pay the least Regard--thecandid & impartial. I heartily despise those small Dealers in Politicks who are propagatingidle Stories to injure me. Little Insects will be for ever playingabout the glimmering Light of a farthing Candle. It is out of theirPower to disturb the peace of my Mind. You took too much Pains, my dearFriend, to stop their Clamor, when you read a Paragraph in my Letterwhich was designd for your Perusal & not theirs. I am however obligd toyou for your kind Intention. Your Letter informs me that Mr H is gone on the Expedition to RhodeIsland. 2 This is also announcd in the Boston News papers, which, to dothem Justice I must observe, never fail to notice all the Movements ofa Great Man. I am anxious to know the Event of this Expedition. But Iam called off & must leave you abruptly. Adieu. I must write you againvery soon. Be so good as to let Mrs know that I am well. 1 Cf. Pages, 41, 57, 59, 63. 2 See page 60. TO JAMES BOWDOIN. [Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, 6th ser. , vol. Ix. , pp. 423-425. ] [PHILADELPHIA, Septr 3, 1778. ] DEAR SIR, --A few days ago I received a letter from your son in law MrTemple dated New York, August 23d, requesting me by the firstopportunity to inform you of his & Mrs Temple's arrival there, & that, for particular reasons he should be exceedingly happy if your affairswould permit you to meet them at Philadelphia, or as near it as mightbe convenient to you. He requested this of me, because excepting thatletter & another to Mr President Laurens, he had not written a linesince his arrival at N. Y. , & he had still weighty reasons fordeclining it. He also desired me to cause it to be made as convenientas might be (at his expence) for Mrs Temple & her little boy, who hadnot been well since their arrival, to get to Philadelphia. His baggagewhich is both heavy & bulkey, he intended to get transported in a Flag, if any should be suffered to pass, to Boston, or some port as near itas might be, & hoped to see me soon in this city. His letter to thePresident was read in Congress. It was short and contained little morethan to sollicit leave to come to Philada to pay his respects toCongress. This was refus'd upon the idea that he might be a secretemissary from the British Court. I think it is best for him that hisrequest is not granted; for the jealousy of the people at large would, I believe, render his residence here very uncomfortable. A certainDoctor Burkenhout, who came from London in the same packett with Mr T----, isnow in prison in this city, committed by the authority of this State, under the same suspicion. I took occasion to inform Congress from myown knowledge of Mr Temple, that although he had been formerly anofficer of the Crown of Great Britain, and in the Customs, 1 yet he hadconstantly given great offence to his brother Commissioners & otherfriends of that government, particularly Bernard & Hutchinson, by hisattachment to those who espoused the liberties of America; that he wentto England seven years ago, where, I understood, he had since lived thegreater part of the time, entirely out of favor at Court & in privatelife. And that I had reason to think his connexions in Boston had longexpected his return to spend his days there. Congress afterwardsordered the Secretary to inform Mr Temple, that if it was his intentionto reside in any one of the United States, the same should be signifiedby him to the State in which he intends to reside, & the approbation ofthat State obtaind before a passport could be granted to him. Thus the matterstands in all its particulars, a view of which I thought it proper youshould be acquainted with. I wish Mr Temple had turned his attentionfirst to Boston. It is probable he will now do it, and that you willreceive a letter from him. I am with the greatest sincerity, Your affectionate friend, and humble servant, 1 Cf. Vol. I. , page 316. TO HANNAH ADAMS. 1 [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; the text is in W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. Iii. , p. 53. ] PHILADELPHIA Sept 8th 1778 MY DEAR DAUGHTER Your very dutiful and obliging Letter of the 28th of August came to myHand yesterday and brought me the afflicting News of your MothersIllness. When you tell me "the Doctor thinks she is on the mendingHand, " and "he hopes she will be cleverly in a Day or two, " I am apt toconclude her Disorder had not much abated when you wrote. I know "sheis exceedingly 10th to give me the least Pain, " and therefore I suspectshe has dictated to you to make the best of it to me. "She begs of menot to make myself very anxious for her. " This is a Request which it isimpossible for me to comply with. I shall be very uneasy till I hearagain from you. I pray God she may recover her Health and long continuea rich Blessing to you and me. I am satisfied "you do all that lies inyour Power for so excellent a Mother. " You are under great Obligationsto her, and I am sure you are of a grateful Disposition. I hope herLife will be spared and that you will have the Opportunity ofpresenting to her my warmest Respects. I rejoyce to hear that your lateDisorder was so gentle and that you have got over it. I commend you mydear, to the Care and Protection of the Almighty. That He may rewardyour filial Piety is the ardent Prayer of Your very affectionate Father, 1 Later the wife of Thomas Wells. TO JOHN BRADFORD. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADE Sept 8th 1778 MY DEAR SIR I have lately had the pleasure of receiving two Letters from you, oneby Capt Manly and the other by yesterdays Post. The latter makesmention of some Notice you had receivd "from a warm Friend to you & me"that "Cap Mc Niel was making Misrepresentations at Philade to yourDisadvantage. " I have a particular Reason for my Curiosity in wishingto know who this Friend is. If I had that Knowledge I might perhaps seeGrounds of Suspicion that the Design was far different from that ofgiving you a friendly Hint. I assure you I have heard Nothing here toyour Disadvantage. If Capt McNiel is the Person I am to understand tobe your Enemy, I will tell you that he has called on me not more thantwice or thrice, since he arrivd here, and that he has not mentiondyour Name to me nor any thing relating to your Department, nor indeedany thing that would tend to bring you to my Thoughts. I know not inwhat Part of the City he lives. I suppose he is preparing to meet theMarine Committee to whom his Petition is referrd. When it may be properfor me to give my Opinion, I intend to do it, with Freedom &Impartiality, not feeling my self interrested in the Party Disputeswhich I perceive there are in Boston between two Men, neither of whomin my opinion has derivd much Honor from the Decisions of the CourtsMartial respecting them. If I shall hear any thing said to yourPrejudice here you may depend on my letting you know it; beingdetermind if possible to prevent your suffering an Injury which one ofyour Friends at least thinks he has in being stabbd in the dark. Iintend to write you more fully of these Matters at another Time. Atpresent I can only add a Request that you wd be so kind as to deliverthe inclosd Letter to my Daughter and forward the other which is frommy Servant to his Friends in Milton. My dear Mrs A, I am informd isvery unwell. I am with the most friendly Regard to your Family, very affectionately, Yours, TO JAMES WARREN. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. } PHILAD Sept 12 1778 MY DEAR SIR Your obliging Letter of the 25 of Augt by the Post came duly to myhand. As you again mention Cap Manly, I will speak of him to you withCandor. I never saw him but once, viz last Spring in Boston, till hecame to this City. I had preconceivd an opinion of his Bravery, inspeaking of which you tell me "no Caution ought to be used, " though Ihave never yet been pointed to a single Instance of it. I confess hisAppearance in Boston did not strike me most agreably. He was in theMidst of a Crowd, who were shouting his Entrance into the Town; andlike some of his Superiors, he seemd to be intoxicated with popularApplause. I had other Apprehensions, but I give you my most charitableThoughts. I retaind however an opinion of him; for I concluded, thatHuzza for the brave M, would be a sufficient Inducement to him to lay aPop Gun Schooner alongside the Eagle, if good Fortune should throw herin his Way. You think "his Judgment and Abilities would not be equal toothers in the Direction of more Ships than one. " Here lies theDifficulty. Consider his Rank in our little Navy & judge how soon theTime may perhaps must come when he may have the Command of more Ships, if you give him the Command of one. Having said this to you & to no oneelse, though I have heard the same thing mentiond by others, you willnot conclude that I am here deeply engagd in a Party against him. SomeI know will, or will pretend to form this Conclusion, not from realRegard to the Merit of M. , the Honor of our Navy or the great Cause weare engagd in, but from a different Motive and very inferior to either. I am glad that Landais "rises in your Esteem"-- that "other Captains areconvincd he is Master of his Business which with his agreable Manners &Disposition forcd Conviction of the Judiciousness of his Appointment. "I fancy now that I shall soon be dischargd the shameful Imputation ofhaving been "his chiefe Patron here. " I have a particular Reason now tourge that every possible Exertion may be made to get his and all theother Ships manned. Last Evening a Letter from Governor Trumbull wasread in the Committee, strongly recommending a Captain for the Ships atNorwich, who, added to great Qualifications, can readily get Men forher. I mentioned Manly as having the Character of a brave and verypopular officer, and read those Parts of your last Letter to me whichrelated to him. I am convincd that he need not impute his beingoverlookd to any other Cause than the Decree of the Court Martial whichacquitted him with Honor. The Rhode Island Expedition is at Length finishd. Our Cause is notdishonord though we did not succeed to our Wishes. Congress has approvdthe Retreat--thankd Gen1 Sullivan & his brave Troops and applauded thepatriotick Exertions of New England. Major Gen1 Hancock was unluckilyat Boston & missed the Laurel! In my opinion it is in a great Degreeimpolitick at this Juncture to suffer an Odium to be cast on the CountD'Estaing. If there should be a Disposition to do it I am perswaded Menof Discretion & Influence will check it. The Tories will try theirutmost to discredit our new Alliance. And he who not long ago expressdhis Opinion that "a Connection with France will ruin America" will notfail to promote a Jealousy if he can thereby establish his Popularity. Such a Man should be critically watchd on this Occasion. Adieu myFriend. TO SAMUEL PHILLIPS SAVAGE. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a portion of the text isprinted in W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. Iii. , p. 40. ] PHILE Sept 14--78 DR SR I recd your favor of the 3d with the News papers inclosd. I note wellthe Contents. Our Boston Papers never fail to mark all the Movements ofGreat Men & to give Honor where Honor is due. The spirited Exertions ofour Major Generals to be sure ought properly to be noticed. Some ofthem have had the good Fortune never to be out of the Way of making aFigure, while others are wisely following the unpopular Steps of Fabiusor Count Daun. The Marquis La Fayette every one acknowledges, madesurprizing Dispatch in going to Boston and returning to R I; but he wassadly mortified in not being present in the Action on that Island. Hedid all that Man cd do Impossibilities are not to be expected. But hearrivd in Season to take a distinguishd Share in the well timed & wellconducted Retreat. In Him we indeed see an Instance of a young Nobleman"of Rank & fortune foregoing the pleasures of Enjoyment of domestickLife and exposing himself to the Hardships and Dangers of a Camp, " notin his own but a foreign Country, "in the glorious Cause of freedom. " Congress requested the President to write to him & in their Nameacknowledge his Zeal & spirited Services on this Occasion by which hehas given a fresh proof of his Attachment to our Common Cause. I amsorry to hear there is a Disposition in some persons in Boston to castan odium on the french Admiral for his leaving Rhode Island. In myOpinion it is at this Juncture impolitick in the Extreme. Even if hisConduct was thought to be blameworthy Prudence I think would dictateSilence to us. Men of Discretion and Influence will surely by all meanscheck such a Disposition. The Tories will try their utmost to discredit our new Alliance. Youknow how much depends upon our cultivating mutual Confidence. It is notin the Power of undisguisd Tories to hurt our Cause. Injudicious thohonest Whigs may & too often do injure it. Those whose chief aim is toestablish a Popularity in order to obtain the Emoluments of places orthe Breath of Applause will think they may serve themselves bydeclaiming on this Subject, or prompting others to do it; and they willnot fail doing it though they essentially wound their Country. If there be any of my virtuous & publick spirited fellow Citizens whopay the least Regard to my opinions I wish they would particularlyregard what I say on this Occasion. I have written in haste and must break off abruptly. TO ----------. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADE Sept 21, 1778 MY DEAR SIR/ I beg you not to impute my omitting hitherto to acknowledge your Favorof the 4th of July to Negligence. I have frequently thought of itsContents; and although I was not able to obtain what you wishd for, Ithink you will not doubt my Sincerity when I assure you that wheneverit shall be in my Power to render you substantial Service I shall do itwith the utmost Cheerfulness. It is the Opinion of Gentlemen here thatthe Appointments of Auctioneers to make Sale of such Prize goods asfall to the Share of the Continent should be made by the Authority ofthe particular States where such Goods may be forfeited. Your Letter was deliverd to me by Capt Manly. I am informd by some ofmy Boston Friends that he speaks of me with a Degree of Bitterness, supposing that I prevented his having another Ship. This gives me notthe least Disquietude. He may have been taught to believe it, byPersons who care but little for him and less for the Honor of our Navyor the great Cause we are contending for. Neither he nor his Friendscould be at a loss for the true Cause of his Disappointment, if theywould advert to the Judgment of the Court Martial which acquitted himwith Honor. What a strange Inconsistency was there in that Court, inrecommending Cap Manly for another Ship, and at the same Time holdingup so great a Deficiency in his Conduct as the neglecting to prepareSignals for a Fleet under his Direction, and in general his Want ofExperience. This was said by many; and it ought to be satisfactory toCap Manly, that though I clearly saw the Justice of the Remark, I wassilent. In this, it is possible, I was not altogether blameless. I havenever felt my self disposd to take a Side in the Disputes which Iunderstand have run high between Partizans of Manly & McNiel. I thinkNeither of them can derive much Honor from the Decisions of theirrespective Courts Martial. I wish for the Credit of our Country thatboth had behavd more to the Satisfaction of the Publick. One of them isstill here. I suppose he is preparing to meet the Committee to whom hisPetition is referrd. When it may be proper for me to speak my Mind hisFriends & his Enemies may be assured I shall do it with Candor &Freedom. In doing this I expect to be justified, by sensible & honestMen. If I stand fair with them, you well know, how unsolicitous I amwhether others are pleasd or not. There is another Matter of greater Consequence which I wish to mentionto you. I am informd there are Persons in Boston disposd to make apopular Clamor against the french Admiral for leaving Rhode Island. Icannot help remonstrating to my Friends against it as in a great Degreeimpolitick. Even if it should be thought he had taken a wrong step, itis our Wisdom at this Juncture to forbear criminating him. The Torieswill try their utmost to discredit our new Alliance. They cannotsucceed but by making injudicious Whigs their Instruments. There aretwo things from which I am more apprehensive than I am from the joyntEfforts of all our Enemies, viz the intemperate and misplacd Zeal ofour honest Friends, and an insatiable Desire in others who are calledFriends to establish a Popularity in order to obtain the Splendor orEmoluments of Places, or that vanity of vanities the Breath of Applause. Adieu my Friend, TO MRS. ADAMS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADE Sept 28 1778 MY DEAR BETSY Your Letter of the 16th which I just now receivd, is like cool Water toa thirsty Soul. It gives me inexpressible Pleasure to have it underyour own Hand, that you are in the Way of Recovery from a dangerousDisorder. I earnestly pray God to restore you to perfect Health; andlet me intreat you, my Dear, to be very careful of your self. I exceedingly regret the LOSS which the Town has sustaind by the Deathof Dr Eliot & Dr Greenleafe. In Times so degenerate as these are, it ismuch to be lamented that Men of such Exemplary Piety and Virtue aretaken away. I hope the Depravity of Manners is not so great as toexclude all Hopes of Childrens rising up and serving God and theirCountry in the Room of their Fathers. May Heaven grant us a Time ofReformation! I think you have done well in putting your Servant Boy Job anApprentice to a Sail Maker. I hope you will injoyn it on him to let yousee him often, that you may give him your Advice, and tell him it is myDesire that he would attend to it. I love the Boy, and am still ofopinion, that if he is properly mannagd he will make a good Citizen. Remember me to my Daughter, Sister Polly and the rest of my Family &Friends, and accept of the best Wishes of your most affectionate, Write to me by every opportunity. TO WILLIAM COOPER. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADE Sept 30 1778 MY DEAR SIR I have the pleasure of committing this Letter to the Care of youryoungest Son who having been unfortunately taken in the BrigResistance, was sufferd to come to this City to be exchangd for thePurser of the British Ship Mermaid who is now in N York on his Parole. This Exchange I effected without Delay; and procured from the NavyBoard here an Advance of fifty Dollars, for which he is to account withthe Eastern Navy Board in the settlement of his Wages. I apprehendedthis Sum would not be sufficient to discharge the Expence of his Boardin this very expensive place & carry him through his Journey &therefore I advancd him forty Dollars more, taking his Draft upon youwhich you will please to repay to Mrs Adams in Boston. I introducd your Son to your old Friend the President who receivd himwith great Courtesy. Upon my hinting to the President that if he hadpublick Letters to send to Boston, this young Gentleman would take goodCare of them, and it would be the Means of providing him with an Horsefor his Journey, he very politely told me he should be glad [to] servehim in that Way, He as well as Monsr Girard having Letters which mt beas well sent by him as by any other Person. I assure you it is notFlattery to tell you that I am exceedingly pleasd with your Son. Hismodest Assurance is very engaging. If his Life is spared and his Moralswell fixed, I think he will make an excellent Citizen. That theChildren of N England may rise and serve God & their Country in theRoom of their Fathers is the most ardent Prayer of your cordial Friend, TO SAMUEL PHILLIPS SAVAGE. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADE Oct 6-78. MY DEAR SIR I receivd your favor of the 23d of Septr by yesterdays Post. You tellme that Boston is become a new City, and explain your self bymentioning the exceeding Gayety of Appearance there. I would fain hopethis is confind to Strangers. Luxury & Extravagance are in my opiniontotally destructive of those Virtues which are necessary for thePreservation of the Liberty and Happiness of the People. Is it truethat the Review of the Boston Militia was closd with an expensiveEntertainment? If it was, and the Example is followed by the Country, Ihope I shall be excusd when I venture to pledge myself, that theMilitia of that State will never be put on such a Footing as to becomeformidable to its Enemies. I am told that such a Practice is contraryto the Letter of the Militia Act. I trust then I was misinformd when Iwas told that it was countenanced by those who of all Men ought to paythe most sacred Regard to the Law. Are we arrivd to such a Pitch ofLevity & Dissipation as that the Idea of feasting shall extinguishevery Spark of publick Virtue, and frustrate the Design of the mostnoble and useful Institution. I hope not. Shall we not again see thatSobriety of Manners, that Temperance, Frugality, Fortitude and othermanly Virtues wch were once the Glory and Strength of my much lov'dnative Town. Heaven grant it speedily! Adieu. TO JAMES WARREN. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILAD 11 Octobr 1778 MY DEAR SIR In the inclosd Newspaper you will see certain Queries calculated toimpress on the Minds of the people the Idea of Dr Lee's having held acriminal Correspondence with a Person known to be at the same time inthe Service & under the Direction of the British Ministry. I hope itwill not be in the Power of this Querist to do essential Injury to soeminent a Patriot; who took the earliest & most decisive Part inopposition to the Measures of the British Court, and whose invariableAttachment to the Liberties of our Country never was, and I thinkcannot be justly suspected. Yet it may be necessary to guard againstit; for I plainly though silently saw when I was last in Boston aMalevolent Disposition towards Dr Lee, in a certain Gentleman, who, till he is better known, will have a great Influence in theMassachusetts State. The Instance you may recollect, as you was knowingto it in the Time of it. I then supposd it to proceed from his havingstrongly attachd himself, and for a Length of Time to a Circle of Men, and imbibd their Prejudices, who are far remote from the Connections ofDr Lee, and who differ widely from them in the Adoption of publickMeasures regarding either Politicks or Morals. You may remember that some time ago, in a Letter1 I informd you that Ihad much to say to you about Mr D; of whom I had long formd my Opinion& had not seen Reason to alter it. I have hitherto said Nothing to youabout him; because I knew it would lead me to Subjects of greatDelicacy, which, if exposd to the Enemy, as they would be if my Lettershould fall into their Hands, might disgrace, or otherwise beprejudicial to our publick Affairs. This Caution prevents mycommunicating to you many things of which I wish to unburthen my Mind. Mr D was originally taken up by a secret Committee of Congressappointed to procure from France the necessary Supplys for carrying onthe War. By them he was sent to that Country in the Character of a mereMerchant. About that Time another Committee was; appointed, whoseBusiness it was to form a Correspondence abroad, and particularly tofeel the political Pulse of France in Hopes of forming a Connectionwith that powerful Nation. This Committee also took up Mr D; and hecarried Letters from Dr F to some Men of Eminence, which might enablehim in some Measure to penetrate into the Disposition of the Court ofFrance towards America. With these Views Mr D was sent to France. Hewas to be Agent to the secret Come of Commerce. To the secret Come ofCorrespondence he was to be the Inquisitive Man or Intelligencer. Hehad no political Powers whatever; and yet he sent us over, Majors, Colonels, Brigadiers & Majors General in Abundance & more than we knewwhat to do with, of his own creating, till at length Mr Du Coudrayarrivd with the Commission (or an Agreement signd by Mr D in behalf ofthe United States, that he should have one) of a Major General, withthe Command of our Artillery; together with his Suite of about 70Gentlemen of different Ranks. All this was done, as I said beforewithout any Authority. Congress was exceedingly embarrassd; being 10thto discredit their Commissioner (for before the Arrival of M Du Coudrayhe was commissiond joyntly with Mess Franklin & Lee) I say being 10thto discredit him by disannulling the Convention, and at the same Timejudging it dishonorable as well as unsafe for America to ratify it. This however was agreed to in a Come of the whole House. Not having therecords before me, I do not recollect whether it was confirmd in theHouse; but Du Coudray soon after died, his Suite or most of themreturnd with Gratifications & Mr D was recalled. After which he wasdirected to return speedily and give an Accot of the State of ourAffairs in Europe. This has given an Occasion to his Friends to hide the true Reason ofhis being recalled, & to hold up in the News Papers an ostensible one, supposing it to be more for his Reputation. Our Affairs even in France wore a gloomy Aspect during the last yearuntil the News of our Army at the Northward being completelyvictorious. This was the decisive Language which commanded our Successin the Cabinet of France. To this we are indebted for the Acknowledgmtof our Independence, the Treaty and the french Fleet. Mr D iscomplimented with having procurd this Fleet, and his "spiritedExertions" like those of other Great Men have been puffd off in theNews Papers. Unthinking Men may be amusd with a Golden Snuff Box &c. After all they are mere Things of Course, especially in the Honey Moonof National Matrimony. Since Mr Ds Return as well as before, there have been Suggestions ofhis Misconduct in France; and among other things, of his Misapplicationof publick Money. I cannot say whether these Suggestions are wellgrounded or not. Congress is devoting every Hour to an Enquiry into theGrounds of them which can be spared from an Attention to other greatAffairs, particularly the Finances. The Conduct of an honest Man willbear the strictest Scrutiny. If the Friends of Mr D have any Suspicionsof his being tardy, I am inclind to think they will be moreapprehensive of a Detection from the Vigilance & Integrity of Dr Leethan any thing else. On such occasions it is not unusual for the mostunblemished of Characters & sometimes the Lives of the best of them tobe sacrificd in order to prevent "Transactions dark & mysterious" frombeing brot into open Light. I have written this Letter in Confidence & shall continue the Subjectwhen I can find Leisure. Adieu. 1 Cf. Page 47. TO JAMES WARREN. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADE Oct 14 -- 78 MY DEAR SIR In my last I inclosd a News paper containing certain Queriescalculated, as I conceive, to blast the Reputation of a truly virtuousMan. I must inform you that Dr Lee & Dr Berkenhout, mentiond by the Querist, were formerly fellow Students at Edinburgh; and as both were esteemedlearned in their Profession, it is not improbable that on that Accountthey kept up their Acquaintance while both continued in Great Britain. Dr Lee you know was requested by Congress to go over to France, wherehe was made a joynt Commissioner with Messrs Franklin & Dean. It ispossible that a Correspondence might afterwards have been carried onbetween them; but from the Knowledge I have of Dr Lee, I will ventureto pledge my self it was not a criminal one, as the Querist would seemto insinuate, and if Dr Berkenhout was in the Service & under theDirection of the British Ministry, which by the Way is but baseSuspicion here, it was utterly unknown to Dr Lee. It is doubtfulwhether any Correspondence was held between these two Gentlemen. I amrather inclind to think it is a Creature of the Querists own Fancy, oran artful Suggestion thrown out to the Publick to serve the Cause ofour Enemies. America shod beware how she suffers the Character of oneof the most able & vigilant Supporters of her Rights to be injurd byQuestions designd to impute Slander, without any Reasons offerd whysuch Questions should be made. It is the old Game of mischievous Men tostrike at the Characters of the good and the great, in order to lessenthe Weight of their Example & Influence. Such Patriots as Lord Russell& Algernon Sydney of the last Age, have of late been falsly &audaciously chargd by a Scotch Tool of the most nefarious Court, withhaving receivd Bribes from the National Enemy; and it is not strangethat a Gentleman whom the leading Whigs of America have always placd sohigh in their List of Patriots, who has renderd the most laborious &important Services to our Country in England France & other Parts ofEurope, who so often & so seasonably developd the secret Intrigues &Practices of wicked Men & who at this time stands high in the Esteem &Confidence of the Congress, & in addition to this, when it is considerdthat there are too many disaffected & insidious Men still lurking amongus, it is by no Means a strange Thing that Dr Lee is also chargd with acriminal Correspondence with the Enemy, without even the Shadow ofReason. The Post who has been retarded by violent Rains is just arrivd & bringsme your obliging favr of 30 Sept. It contains very interesting Matterswhich shall have my Attention at a more leisure Hour than the present. Adieu, TO JONATHAN TRUMBULL. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILAD Oct 16 -- 78 SIR I had the Honor of receiving your Excys Letter of the 5th Instant, 1 andsincerely condole with you on the heavy LOSS your Family and thepublick sustain by the Death of your eldest Son. His Services in myopinion merited great Consideration, and it now behoves the Publick torender the Settlement of his Affairs as easy to his surviving Friendsas possible. I have communicated the Contents of your Letter to myColleagues & the other Members of Congress, & you may be assured Sirthat we shall interrest ourselves in obtaining with all possible Speedthe Attention & Decision of Congress on the Matters set forth in yourRepresentation. Mr Sherman was so obliging as to give me the perusal of your Letter tohim, and I am happy that Congress as a Body concurs with you in theSentiment therein containd; having passd a Resolution by a greatMajority expressing their Sense that true Religion & good Morals arethe only solid Foundations of publick Liberty and Happiness. I am Sir with the most cordial Esteem & Respect Yr Excys most obedt hblservt 1 Printed in Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, 7th ser. , vol. Ii. , p. 276. TO TIMOTHY MATLACK. [Pennsylvania Archives, 1st ser. , vol. Vii. , p. 14. ] PHILADA, Octobr 16, 1778. SIR, I am informd that General Clinton designs to send to the Governor orAssembly of each of the United States, Copies of an insulting Paper, called a Manifesto or Proclamation, calculated to promote a Rebellion, and that the one intended for this State is to be sent by Water up theDelaware. And as it appears to be the Design of the Enemy, as far as itmay be in their power, further to pursue their barbarous practice oflaying waste our Sea Ports, and that they would be particularlygratified by an opportunity of destroying this City; would it not beproper that one or two of your Gallies should be ordered to watch forthem in the River, that they may seize their Vessel & bring the Men up, blindfold, to be confined & dealt with according to the Laws of Natureand Nations. You will excuse this Hint, and be assured that I am, Your very humble Servt, TO JAMES WARREN. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILAD Oct 17 1778 MY DEAR SIR If I was to tell you that I wonder much at the Conduct of some of ourPoliticians it might discover my own Folly; for it is said a wise Manwonders at Nothing. Be it so. I am curious to know who made the Motionfor the Admission of Gray, Gardiner & Jemmy Anderson? Which of theB[oston] Members supported the Motion? Are the Galleries of the Houseopen? Do the People know that such a Motion was made? A Motion soalarming to an old Whig? Or are they so incessantly eager in thePursuit of Pleasure or of Gain as to be totally thoughtless of theirCountry? I hope not. Gracious Heaven! Defend us from Vanity Folly & theinordinate Love of Money. Your News Papers are silent upon everySubject of Importance but the Description of a Feast, or the Eclat ofsome Great Man. Your able Patriot is wholly employd in spiritedExertions of the Military Kind, or surely he wd have pourd forth allhis Eloquence against so detestable a Motion. --" The Motion did notobtain. " I rejoyce in this; But Do you do Justice [to] the House by sofaint an Expression? I hope they rejected it with every Mark ofContempt & Indignation. Do the Gentlemen who made & supported thisMotion know, that even in this Quaker Country, they are trying &condemning & I suppose will hang some of their considerable Men forCrimes not inferior to those of Gray & Gardiner. Jemmy Anderson I haveforgot. I suppose he is a little Man & a Scotchman. It is the opinionof the People in this Country, that a Galloway could not atone for hispublick Crimes with the Sacrifice of an hundred Lives. A Galloway, aGray, a Gardiner! Examine them & say which is the greatest Criminal. Confiscation you tell me labors--"it labors very hard"! I have heardobjections made to it, not in this Country, but in my own. But Ithought those objections were made by interested Men. Shall thoseTraiters who first conspired the Ruin of our Liberties; Those whobasely forsook their Country in her Distress & sought Protection fromthe Enemy when they thought them in the Plenitude of Power--who have beenever since stimulating & doing all in their Power to aid and comfortthem while they have been exerting their utmost to enslave & ruin us. Shall these Wretches have their Estates reservd for them & restored atthe Conclusion of this glorious Struggle in which some of the richestBlood of America has been spilled, for the sake of a few who may haveMoney in England & for this Reason have maintaind a dastardly andcriminal Neutrality? It cannot be. I venturd to speak my Mind in aPlace where I could claim no Right to speak. I spoke with Leave which Ishould have disdaind to have done, had I not felt the Importance of theSubject to our Country. I will tell you my Opinion. If you do not act adecisive Part--If you suffer those Traiters to return & enjoy theirEstates, the World will say, you have no Sense of publick Injury & havelost your understanding. Adieu my dear Friend, TO MRS. ADAMS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADELPHIA Octob 20th -78 MY DEAR BETSY A few days ago Mr Brown, a publick Messenger carried a Letter from meto you, which I hope you will receive before this reaches you. I feel aPleasure when I sit down to write to you and omit no opportunity. MyBoston Friends tell me with great Solicitude that I have Enemies there. I thank them for their Concern for me, and tell them I knew it before. The Man who acts an honest Part in publick Life, must often counteractthe Passions Inclinations or Humours of weak and wicked Men and thismust create him Enemies. I am therefore not disappointed or mortified. I flatter my self that no virtuous Man who knows me will or can be myEnemy; because I think he can have no Suspicion of my Integrity. Butthey say my Enemies "are plotting against me. " Neither does thisdiscompose me, for what else can I expect from such kind of Men. Ifthey mean to make me uneasy they miss their Aim; for I am happy and itis not in their Power to disturb my Peace. They add, The Design is toget me recalled from this Service. I am in no Pain about such an Event;for I know there are many who can serve our Country here with greaterCapacity (though none more honestly). The sooner therefore another iselected in my Room the better. I shall the sooner retire to the sweetEnjoyment of domestick Life. This, you can witness, I have often wishdfor; and I trust that all gracious Providence has spared your preciousLife through a dangerous Illness, to heighten the Pleasures of myRetirement. If my Enemies are governd by Malice or Envy, I could notwish them a severer Punishment than their own Feelings. But, my Dear, Ithank God, I have many Friends. You know them. Remember me to them allas you have opportunity. I could say many more things to you, but I amcalled off. My Love to my Daughter & Sister Polly and the rest of ourFamily and Connections. Adieu. Your most affectionate, TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS. , Adams Papers, Quincy. ] PHILADA Octob 25, 1778 MY DEAR SIR/ Your Favor of the 24th of May did not reach my hand till yesterday. TheGentleman who brought it, Mr Archer, tells me he had a Passage ofEleven Weeks. I will show him the Respect due to the Character you givehim, & properly regard such future Recommendations as may come from you. I suppose you have been fully & officially informd of the State of ourmilitary Affairs since the Enemy evacuated this City and met with aDrubbing at Monmouth. And as publick Letters will doubtless beforwarded by this Conveyance, it is needless for me to give you aparticular Detail of what has happend since. By those Letters you willbe informd that Dr Franklin is appointed Minister Plenipotentiary atVersailes. It is not yet determind how you will be disposd of; but asCongress entertain great Expectations from your Services, you maydepend upon Employment being allotted for you somewhere. The criticalSituation of the Powers of Europe in general, renders it somewhatdifficult for us to determine, to which of them to make our Addressesat present. Every Cabinet I suppose is busily engagd in making thenecessary Arrangements and preparing for the opening of a Campaign, ifWar should take Place. In this Case, I should think France must be ourPole Star, while it continues, and our Connections must be formd withhers. In the mean time however, Holland, whose Policy is always to beat Peace, may be open for a Negociation; and in my opinion, we ought totake the earliest opportunity to tempt her. The two main Armies at & near New York have been quiet since the Enemyretreated to that City. We have made another Expedition against RhodeIsland. Our Arms were not disgracd, though we did not succeed to ourWishes. Gen1 S behavd as usual with Bravery; but some will have it thatthere is a Mixture of Imprudence in every thing he does. He promisdhimself to share with Gates in the Glory of Victory, and as an officerof Spirit, no doubt he felt vexed with the Disappointment; but he wastoo sanguine in my Opinion when he expected that the Count D Estaingwould remain there, in the Circumstances which he was thrown into by aviolent Storm he met with when in Pursuit of Lord Howe. This unforeseen& unavoidable Accident left him too much inferior to the BritishSquadron to run the Risque with any Degree of Prudence. It was aMisfortune which we all regret, but must bear. Knowing the high Temperof the People of my native Town, I immediately upon hearing it, wroteto some of the principal Men to prevent Blame being cast on the Countfor leaving Rhode Island; a Disposition which I apprehended the artfulTories (for such there are even there) would encourage with a View ofdiscrediting our new and happy Alliance, in the Minds of injudiciousWhigs. I am happy to be informd that the Count and his Officers, andindeed every french Gentleman is treated there with the highest Marksof Respect and Friendship. For some Weeks past there have been Reports here that the EnemiesTroops at N York were about to embark, as they gave out on a grandExpedition, and we are now assured that Sixteen Sail of the Line andabout one hundred and fifty Transports put to Sea on Tuesday the 20thInst. Various are the Conjectures of their Destination. Whether toBoston, South Carolina or the West Indies, a few Days will decide. TheCount D Estaing has sufficiently securd his Ships in Case of an Attackon them; and if they land their Troops with Intent to march them toBoston, it is my opinion they will repent of their Expedition. Itappears to me most probable that the Troops are bound to the WestIndies, and that the Ships of War, after having convoyd them to acertain Latitude will return for the Protection of the Garrisons whichI suppose are to be left at Newport and New York. The Enemy will be10th to quit the small Portion of Land they possess within the UnitedStates, for though they must despair of subduing us by Arms, it will benecessary for them to oblige us to continue the Expence of large Armiesin order to nonplus us in the Art of financiering. This may be a Methodof carrying on the Contest, the most puzzling to us; but I trust weshall disappoint them. The Marquiss De la Fayette whose extraordinary Merit is fully known toyou, does me the Honor of taking the Care of this Letter, and willdeliver it to you. I am, my dear Sir, with the greatest Sincerity your affectionate, TO ARTHUR LEE. [MS. , Lenox Library; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, LenoxLibrary. ] PHILADELPHIA Octob 26 -78 MY DEAR SIR Your several Letters dated as in the Margin, 1 with the Inclosures cameto my Hand. And although I have not hitherto acknowledgd to you theReceipt of them, I assure you I have been and am still improving theIntelligence you have given me, to the best of my Power, for theAdvantage of this Country. From our former Correspondence you haveknown my Sentiments. I have not alterd them in a single Point, eitherwith Regard to the great Cause we are engagd in or to you who have beenan early, vigilant & active Supporter of it. While you honor me withyour confidential Letters, I feel and will freely express to you myObligation. To have answerd them severally would have led me toSubjects of great Delicacy, and the Miscarriage of my Letters mighthave provd detrimental to our important Affairs. It was needless for meto run this Risque for the sake of writing; for I presume you have beenmade fully acquainted with the State of our publick Affairs by theCommittee, and as I have constantly communicated to your Brother R. H. The Contents of your Letters to me, it was sufficient on that Score, for him only to write, for he thinks as I do. The Marquiss De la Fayette, who does me the Honor to take this Letter, is this Moment going, which leaves me Time only to add that I am andwill be your Friend, because I know you love our Country and Mankind. I beg you to write to me by every Opportunity. Adieu my dear Sir, 1 1777: July 31. October 4, November 11, December 18, December 19;1778: January 2, January 9, February 8, February 16, March 1, April 1, April 16. TO ----------. [MS. , Lenox Library. ] PHILAD Oct 26 -78 Mr Duncan yesterday brought me your very affectionate Letter of theInstant. I rejoyce that you have recoverd your usual State of Healthand that my Family enjoy that invalueable Blessing. Is it possible that M could make & propagate so barefaced a Story asyou mention? Are you not misinformd? I lose every Sentiment of Regardfor him as a Man of Truth. I have heard that my Enmity to G. W. Wasobjected agt me on a late Occasion. I did not wonder that those whobelievd it were displeasd with me. My very worthy Friend & colleague MrD satisfied the Minds of those who meant well and explaind some thingsrelating to Mr ---- which were new & surprising to them. I console myselfthat those who try to injure me (I must not call them Enemies) areobligd to fabricate malicious Falshoods for their purpose. Tell my Friend M S. That I will answer his Letter the next post. In themean time ask him whether a Christian is bound to confide in the Manwho has attempted seven times (though in vain) to ruin him. Adieu. MANIFESTO OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS. October 30, 1778. [W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, 1 vol. Iii. , pp. 46, 47. ] The United States having been driven to hostilities by the oppressiveand tyrannous measures of Great Britain, having been compelled tocommit the essential rights of men to the decision of arms, and havingbeen at length forced to shake off a yoke which had grown tooburdensome to bear, they declared themselves free and independent. Confiding in the justice of their cause; confiding in Him who disposesof human events; although weak and unprovided, they set the power oftheir enemies at defiance. In this confidence they have continued through the various fortunes ofthree bloody campaigns, unawed by the power, unsubdued by the barbarityof their foes. Their virtuous citizens have borne without repining theloss of many things which make life desirable. Their brave troops havepatiently endured the hardships and dangers of a situation fruitful inboth beyond former example. The Congress, considering themselves bound to love their enemies aschildren of that Being who is equally the Father of all, and desirous, since they could not prevent, at least to alleviate the calamities ofwar, have studied to spare those who were in arms against them, and tolighten the chains of captivity. The conduct of those serving under the King of Great Britain hath, withsome few exceptions, been diametrically opposite. They have laid wastethe open country, burned the defenceless villages, and butchered thecitizens of America. Their prisons have been the slaughter-houses of her soldiers, theirships of her seamen, and the severest injuries have been aggravated bythe grossest insults. Foiled in their vain attempts to subjugate the unconquerable spirit offreedom, they have meanly assailed the representatives of America withbribes, with deceit, and the servility of adulation. They have made amock of religion by impious appeals to God, whilst in the violation ofHis sacred command. They have made a mock even of reason itself, byendeavoring to prove that the liberty and happiness of America couldsafely be intrusted to those who have sold their own, unawed by thesense of virtue or of shame. Treated with the contempt which such conduct deserved, they haveapplied to individuals. They have solicited them to break the bonds ofallegiance and imbue their souls with the blackest crimes. But fearingthat none could be found through these United States equal to thewickedness of their purpose, to influence weak minds they havethreatened more wide devastation. While the shadow of hope remained that our enemies could be taught byour example to respect those laws which are held sacred among civilizednations, and to comply with the dictates of a religion which theypretend, in common with us, to believe and revere, they have been leftto the influence of that religion and that example. But since theirincorrigible dispositions cannot be touched by kindness and compassion, it becomes our duty by other means to vindicate the rights of humanity. We, therefore, the Congress of the United States of America, dosolemnly declare and proclaim that if our enemies presume to executetheir threats, or persist in their present career of barbarity, we willtake such exemplary vengeance as shall deter others from a likeconduct. We appeal to the God who searcheth the hearts of men for therectitude of our intentions; and in his holy presence declare that, aswe are not moved by any light or hasty suggestions of anger or revenge, so through every possible change of fortune we will adhere to this ourdetermination. Done in Congress by unanimous consent, the thirtieth day of October, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-eight. 1 Also attributed to Adams by Niles, Principles and Acts, pp. 476, 477. TO SAMUEL PHILLIPS SAVAGE. [W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. Iii. , pp. 56, 57; a draft isin the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADELPHIA, Nov. 1, 1778. MY DEAR SIR, -- I duly received your favor of October--by the last post, and should haveimmediately answered it, had I not been that day exceedingly engaged. Ido not keep copies of all my letters, --they are trifles. You were mistakenin supposing that I ascribed the independence of America to New Englandonly. I never was so assuming as to think so. My words are, thatAmerica is obliged to New England, and this is an acknowledged truth. It is the opinion of others, as well as myself, that the principles andmanners of New England, from time to time, led to that great event. Ipray God she may ever maintain those principles which, in my opinion, are essentially necessary to support and perpetuate her liberty. Youmay see my sentiments of the patriotism of other States in a letter Ilately wrote to Mrs. Adams (if it is in being), in which I relate aconversation which passed between Monsieur -------- and myself. But enough of this. I love my country. My fears concerning her are that she will ruinherself by idolatry. A part of your letter, you tell me, is confidential. I always keep thesecrets of my friends when I can do it honestly, though I confess I donot like to be encumbered with them. In this instance I will be yourconfidant. But let me ask you, can a difference between Mr. -------- and me, eitherreal or imaginary, be of any consequence to the world? I think not. Tories, you say, triumph. They may make sport of it; but indeed, myfriend, it is too unimportant a matter for a sensible Whig to weep andbreak his heart about. I am desirous of making you easy; and I doassure you that, so far from brooding in my heart an unfriendlydisposition towards that man, I seldom think of him, unless I happen totake up a Boston newspaper or hear his name mentioned in chit-chatconversation. You call upon me by all that is sacred to forgive him. Doyou think he has injured me? If he has, should he not ask forforgiveness? No man ever found me inexorable. I do not wish him to askme to forgive him; this would be too humiliating. If he is conscious ofhaving done or designed me an injury, let him do so no more, and I willpromise to forgive and forget him too; or, I would add, to do him allthe service in my power. But this is needless; it is not in my power toserve him. He is above it. If you wish to know the foundation of this wonderful collision, ask myfriend J. W. , or another, whom you properly call my closest friend. Tothem I have related the trifling tale, and they can repeat it to you. The precepts and examples you refer me to I shall always reverence mosthighly. I am, with unfeigned sincerity, Your obliged and affectionate friend, TO JAMES WARREN. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADA Novr 3 1778 MY DEAR SIR In your last you ask me what we are doing? Many Things indeed. And ifyou will suppose some things to be done well, I will frankly confess toyou that in my opinion others might have been done better. I think wedo as well as we can considering the Pile of Business every Morninglaid on our table. In order that the Affairs of the Treasury may bebetter attended than they possibly can be by Members of Congress whoare obliged to give their Attendance in the House we have establishd anew Board to consist of a Treasurer Comptroller Auditor & two Chambersof Accots of three each. These officers are all chosen from withoutDoors. We are taking Measures for the Appretiation of the Currency. Every Adept in financiering is busily employd and I hope we shallbefore long agree in an effectual Plan. We have appointed Dr F. Minister Plenipo. At Versailes & written a Letter of Credence to ourgood & great Ally. The Situation of the general Affairs of Europerender it somewhat difficult to determine to which of the other Powersat present to make our Court. Every Cabinet will, I suppose, thiswinter be deeply engagd in making Arrangements and preparing for theopening a Campaign in Case of a general War which it is more thanprobable will happen. Our Friend A L is in Spain. Our other Friend J Awill be employd somewhere. France must be our Pole Star & ourConnection must be formd with hers. Holland whose Policy is always tobe at Peace may be open to Negociation & the sooner we tempt her thebetter. Spain must joyn with France. But she is dilatory. I wish shewould recollect how much she was injured by it the last War, when shesufferd the common Enemy to beat France & her self in Detail. TheSpirit of Chatham is indeed extinguishd in Britain. His decisive Mindmight have dictated the Seizure of their Float at Sea. Perhaps it iswell the Great Man is no more. The Millions are safely arrivd & theTone of Neutrality at Madrid is become languid. A formidable Fleet liesequip'd in Cadiz which operating with that of France at this Juncturemight give a fatal Blow to the boasted Sovereignty of Britain on theOcean. The Count D' Estaings Squadron I suppose will go to the WestIndies. If so, must not the British follow with a great Part of theirTroops, if they mean to keep Possession of their own Islands. They mayleave Garrisons at N York & Newport, with a View of obliging us stillto maintain a great Army, in hopes we shall be undone by Expences whilethey despair of subduing us by the Power of their Army. We must have arespectable Army in the Spring to put a good face on our Negociationsor to fight. I hope we shall secure to the United States, Canada NovaScotia & the Fishery by our Arms or by Treaty. Florida too is atempting object in the South. Perhaps if you should show this Letter tosome Folks, it may be thought to confirm an opinion from whence anobjection was drawn against me on a late occasion "that I was averse toReconciliation. " We shall never be on a solid Footing till G B cedes tous what Nature designs we sh[ould] have or we wrest it from her. The Marine Committee have obtaind a Warrant for 150, 000 Dollars foryour Department which will be forwarded speedily. Congress has increasdyour Salaries to 3000 Dollars p Annum. I had this in View when Iintreated you in my last, not to resign your Seat. Nothing wouldreconcile me to this but your having one here. I am determind to makeRoom for you by a Resignation next Spring. I flatter my self I can yetbe in some Degree useful to my Country in a narrow Sphere. I wish forRetirement & covet Leisure as a Miser does money. Adieu, RESOLUTION OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS. November 3, 1778. [MS. , Papers of The Continental Congress. ] It having pleased Almighty God through the Course of the present year, to bestow great & manifold Mercies on the People of these UnitedStates; And it being the indispensible Duty of all Men gratefully toacknowledge their obligations to Him for Benefits receivd. Resolvd, That it be and hereby is recommended to the legislative orexecutive Authority of each of the said States, to appoint Wednesdaythe 30th day of December next to be observd as a Day of publickThanksgiving and Praise. That all the People may with united Hearts onthat Day express a just Sense of His unmerited Favors:--Particularly inthat it hath pleased Him, by His over ruling Providence to support usin a just and necessary War for the Defence of our Rights andLiberties;--By affording us seasonable Supplys for our Armies--by disposingthe Heart of a powerful Monarch to enter into Alliance with us and aidour Cause--by defeating the Councils and evil Designs of our Enemies, andgiving us Victory over their Troops--and by the Continuance of that Unionamong these States, which by his Blessing, will be their futureStrength & Glory. And it is further recommended, that together with devout Thanksgivingsmay be joined a penitent Confession of our Sins, and humbleSupplication for Pardon through the Merits of our Savior. So that underthe Smiles of Heaven, our publick Councils may be directed--our Arms byLand and Sea prosperd--our Liberty and Independence secur'd--our Schools &Seminaries of Learning flourish--our Trade be revivd--our Husbandry andManufactures increasd, and the Hearts of all impressd with undissembledPiety, with Benevolence, and Zeal for the publick Good. And it is also recommended that Recreations unsuitable to the Purposeof such a Solemnity may be on that Day-- TO SAMUEL PHILLIPS SAVAGE. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILAD Novr 10th 1778 MY GOOD OLD FRIEND I am at present in great Haste; but as a Supplement to my last I willask you, Who among the Sons of America ought to enforce the Example ofthe illustrious young Foreigner? Who is substituting other Means ofDissipation in my native Town in Lieu of Theatrical Entertainments &c&c? Who has mixed the Grave and the Vain, the Whigs and the Tories inScenes of Amusement totally incompatible with the present seriousTimes? Who among the Grave and Who among the Whigs, I mean such Whigsas have a feeling for their distressd Country and the Multitudes ofdistressd Individuals in it, are present at such Entertainmts? Is therea Man among them to whom our Country has entrusted her Independence, her Virtue, her Liberty? What can be the Views and Designs of such aMan, but to establish a Popularity by forming a Coalition of Partiesand confounding the Distinction between Whigs and Tories, Virtue &Vice? When I was last in Boston, I seizd an Opportunity to advise myFellow Citizens to beware of their popular Men--to penetrate their Viewsand Designs. There was comparatively no great Danger from a great Manset over them by the British Tyrant. When the People set up a Great Manof their own, their Jealousy is asleep, & they are in Danger of aMaster. I have no personal Prejudices or Attachments. Many things Ihave to say to you if I had Leisure. My due Regards to your Lady, to Mr S and his Family. Adieu, P. S. --I am not inattentive to what you said in my last relating to myFriend Mrs M. I will endeavor to serve her in the Instance shementions, but she must not depend upon Success. TO JEREMIAH POWELL. 1 [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text is in HistoricalMagasine, 1st ser. , vol ii. , pp. 196, 197. ] PHILADELPHIA Decr 1, 1778 SIR/ I did myself the Honor a few Days ago, of Joyning with my Colleagues inan Answer to your Letter to us of the fifth of November last, so far asit related to the Distribution of a Quantity of Flour purchasd onAccount of the State of Massachusetts Bay. I beg Leave to refer you toour Letter, which will be forwarded by this opportunity. The fivehundred Dollars therein mentiond as receivd by me, were carried to theCredit of the State in my Account settled the last Winter. Since myArrival here in July, I have availd my self of the Practice of theDelegates of every State, by applying to Congress for a Warrant ontheir Treasury for a Sum of Money to pay the extravagant, thoughnecessary Expence of living. I purpose to repeat this Application, asthere may be occasion for it, until I shall be directed differently orto the Contrary; and shall credit the Sums so receivd in my nextAccount. I am informd that the General Assembly have been pleased to appoint meone of their Delegates in Congress for the year 1779. This repeatedMark of Confidence in me is indeed flattering. The Duties of theDepartment are arduous and pressing. I will never decline the Serviceof our Country; but my Health requires Relaxation, and at this Periodof my Life my Inclination would lead me to wish to be employd in a morelimitted Sphere. I will nevertheless continue to act in Congress to theutmost of my Ability in Pursuance of the Powers and Instructions withwhich I am honord, in hopes, that as the Month of April will completeanother full Year of my Residence here, I shall then be relievd by oneof my absent Colleagues or some other Gentleman, and permitted toreturn to my Family. I am with every Sentiment of Duty & Regard to the General Assembly, Sir Your Honors most obedient & very humble servant, 1 President of the Council of Massachusetts. TO MRS. ADAMS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a portion of the text is inW. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. Iii. , pp. 57, 58. ] PHILADELPHIA Decr 13 1778 MY DEAR BETSY, Captn. Johnson will deliver you this Letter, which incloses aPublication in the last Tuesdays Paper. You will easily guess which ofthe Massachusetts Delegates it is intended for. The Design of it is torepresent Mr Temple as a British Emissary and that Delegate aslistening to his Proposals of Accommodation with Great Britain, andthus to beget a Suspicion of him in the Mind of the Minister of France, with whom he has the Honor of being on friendly Terms. That Delegatehas been so used to the low Arts of Tories in his own Country, as tohave learnd long ago to treat them, wherever he sees them, withineffable Contempt. He does not think it worth his while to satisfy theCuriosity of the Writer, but he can assure his Friends, that he hadnever called on Mr T but once and that was to show him the way to MrPresident Laurens' House, to whom he had Letters to deliver, one ofwhich was from the Council of Massachusets Bay. As a Delegate from thatState, he could do no less than show such a Piece of Civility to Mr T, and he is determind, notwithstanding the apparently friendly Hint, totreat him as he thinks proper. Indeed he has been told by a realFriend, that there are Persons in Pay to watch his Words and Actions. He thankd his Friend, and told him that such kind of Intimations werenot new to him. It might be well or ill grounded, & he was perfectlyindifferent about it. He had a private Conversation a few Days ago withMonsieur --------, in which the Subject of the Hint beforementiond was brought up. That Personage was pleasd to say, that he well knew the Character ofthe Delegate before his Arrival in America, and that there was noReason to doubt of his Attachment to the joynt Interest of France &America-- that he had sufficient Proofs of it to prevent any illImpressions being made on his own Mind; with other Expressions ofFriendship & Confidence. ---- ---- Between our selves, I can not say I am notembarrassd with Mr Ts Arrival here; He is highly recommended, and Ibelieve him to be an honest American. But the Time & Manner of hisleaving England fix a Suspicion in the Minds of well disposd Men, whichcannot easily be removd; and his Residence at the Court of America, ifI might so express it, gives bad Men a Sort of Occasion, to say thatCongress, notwithstanding all they have publickly given out, aresecretly treating with the Ministers of Great Britain through theirEmissaries in America, than which Nothing can be more contrary toTruth. I do not care therefore how soon Mr T thinks of returning to NewEngland. It is diverting enough to hear the different Language held forthconcerning me, by a kind of Men whom I despise beyond Expression. InNew England they say I am averse to an Accommodation with GreatBritain, and make that an Exception against me. In Philadelphia I amchargd, indirectly at least, with a frequent Exchange of Visits withthe Companion of Berkenhout, Lord Lindsay, Governor Johnston & the Sonof Lord Bute, with a View of secretly bringing about an Accommodationwith that King and Nation which I have solemnly abjurd. What is therewhich Malice joynd with a small Share of Wit will not suggest! I am notapt to conceal my Sentiments. They are far from being problematical. They are well known here & at Boston; and I can trust my Consistency inthe Judgment of every honest and sensible Man that is acquainted withme. The Censure of Fools or Knaves is Applause. Mr Silas Dean has lately publishd a Paper here filled with Insinuationsand Assertions without any Evidence to support them, against Dr Lee. Ihave long ago formd my Opinion of both those Gentlemen, and have neveryet seen Reason to alter it. I have sent the Paper to my Friend GeneralWarren. I wish you would invite him to a Dish of Tea, and desire him tolet you see it and my Letter which inclosd it. You may read this Letterto him and other Confidential Friends, but dont let it go out of yourown Hands. I never was in better Spirits than at present. --My Love to my Daughter, Sister Polly & the Rest of our Family & Friends. Adieu my dear Betsy, Your very affectionate, I forgot to tell you that last Friday Mr President Laurens havingdischargd the Duties of his Station for more than one year withFidelity & to the Acceptance of the Members, resignd the Chair, andJohn Jay Esqr a Delegate from New York was chosen in his Room. To thisGentleman I chearfully gave my Vote. Mrs Clark and her Sister Miss Daily in whose house the MassachusettsDelegates are agreably scituated present their respectful Complimentsto you. TO THE COUNCIL OF MASSACHUSETTS. [W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. Iii. , p. 59; a draft is in theSamuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] MARINE COMMITTEE, PHILADELPHIA, December 15, 1778. SIR, -- Pursuant to the direction of Congress and the request of the MinisterPlenipotentiary of France, I have the honor of transmitting to theCouncil of Massachusetts Bay a declaration under the hand and seal ofthat Minister, promising a reward to every vessel that shall take ordestroy a vessel of the enemy loaded with masts or spars, and destinedto the ports of Halifax, Newport, or New York. It is the particulardesire of the Minister that this declaration may be addressed to thatHonorable Board, to the end that the same may be made known in such amanner as their wisdom shall direct. I am, sir, your most obedient and very humble servant, 1 1 Signed by Adams as chairman of the Marine Committee of theContinental Congress. TO JAMES BOWDOIN. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADE Decr 19th 1778 MY DEAR SIR Mr Temple1 was so obliging as to deliver me your Letter of the ---- ofNovember. The Day after his Arrival in this City, I offerd him myService and introduc'd him to Mr President Laurens, to whom he hadLetters of high Recommendation, and among others from the Council ofMassachusetts Bay. The President read these Letters publickly inCongress. I did not fail to communicate the Contents of those which Iwas honord with to individual Members. But the Time of his leavingEngland, his coming in a Packet, the Company which came with him, andthe greater Indulgencies granted to him in New York than had beenallowd to others fixed a suspicion of him in the Minds of well disposdPersons which could not be removd. Those of a different Character tookOccasion to insinuate that whatever Congress might give out publicklyto the Contrary, they were secretly listening to Terms of Accommodationofferd by the British Ministers through their Emissaries in America. The Minister Plenipotentiary of France could not but be attentive tothese Suggestions. In a private Conversation with him at his House theother Day, when no one was present with us, Mr Temples Name wasmentiond. He said he knew not his personal Character--he understood thathe was well recommended, but as he was under the violent Suspicions ofthe People here, his Residence so near the Congress might make improperImpressions on the Minds of Persons abroad. It may reasonably besupposd that he is determind to merit the Character at his own Court, of a vigilant & faithful Minister. Mr Dean who appears to be inimicalto my truly patriotick Friend A Lee Esqr has endeavord to raise thelike Suspicions of him that he has a predilection for the Court ofLondon because he showed Civilities to his Friend Ld Shelburne inFrance. Such is the force of prejudice in the Minds of some Men ortheir total Want of political Understanding. I was my self, pointedly, though not by Name, called upon in a publick Newspaper, to be cautiousof making too frequent Exchanges of Visits with J T Esqr. You know muchI have been used to despise Publications of this Kind & I despise themstill. But in the present Instance I confess I was embarrassd, beingunder the Necessity of violating my own Inclination to pay all dueRespect to a Gentleman, whose personal Merit I had formerly beenacquainted with, and who was so honorably mentiond by some of my mostvirtuous & dignified fellow Citizens, or on the other hand ofprejudicing the Character which as a publick Man I ought to maintain inthe Minds of Congress, of the Minister of France and of the People. Ihave done Mr Temple the most substantial Acts of Friendship in myPower, though I could not have the Pleasure of so much Conversationwith him as I wishd & intended to have. He leaves this City suddenly. Iam inclind to believe that the President of this State as well as theChief Justice, with both of whom I have this day had the pleasure ofdining, are satisfied in the Uprightness of Mr Temples Intentions. Having given you a candid State of things, I conclude with assuring youthat I am with every Sentiment of Regard, Your affectionate Friend & very humble Servant, 1 Cf. Page 54. TO JOHN WINTHROP. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILAD Decr 21 1778 MY DEAR SIR Your obliging Letter of the [9th] of November was deliverd to me by MrTemple immediately after his Arrival here. I must candidly confess thatwhen the Gentleman informd me by his Letter dated in New York, of hisIntention then to pay a Visit to this City, I was disagreably impressdwith it, and interrested my self, as far as I could do it with Decency, to prevent it. A certain Dr Berkenhout was here at that Time. He hadformerly been a fellow Student with Dr Lee in Edinburgh; and althoughhe brought no Letters from him, he made an Advantage of the oldConnection, and addressd himself to Richard Henry Lee Esqr, the DoctorsBrother & a Member of Congress, who from the Beginning of our Contesthas been exceedingly obnoxious to our Enemies from his firm &invariable Attachment to our Cause. Dr Berkenhout was put into Prisonby the Authority of this State on Suspicion, and afterwards dischargdfor Want of Evidence against him. Perhaps he sufferd the more, from acertain Set of Men for valueing himself on Colo Lee; and the Colohimself has since sufferd the Reproach of an angry Writer anddisappointed Man, for shewing Civility to a Person who was onceacquainted with his Brother. So true is the Observation I havesomewhere met with, that a Man hardly ever speaks with another, butsooner or later he finds that he has receivd Good or Harm from it. Had Mr Temple arrivd at that Juncture, I do verily believe he wouldhave shared the Fate of Berkenhout. And the Testimonials he has sincebrought with him, added to the warm Recommendations of some of my mostvirtuous and honorable Fellow Citizens have not been sufficient toobtain for him a welcome Reception. The Time & Manner of his leavingEngland, the Company he came with and the favorable Treatment he metwith in New York, were judgd to be Grounds of Suspicion which more thanbalanced the Recommendations of his Friends & Countrymen, who, thoughacknowledgd to be very respectable, it was supposd, might possibly bepartial in their Judgments of him. His Connections in Boston, & theCharacter he had sustaind there before he left that Place, it was said, made him the fittest Instrument to carry into Effect the Purposes ofthe British Ministers. The honest and zealous Whigs clamord against himbecause they imagind him to be a British Emissary; and the artfulTories, who would cordially receive such a Character into the Bosom oftheir Councils, if they could be sure of keeping him among themselves, joynd in the Clamor, either because they believd him to be a trueAmerican, or, if they judged him to be a Spy, as they pretended, theydid not chuse to trust him in the Hands of those who might possiblydraw from him the Secrets of his Employers and detect him. The Toriesappeard to be the most acute Politicians, as in my Opinion, I am sorryto say it, they too often are. Thus Mr T has had the Misfortune to bespoken ill of both by the Friends and Enemies of the Publick. A verygrievous Misfortune, when the People scrutinize and decide uponCharacters with Candor & Moderation, which perhaps does not take Placeat all Times in any Country. I have shown Mr Temple the most substantial Acts of Friendship in myPower; yet I must own to you I have been somewhat embarassd. A Delegateof the Massachusetts Bay who has been heard to say that "Jealousy isthe best Security of publick Liberty, " has been called upon in apublick News Paper "to be cautious of too frequently exchanging Visitswith J T Esqr who is suspected to be a Spy" &c. I have no Reason tothink it was a friendly Caution; but rather that it was designd tobring an odious Suspicion on the Delegate himself. But though he feelsa Contempt of such Kind of Publications, he has learnd that it isWisdom to receive Instruction even from an Enemy. I have said thatJealousy is the best Security of publick Liberty. I have expressd myFears that America is too unsuspecting long to preserve RepublicanLiberty. I do not suspect Mr Temple; but I have been under theNecessity of violating my own Inclination to pay every kind of Respectdue to that Gentleman, or risque the consistent Character which aDelegate of that State ought to support in the Opinion of Congress, ofthe Minister of France and the People of America. I have converst withthat Minister on this Occasion; and I have Reason to think we concur inopinion, that however pure the Views & Intentions of any Gentleman maybe, yet if a Suspicion generally prevails that he is secretly employdby the British Court his continuing to reside near the Congress maymake improper Impressions on the Minds of our Friends abroad. Mr Templeleft this City yesterday. I congratulate you my dear Sir on our Countrys having thus far sustaindthe glorious Conflict. Our Independence, I think, is secured. WhetherAmerica shall long preserve her Freedom or not, will depend on herVirtue. I cannot conclude this tedious Epistle without expressing an ardentWish for the full Recovery of your Health and bespeaking another &another of your Favors. I am with most respectful Compliments to your Lady & Family, Your very affectionate Friend & humble Servt, TO SAMUEL. COOPER. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADELPHIA Decr 25 1778 MY DEAR SIR I have receivd your Favors of the 7th & 20th of November, the former ofwhich was deliverd to me by the Honble Mr Temple. That Gentleman isintitled to my Esteem from the opinion I entertain of his personalMerit, and from your Recommendations and those of some others of myvirtuous Fellow Citizens. I have done him every Act of Friendship in myPower; but Circumstances, of which he is not unapprized, have preventedmy having so much Conversation with him as I could have wishd for. TheTime and Manner of his leaving England, the Company he came with, thefavor granted him at New York of writing a Letter to Mr PresidentLaurens requesting Permission to pay his Respects to Congress, andanother to myself, neither of which, it was presumd, could have passdwithout the Inspection of General Clinton, nor sufferd by him to passunless they had been adapted to his Views--These were made the Grounds ofSuspicion of him then; and they were afterwards judgd sufficient tooverbalance the Letters he brought from his Friends & Countrymen, respectable as they were acknowledgd to be by all, who might be supposdpossibly to have judgd partially in his Favor. I am sorry our Friendhas been thus unfortunate because I believe his Motives in coming herewere pure; and yet we must allow those, who never were acquainted withhim to give all that Weight to Circumstances which in other Instanceswe mt our selves be inclind to think reasonable. I am satisfied thereis a Design among them to leave no Method untried to raise a popularClamor against those who took an early active Part & have continuedconsistent in Support of the Liberties of America. They are at thistime endeavoring to stimulate a Persecution against my patriotickFriend Dr Lee, who from the Knowledge I have of his publick Conductsince he has been employd by Congress and a constant politicalCorrespondence with him for near ten years past, I am well assured, deserves the highest Esteem and Gratitude of these United States andMassachusetts Bay in particular. It concerns those who are determin'dto persevere in this glorious Contest till the Liberty and Independenceof America shall be firmly establishd to be exceedingly circumspectlest their Conduct should be misrepresented by designing Men andmisunderstood by others. An angry Writer has lately insinuated in apublick Newspaper among other injurious things, that Arthur Lee Esqrcommunicated the secret Negociations of France & America to the BritishMinisters, because he showd Civility to Lord Shelburne in Paris. Had MrTemples Friends appeard to be very intimate with him here, the likeInsinuation might have been thrown out, & with a similar View, to drawan odious Suspicion on them. Indeed such an Attempt was made as youwill observe in the inclosd Paragraph taken from Dunlaps Paper. 1 Youwho know much of my Heart will easily guess which of your Delegates theHint was intended for. I leave it to your Conjecture. I have openlydeclared my Opinion that Jealousy is a good Security of PublickLiberty. I have expressd my Fears that America is too unsuspecting longto continue free. These I know are the sentiments of Dr Lee. When Menhold these Sentiments & honestly act up to the Spirit of them they mustnecessarily become exceedingly obnoxious to those who are watchingevery Opportunity to turn the good or ill Fortune of their Country, andthey care not which to their own private Advantage. Such Men there arein this Country, in France & indeed in all Countries & at all times. Some of them you & I have known. Such Men there always have been &always will be, till human Nature itself shall be substantiallymeliorated. Whether such a Change will ever happen and when, is morewithin your Province than mine to predict or ascertain. A Politicianmust take men as he finds them and while he carefully endeavors to maketheir Humours & Prejudices, their Passions & Feelings, as well as theirReason & Understandings subservient to his Views of publick Liberty &Happiness, he must frequently observe among the many if he has anySagacity, some who having gaind the Confidence of their Country, aresacrilegiously employing their Talents to the Ruin of its Affairs, fortheir own private Emolument. Upon such Men he stamps the Stigma Hicniger est, and if he thinks them capable of doing great Mischief toprevent it, he ventures to hold them up to the publick Eye. This hedoes at the Risque of his own Reputation; for it is a thousand to onebut those whose Craft he puts at Hazard, will give him the odiousEpithets of suspicious dissatisfiable peevish quarrelsome &c, andhonest, undiscerning Men may be indued for a time to believe thempertinent; but he solaces himself in a conscious Rectitude of Heart, trusting that it will sooner or later be made manifest; perhaps in thisWorld, but most assuredly in that Day when the secret Thoughts of allMen shall be unfolded. I have many things to say to you particularly ofArthur Lee & Silas Dean Esqrs. Of both these Gentlemen I long ago madeup my opinion, and I have never seen Reason to alter it. But I willrelieve you by putting an End to this tedious Epistle. I intend to getmyself excusd from further publick Service here, and hope before longto think aloud with you & my other Confidential Friends in Boston. I donot mean however to quit the Service of our Country altogether while Iam capable of rendering myself in the least Degree serviceable. Iearnestly wish for more Retirement & Leisure. Esto perpetua! is my mostardent Prayer for this rising Republick. That will depend upon thePrinciples and Manners of the People. Publick Liberty will not longsurvive the LOSS of publick Virtue. Favor me, my dear Sir, with yourLetters frequently while I remain here, and be assured of the warmestSentiments of Friendship & Esteem in the Breast of your very affectionate, 1 The Pennsylvania Packet. TO CHARLES CHAUNCY. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILAD Decr 25 1778 REVEREND & MUCH ESTEEMED SIR I am greatly indebted to you for your very acceptable Letter of the 7thof Novr by Mr Temple. That Gentleman, in my Opinion took an unguardedStep on his late Arrival in New York. I mean his writing a Letter tothe late President Mr Laurens requesting Permission to pay his Respectsto Congress, and another Letter to myself. This excited a Suspicion inthe Minds of the true Friends of our Cause, that what they had beforeseen in the English News papers, viz that he & Dr Berkenhout were sentto America by the British Ministry might not be without Grounds. ThisDesire of paying a respectful Visit to Congress was judgd to be aReason merely ostensible; and the Time & Manner of his leaving England, the Company he came with and the Readiness with which the BritishGeneral granted him the Liberty of sending his Letters, the Contents ofwhich must most undoubtedly have been under his Inspection, it wassaid, afforded Reason to believe his real Design was to gain anhonorable Admission into this City, & the Confidence of Members ofCongress & others thereby the more easily to cooperate with the BritishCommissioners, and carry their Designs into Effect. The Jealousy of thePeople when it is properly directed or as some chuse to call it, aprudent Caution, is in my Opinion one of the best Securities of publickLiberty. And we must allow them to give all that Weight to a Train ofCircumstances respecting our Friend, which in other Instances we shdourselves judge to be reasonable. His Friends have given him highRecommendations. But say others, his Friends may be partial to him. HisConnections are among the warmest Patriots. His Testimonials come fromthe most virtuous Citizens. They have a good Opinion of him. True, andthis might be a strong Inducement to a politick Minister to make Choiceof him, & may make him the fittest Instrument to answer his Purpose. For my own Part I know Mr Temples former Character Conduct & Sufferings& have also a good opinion of him. I have done him the most substantialActs of Friendship in my Power. But so deep rooted were the Suspicionsof him and so general, that I have been under a Necessity of forbearingto visit him so often as I otherwise should have done, lest I mightlose that consistent Character and that Confidence which it is my Dutyas far as I am able, to support, in the Minds of Congress, the Ministerof our Ally & the People of America. I have Reason to believe that I amon Terms of Friendship with the Sieur Gerard. In private Conversationwith him, I purposely mentiond Mr Temples Name, & I conclude we concurin Sentiment that however upright the Heart of any Gentleman may be yetif an Opinion prevails among the People that he is a secret Emissaryfrom the Enemy, his Residence near the Congress, might, at thisJuncture especially, make improper Impressions on the Minds of ourFriends abroad. Mr Temple has lately taken his Leave of this City & Ibelieve some Gentlemen of Character have since conceivd a morefavorable Opinion of him than they did before. You have my hearty Thanks for your Sermon lately publishd which I haveread with pleasure. The Evil you therein mention is indeed alarming. Amidst the great Variety of pressing Affairs, Congress is devotingcertain Hours of every Day to investigate a radical Cure; and I am instrong Hopes that an effectual Plan will shortly be laid before theGeneral Assemblies of the several States. When General Gates was orderd to Boston a considerable Embarkation ofthe Enemies Troops had been made at N York & it was apprehended theywould attempt a Landing somewhere near that Place. His militaryAbilities and Experience, his political Principles & Attachments andthe Confidence which the Troops and People of the Eastern States had inhim, were the Considerations which indued his being sent thither. Hadthe Enemy turnd their whole Force that way of Course the Commander inChief would have followd. General Heath has given entire Satisfactionto Congress during his Command there. The Change took Place on the Spurof the Occasion, and probably in the Spring a different Arrangemt maybe made. I am my dear Sir with the most cordial Esteem & Affectionate, your Friend & very humble Servt, 1779 TO SAMUEL COOPER. [MS, Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] Jany 3 -79 MY DEAR SIR I embrace the opportunity which now offers of writing a few Lines toyou. In my last I told you I had many things to say particularlyconcerning A L & S D Esqrs 1. If I could have the Pleasure of sittingwith you by a fire Side, I would more freely open my Mind to you than Ichuse to do upon Paper, considering the Risque of its falling intowrong hands. One of these gentlemen, as I was informd in the year 74 bysome who were well acquainted with him, was of a dubious politicalCharacter, and was appointed a Delegate in Congress by a Majority ofonly one of the Electors; it being thought that his own Vote turnd itin his favor. In 75 he was again elected; and he very early attachd himself to Men of different Sentiments from those which most if not allyour Delegates brought with them from your Country & strenuouslymaintained. This Difference of Sentiment was said to arise from localAttachments, but in Reality they arose from different Principles &Views. What Mr Ds political Principles were if he had any I never couldlearn. His Views always appeard to me commercial & interrested. WhetherI was mistaken or not Time perhaps will soon discover. He was verylittle known in America till the year 75, if at all in Europe. The other took an early, decided and active Part in Support of thegreat Cause. In London he had a great Share in the open Opposition madeto the Tyranny of the British Court & their Measures respectingAmerica. There he turnd his Attention from the Practice of Physick towhich he had been regularly educated in Edinburgh, to the Study of theLaw. This he did by the Advice of some of the most able Advocates forthe Liberties of America, from an Opinion they had conceivd of hispromising Usefulness to that Cause in that Way. He answerd theirProspects. He constantly aided your Agent the late Mr De Berdt2 to whomhis Knowledge of Affairs renderd his Services essential. That his Penwas employd for America in General, his Junius Americanus abundantlytestifies; and that, and his other Publications witness his Attachmentsto Massachusetts Bay & South Carolina in particular. His privateLetters to his Friends are written with that Freedom as well as Zealwhich would have exposd him to the Risque even of his Life from theResentment of an unprincipled & nefarious Court, if any of them byAccident or Design had fallen into their Hands. This I know to be true. I must conclude at present with giving it to you as my fix'd Opinion, founded on particular observations, that there is a joynt Combinationof political & commercial Men to exclude all vigilant Patriots frompublick Councils & Employments knowing that Vigilance & unimpeachd, unsuspected Fidelity will be an effectual Bar to the carrying suchpolitico commercial Plans into Execution. I will write to you again bythe first good Opportunity. In the mean time I am with perfect Esteem, Yr affectionate Friend, 1Arthur Lee and Silas Deane. 2 Cf. Vol. I. , page 89 et seq. TO JAMES WARREN. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library, ] PHILADE Jan 6 -79 MY DEAR SIR In your last you desire to know how Matters have operated since theRecall. I will answer this Question at another Time when I have moreLeisure; and at present only say, that Mr Dean arrivd here, I think inJuly, and in August he was admitted into the House, or to use his ownPhrase had an Audience, in which, with as much Vanity as I ever saw ina Man of Sense, he assumd to himself almost the whole Merit of all theServices which had been renderd at least by Americans in France; as ifhe would have it to be believd that one of his Colleagues had done butlittle if any thing, the other worse than Nothing, himself every thing. And with as much Spleen & ill Nature he would even go out of theregular Path of Decency & Propriety to draw in Invective and diminishthe Characters of the two Mr Lees & Mr Izard. 1 In short the publicationwhich you have seen is a Specimen of his Narrative. I have before givenyou my opinion of that Performance, and shall not trouble you furtherupon that, than just to remark that his insinuating that Mr W L2 stillremains an Alderman of the City of London, because his Name is insertedin that List in the Court Kallendar of 78 discovers something more thanChildishness and Folly. His design seems to be at once to prejudice theReputation of that Gentleman in the Minds of his Countrymen and to holdup the Appearance of glaring Impropriety of Conduct in Congress, inappointing the Alderman of London an American Commissioner; and thatthis was done through the undue Influence of family Connections; for hetakes particular Care to inform his Readers, that the two Brothers inEurope have two Brothers in Congress which cannot be denied. Neithercan it be denied, that they are a Family, who have been as early, asuniform, as persevering and as able Patriots as perhaps any in theUnited States. Mr A L, you are fully sensible was most indefatigable insupporting our Cause in England. By penetrating into the Designs of amost unprincipled Court, he was able to give us the most timely andimportant Intelligence, which he did at the Risque of his Life; whileMr D was, in the Opinion of some of his own Countrymen as well asothers, of a doubtful political Character. Mr Lee continued to transmitto our Friends in France as well as to Congress before he left England, the most accurate Accounts of things there. Such was the opinionentertaind by Congress of his Abilities his Integrity, his Zeal andAttachment to his Country which indeed had been long experiencd, thathe was employd as a most useful & necessary Man. The vigilant Eye of soconsistent a Patriot, may be formidable to a Combination of political &Commercial Men, who may be aiming to get the Trade, the Wealth, thePower and the Government of America into their own Hands. He musttherefore be hunted down; and the young as well as the old Hounds areall ready for the Game. Adieu, 1 Ralph Izard. Cf. Wharton, Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence, Vol. I, p. 589. 2 William Lee. Cf. . , Ibid. , p. 586. TO SAMUEL COOPER. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] Jany 6 -79 MY DEAR SIR I wrote to you on the 3d Inst by Express and then promisd to writeagain by the first good Opportunity. The Bearer of this Letter is ayoung Gentleman of your Country who is passing thro this place in hisway home. He appears sensible, tells me he was educated at H. College, has since studied Physick, was taken at Sea & carried into England, wasliberated or made his Escape & went over to France, from Paris he wentto Dunkirk on the Encouragement of Mr Dean & enterd Surgeon on boardthe Revenge Sloop, built by order of a Come of Congress authorizdthereto & at the Continental Expense, and till lately supposd to haveever since remaind Continental Property, but now so invelopd inpolitical Commercial Mystery as that it cannot be ascertaind whethershe is ownd by the United States or private Persons, or whether she isthe property partly publick & private. I will tell you more of thisMatter when the Mystery shall be unraveld if it ever is; in the meantime remember my dear Sir what I said in my last of commercialCombinations. In the latter End of 75 one of the Characters in my last was left outof the Delegation of the Colony he had represented, and a Number of hisFriends gave him a sort of Certificate or Letter of Recommendation asthey had before done to one of your Delegates, 1 which led me to thinkit was their Opinion he needed a Prop in his own Country. Soon after, the Congress appointed a secret Committee of Commerce, with a View ofprocuring from abroad the necessary Articles for carrying on the War. They also appointed a secret Committee of Correspondence. TheirBusiness was to form political Connections abroad & to feel thepulsations of foreign Powers & particularly France. The first of theseCommittees engagd Mr ------ to go to that Kingdom for the purpose of theirCommission & the Corresponding Come took the Advantage of his intendedResidence there to facilitate the salutary Purpose of theirAppointment. At the same Time they wrote a Letter to Mr ---- then in Englandfrom whom the Congress had before receivd the most accurateIntelligence, requesting a Correspondence with him & pledging Secrecy &Confidence. Mr ---- arrivd in France in June 76. Thus you see we had anIntelligencer to let us know what was doing or meditating against us inEngland; and a political Commercial Agent who was to inform us what wasdoing or could be done for us in France. The one had before settled aCorrespondence & formd Connections in several parts of the Continent ofEurope & particularly France; the other was a perfect Stranger in everyNation in Europe, but bearing Letters to considerable Men there. Theone was altogether the political Man, the other had to do with Commerceas well as politicks. The one by his Address obtaind in England suchAssurances as satisfied him that France would afford such Aid toAmerica as she could consistently, the other was better skilld in thecommercial Part of his Agency than the political. The one in London inthe Months of March and April discoverd that he might successfully &actually did treat with a Merchant in France of no Capital but afavorite at Court for a Supply to the Value of L200, 000 sterling--the otherarrivd in the Month of June following, found him out & was somehowconcernd in forwarding the Supplys thus contracted for. I dare say youare apt to draw this Conclusion that the one was the politicalNegotiator in this Instance & the other the Commercial Agent only--yet, will you believe it, it is positively affirmd that the one did everything & the other Nothing. I will explain it to you in my next. 1 Cf. Vol. III. , p. 269. TO SAMUEL COOPER. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] Jany 19-79 MY DEAR SIR Inclosd is the Newspaper of this Day. Philalethes in attempting to showthat the Supplys from France were not a Present from that Court, whichnobody that I know of has asserted, has abundantly proved one thingwhich Common Sense has insisted on viz that A Lee had been negociatingwith Mr Beaumarchais for those Supplys, before Mr Dean arrivd there. Noone I suppose would have thought of weighing Mr Deans Merit socritically, had he appeard content with his full Share of it. But whenhe takes so much Pains to represent his Colleagues as having doneNothing, it becomes a Piece of Justice to enquire whether they have inReality been such unconcernd or impotent Spectators of their CountrysMisery and Want. Dr Franklin has the Honor of being Mr Deans venerableFriend; Mr Lee, an insignificant or troublesome Colleague. And yet MaryJohnsons assiduous Applications procurd the sending a Ship loaded withMerchandise & Stores to the Value of twenty five Thousand PoundsSterling; and this Negociation was settled before Mr Deans Arrival inFrance. Mr Lee acted as the political Minister. He pressd on MrBeaumarchais "the maintaining the War in America as the great Object. "And indeed it was so. Mr Lee and every Man of Discernment knew, that itwas the Policy of France to consider it in this View. On thisConsideration he succeeded, and yet, says Mr Beaumarchais, "theGratitude of Congress is due to the indefatigable Pains Mr Dean hastaken thro' the whole of the Commercial Transaction. " The Truth is, asI suppose, that Mr Dean did not care to return without some such Letterof Recommendation; and it was probably as easily obtaind as the otherwhich I mentiond in my last. Mr Beaumarchais is a Man of Ingenuity &Wit. Horace was the Delight of the Court of Augustus. A Royal Letter &a Snuff Box, as I once told one of my Friends, are Things of Course, especially in the Honey Moon of National Matrimony. A Monarch politelycompliments thro' the Minister the Ministers Sovereign. When theMerchant and the Courtier unite in one Man, the Courtier is safe inimitating his Master, and pays his Compliment in the Stile & Manner ofthe Merchant. Mr Deans Friends are in hopes he will be sent to Holland as a Rewardfor his good Services, from whence he may probably send or bringanother mercantile Letter of Recommendation. Doubtless deep CommercialConnections may be formd there. They are willing Mr J A should go toSpain. The Design of this is to get Mr A L removd from thence. Othersare for sending Mr A to Holland leaving Mr L in Spain, to whoseInfluence in that Country our Armies are indebted for Supplys ofBlanketts Shoes and Stockins. I am sorry to be obligd to think, that aMonopoly of Trade, and not the Liberty of their Country, is the soleObject of some Mens Views. This is the Cake which they hope shortly toslice and share among themselves. Adieu, TO JONATHAN TRUMBULL. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILAD Feb 6 -79 SIR The Marine Come have done themselves the Honor of writing to you bythis Post. The great Dammage which has been done to the Trade at theSouthward & particularly Chessapeak Bay by the Enemies Privateers hascausd such pressing Demands for the Aid of our Ships of War as laid usunder the Necessity of ordering the Queen of france immediately on aCruize that Way. This I mention as a Reason why she could not beemployd with the Confederacy & the other Ships but her Destination willremain a Secret. I hope the Expedition proposd by your Excy & agreed to by the Come willbe performd in 2 or 3 Days, for I fear if it should be known to theEnemy, not only the desired Event wd be prevented but there would bedanger of our losing our Ships. I have only time to beg the favor of your Excy to forward the inclosdby the first Oppty by the post or otherwise. TO JOHN WINTHROP. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADE Feb 6 1779 MY DEAR SIR I have receivd your favor of the 21st of January. Every Body sees thatthe Depreciation of the Paper Currency is owing to the Floods of itwhich have been necessarily issued. In Addition to which a greatQuantity more especially of the Emissions of 20 May 1777 & 11 April1778 has been counterfeited. This last Consideration was sufficientInducement to the calling out of Circulation all the Bills of thoseEmissions as speedily as possible. The lessening the Quantity inCirculation is the only Means of restoring the Value & Credit of theRemainder. It would therefore be a happy Event if every possessor ofthem would receive Loan Office Certificates for them instead of newBills in June next but this cannot be expected. In proportion as thismay be done the only effectual Means, besides that of taxing which Ihope will be chearfully submitted to by the People, of remedying thegreat Evil will have its effect. Congress have not cried down thoseEmissions, as the Expression is or resolvd that the Bills should sinkin the Hands of those who would not exchange them for Loan OfficeCertificates, as has been done in the Eastern States. This might havebeen too harsh a Remedy. They have left it in the Option of thePossessors to receive either such Certificates or new Bills. This isthe obvious Intention of their Resolutions on the Subject. The Wish ofevery discerning honest Man must be as obvious, viz that as many of theBills may sink in the Loan Offices as the People can possibly spare, and as soon as possible. I think therefore you have judgd right oftheir Views. It would be an Act of Charity and a great Service to thepublick if those who can afford to put their Money to Interest wouldease their poorer fellow Citizens who are possessd of those Bills, byexchanging them for other Bills without a Discount. I am &c, TO SAMUEL ALLYNE OTIS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library] PHILADE Feby 10 1779 DEAR SIR The late Mr Andrews before his sudden & unexpected Death had written toa young Kinsman of mine in this place, Mr Richard Checkley, proposingto him to go to Boston with a View of employing him in his Warehouse. Iknow not whether Mr A intended to employ him in his own separateAffairs or in those in which he was joyntly concernd with you for thepublick. Mr C had not heard of his Death till he was just about settingoff on his Journey to Boston when I informd him of it. He is a youngMan who, I am told, bears a good Character and is used to Business. Ifyou can employ him it will be doing him a singular Benefit and I shallacknowledge it as a great favor. I ask it only on this Condition, thatit may be perfectly consistent with your Views. I am with CordialEsteem, Sir yr hble Servt TO JAMES WARREN. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADE Feb 12 -79 MY DEAR SR Will you be so kind as to present my due Regards to Mrs Warren and lether know that immediately on my receiving her Letter for Miss Wray Ideliverd it to the Care of my worthy Friend Colo Laurens who has sinceinformd me that he has forwarded it in his own Packet to South Carolina. I have lately written several Letters to my Friend Dr C & have informdhim that you & he & Mr S are my only confidential Correspondents inBoston. I have other trusty Friends there, but I have not Leisure towrite to them all. I have expressd my wish that the honest & virtuousFriends of our Country would cultivate a cordial Esteem for each other. I am affraid there are little Jealousies among them which prevent theiruniting their Councils and Efforts against that Inundation of LevityVanity Luxury Dissipation & indeed Vice of every kind which I aminformd threatens that Country which has heretofore stood withunexampled Firmness in the Cause of Liberty and Virtue. This Torrentmust be stemmed, and in order to do it effectually, there must beAssociations of Men of unshaken Fortitude. A general Dissolution ofPrinciples & Manners will more surely overthrow the Liberties ofAmerica than the whole Force of the Common Enemy. While the People arevirtuous they cannot be subdued; but when once they lose their Virtuethey will be ready to surrender their Liberties to the first externalor internal Invader. How necessary then is it for those who aredetermind to transmit the Blessings of Liberty as a fair Inheritance toPosterity, to associate on publick Principles in Support of publickVirtue. I do verily believe, and I may say it inter Nos, that thePrinciples & Manners of N Engd, producd that Spirit which finally hasestablishd the Independence of America; and Nothing but oppositePrinciples and Manners can overthrow it. If you are of my Mind, and Ithink you are, the Necessity of supporting the Education of our Countrymust be strongly impressd on your Mind. It gives me the greatestConcern to hear that some of our Gentlemen in the Country begin tothink the Maintenance of Schools too great a Burden. I wish they couldhear the Encomiums that are given to N Engd by some of the mostsensible & publick spirited Gentlemen in the southern States, for theCare & Expence which have been freely borne by our Ancestors & continued to this time for the Instruction of youth. Virginia is duly sensibleof the great Importance of Education, and, as a friend in that Countryinforms me, has lately adopted an effectual Plan for that necessaryPurpose. If Virtue & Knowledge are diffusd among the People, they willnever be enslavd. This will be their great Security. Virtue & Knowledgewill forever be an even Balance for Powers & Riches. I hope ourCountrymen will never depart from the Principles & Maxims which havebeen handed down to us from our wise forefathers. This greatly dependsupon the Example of Men of Character & Influence of the present Day. This is a Subject my Heart is much set upon. But I fear I have weariedyour Patience. I will conclude with my most ardent Prayer that our lastDays may be our best Days and our last Works our best Works. Adieu my dear Friend, Pay my due Regards to your Circle in Plymouth. Are you intimate with MrD. I mentiond him to you in a former Letter as an excellent Republican. TO THE BOARD OF WAR AT BOSTON. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILAD Feb 16 1779 GENTN I recd your Letr of 27 Jan and immediately communicated such of theContents as relate to your Application to the Govr of N Y, to theDelegates of that State. They assured me that the Govrs refusing togrant a Permit to Mr Shepperd for the Transportation of Flour fromthence must have been owing to the real & very great Scarcity of thatArticle there; and they desired me to satisfy you in that point, fearing that it mt be supposd to arise from other Motives. I willconsult with my Colleagues and if any Means can be used by us to ensureSuccess to your Application from that Quarter you may depend upon ourExertion. I am inclined to think that Govr C, who in my Opinion is a truly goodMan, is apprehensive of being imposd upon by Speculators, unless heuses great Caution; and he may perhaps not be fully apprisd of yourasking under the express Authority & Commission of Massachusetts State. And yet I shd suppose your Letter to him would have been sufficientwithout authenticated Documents manifesting your Appointment. SouthCarolina is at so great a Distance that no Interposition of ours couldavail, if it were necessary in the present Instance; but I am ofOpinion there will be no Difficulty there in Case your Vessel arrives, the Embargo being over. I will write to Mess P in B & endeavor, shdthere be any obstructions there to get them removd. A Come of Con haveunder Consideration a Letter from the Council of M B1 on the Subject ofprovisions, & I am informd they are ready to make Report. If any thing shd occur which will make it expedient for me to write youfurther I shall not omit the first Oppty. In the mean time I am &c, TO SAMUEL COOPER. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILAD Feb 21-79 MY DEAR SIR By the last Post I sent to Mr W C2 some Extracts from an extraordinaryLetter which I hope he has receivd. I think our Apprehensions arethereby strengthned, of an intended Monopoly of all the Trade and I mayadd of the richest Lands in America. The private & publick Letters ofmy Friend on the other side of the Atlantick having honestly statedFacts and led to important Discoveries, have renderd him an object ofthe hottest Resentment of interrested Men. I protest to you solemnlythat the warm Affection I feel for a Man whom I never saw, is foundedin a thorough Conviction of his long and unremitted Attachment to theInterests of America & of Mankind. But I will leave this Subject forthe present. The Spring advances, and very probably some new Overtures may soon bemade, if it is only to feel the Pulse of America. Perhaps there may bea real Design in the British Cabinet to propose Terms of Accommodation. We ought then to be previously thoughtful of so serious and momentous aSubject. I have Reason to think that Britain finds herself perplexd inthe forming of Alliances and procuring Resources to her Satisfaction. She has repeatedly and in vain applied to Russia first for Ships of War& then for Troops. Her disappointment may be owing to the superiorPolicy of France, who by interesting Russia as well as her self in theAffairs of Prussia & the Empress of Germany may have made it improperfor Russia to take any Measure which might tend to involve Europe inWar. I am affraid if we should be seriously engagd in negociating aPeace, there would be an intemperate pressing from without Doors for aspeedy Conclusion, which would precipitate the Affair to ourDisadvantage. It is probable that Peace may be the desireable Object inall the Courts in Europe while they are making the necessaryArrangements and preparing for War if that shd be the Event. If Britainshould refuse to acknowledge the Independence of America a War withFrance & Spain wd probably ensue and the flame would spread. In thatCase, Britain might be obligd so far to withdraw her Troops fromAmerica as to leave it in our power with the Spirit of Enterprize tomake such Acquisitions as wd ensure a safe & lasting Peace. But ifEurope shall remain quiet & Britain with the Acknowledgmt of ourIndependence shd pro pose Terms of Accommodation, would it be safe forAmerica to leave Canada, Nova Scotia & Florida in her hands. I do notfeel my self at a LOSS to answer this Question; but I wish to befortified with the Sentiments of my judicious Friends. You may easilydiscern that I write this Letter in the utmost Hurry. Adieu. 1 Massachusetts Bay. 2 William Cooper. TO MRS. ADAMS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADE March 7-1779-- MY DEAR BETSY Yesterday your obliging Letter of the 3d of February was deliverd to meby Mr Hoskins. I thank you for the Concern you express for my Health, which through the Divine Favor I again enjoy as usual. The Advice yougive me on this Head shall be duly regarded. Your Wish that I would resign the Office of Secretary perfectlycoincides with my own Inclination. I never sought for that or any otherPlace. Indeed I never was pleasd with it, for Reasons which you are notunacquainted with. I am very sorry for Mr ---- that he should treat me withUnkindness. I never gave any just occasion for it; but if he was bid todo it, how could he disobey? I heartily forgive him, for I do verilybelieve it did not proceed from the Malevolence of his Heart. To do himJustice I must say he is a good naturd Man, and would do the Duties ofthat office better than I should. But if he depends upon the Interestof a certain popular Gentleman he may be disappointed; for he proposdlast Summer to Mr L, who mentiond it to me with a generous Disdain. Buta Change of Place oftentimes induces a Change of Opinion, and even aPromise made in York Town or Philadelphia, may be forgot in the Hurryof Affairs in Boston. I do not think Mr A. Is my Enemy; or if he is, Iam under no great Apprehensions from it. There are others who are ofmuch more Consideration, at least in their own Estimation than he; andeven these might upon certain Conditions be made my Friends. I mean asmuch my Friends as they are or can be to one another. A few flatteringSpeeches to this Man, and a Promise to that, of a Vote & Interest tokeep him snug in the Possession of Places & Emoluments wouldeffectually secure their gracious Smiles. But who would condescend tosuch Baseness for the Friendship of any Man? Let those who can do this, enjoy the Fruits of it. I do not covet them upon such Terms. I shouldbecome contemptible in my own Eyes; and you know that I had rather bedespisd by all the World, hard as my Fate would be, than to beconscious to my self that I deservd Contempt. I receivd a Letter a few Days ago from France dated the 7th ofDecember, in which my patriotick Friend Arthur Lee is mentiond in Termsof the highest Confidence and Respect. I will give you the followingExtracts. --" Your old Friend is a Man of Honor and Integrity "--" He has beenof Opinion that the publick Money has been too freely issued here, andhas often opposd it. "--"Insinuations, I have been told, have been made atCourt against him, that he was too friendly to the English, too muchattachd to Lord Shelburne, and even that he corresponded with hisLordship and communicated Intelligence to him. This, whoever suggestedit, I am perfectly confident was a cruel Calumny, and could not havemade Impression, if his Colleagues had contradicted it in the Manneryou and I should have done. You and I have had Opportunity to know hisinvariable Attachment to our Cause long before Hostilities commencd;and I have not a Colour of Ground for Suspicion that from that time tothis he has deviated an Iota from the Cause of his Country, in ThoughtWord or Deed. When he left England, or soon after, he wrote a Letter ofmere Compliment to his Lordship, a mere Card to bid him farewell, andreceivd such another in Return; which he assures me are all the Lettersthat ever passd between them, and I have not a Doubt of the Truth ofit"--"Some of the Gentlemen of Character who are now in America from thisCountry, particularly the ---- and ----, it is to be feard, have had Prejudicesinsinuated into them against your old Correspondent. I am extremelysorry for this, because I think it is against a worthy Character, andbecause I think it will be likely to have unhappy Effects both with youand abroad. " You may show the foregoing Extracts to such of my Confidential Friendsas you think proper. They are the Sentiments of one in whom they havegreat Confidence, and may serve to convince them that the Insinuationsof Mr Dean though artfully made and designed to prejudice theReputation of an honest Man, are groundless, and that Dr Lee, who tookan early decided and active Part in this glorious Contest, continuesthe consistent Patriot. Your Letters my dear, cannot come to me too frequently. Remember me tomy Daughter, Sister Polly, Brother Tommy and other Friends, and beassured that I am most affectionately your March 9th TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] Mar 9 [1779] Mr L will write you fully by this Oppty. I take up my pen chiefly tolet you know that I am in the Land of the Living and bear youaffectionately on my Mind. While I am in this World I am resolvd thatno Vexation shall put me out of Temper if I can possibly commandmyself. Even old Age which is making Strides towards me shall notprevail to make me peevish. I find that an older Man than I am, can inthe apparent Coolness of Mind, stabb a dreaded Rival to the Vitals. HisWords are like Honey, but there is a large Mixture of Poison. You whoare in the Midst of Life & Usefulness, do not expect to escape theenvenomd Shaft, but you have always the Cure at hand, Moderation, Fortitude & Prudence. It matters little what becomes of an old worn outServt in this World. He has his foot on the Grave & with Pleasure viewsit. But the virtuous Patriot, who is in the full Exercise of the Powersof Body & Mind, shall have my remaining feeble Voice in his Support agtthe insidious Enemy of him & Mankind. I have said eno on this Head, &have not time to begin a new Subject. Adieu. TO BENJAMIN AUSTIN. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADE Mar 9--79 MY DEAR SIR Mr Hoskins who arrivd here a few days ago, was kind enough to deliverto me your favor of the 7th of Feb. It gave me a particular pleasure, because I was convincd that you had not totally forgot your old Friend. You see, I rank myself among your friends. HOW often have we chattedtogether by the fire side, and settled essential Points to mutualSatisfaction. Yet we have not always thought alike of Men who haveconducted the noble Contest for the Rights of our Country, which wehave been & are still engagd in. I congratulate my Countrymen on ourhaving thus far got through the Conflict, but we are still engagd init. And I repeat it, because while too many of our Countrymen areflattering themselves with the airy Prospect of Peace, Britain, if wemay credit our latest & best Accounts from Europe, is preparing for avigorous Campaign. It is prudent for us to enquire of the Watchman Whatof the Night? The Caution given us on another occasion may withpropriety be adapted to this. Be ye ready; lest when the Time of Dangerapproaches, ye be found distracted with the eager Pursuit of Riches, orsleeping in the delusive Lap of pleasure & Dissipation. But this is aDigression from the intended Subject of my Letter. You ask my opinionof two Men who have lately appeard on the publick Stage; and with yourusual Frankness, express your own opinion without a Doubt, thatCongress will soon convince the one of his Folly & the other of hisWeakness. But have you not misunderstood the Characters of these Men?Has not the first by his artful Address conceald his Weakness from thepub-lick Eye, while the other, by an improper Use of the Weapons in hishands, has given Advantage to his Adversary, and thereby discoverd hisFolly. Mr Dean had in his first Publication said so much as to make itnecessary that some other Person should say more. Common Senseundertook the Task and producd stubborn & undeniable facts, but notcontenting himself with relating such facts only as were pertinent tohis Argument he gave occasion to the Swarms of Writers against him toavail themselves, by diverting the Attention of his Readers from theproper Point. I will mention an Instance. After he had provd to theSatisfaction of every one, that the Cannon & Stores forwarded toAmerica by Mr Deane, had been negociated by Mary Johnson & Beaumarchaisbefore his Arrival in France, and consequently that the Merit of theNegociation did not belong to Mr Dean, what Necessity was there forCommon Sense to mention them as a Present? It was nothing to hispurpose; and it was too delicate a Subject for him to touch upon, or toattempt to prove if it had been true. His prudence therefore and evenhis Veracity was called in Question by his Adversaries, and hisAuthority & Influence as a Writer of facts lessend. The faithfulHistorian however, will hereafter unfold the secret Politicks of thepresent Day. The Newspaper Writings of these two Men, have drawn notonly the Conduct but the Characters of others into Dispute. Had Mr Deanbeen only called upon explicitly to state his Charges, if he had any, against Dr Lee, I believe he would not have attempted it, and aScrutiny of any Mans Character but his own would have been unnecessary. Although he has insinuated many things against the Doctor, & steppdaside from the Line of Propriety & Decency to bring in Invective, yet Ido not recollect that he has explicitly criminated him in either, nordo I believe it is in his Power. If no one steps forward to accuse him, why should his Integrity be doubted? Why should you, my Friend, expressyourself in so languid a Tone, "I cant yet but have a great opinion ofDr Lee, " and "rather than the Cause of America should be betrayd Iwould give up the dearest Connections I have on Earth. " Has Dr Leeforfeited the good opinion you "always had" of him? Do you doubt hisIntegrity & Attachment to the Cause of America? Has any one chargd himwith Mal Conduct? Shall the mere Insinuations & angry Reflections of adisappointed Man lessen your good opinion of one whom you know to havebeen, early, decided, active, persevering and inflexible in the Causeof America? If this should be the prevailing Disposition, what honestMan will be safe? The consistent Patriot, after having endurd Fatigue &Danger for the Establishment of publick Liberty, would find himselfstill in the greatest Perils among his own Countrymen. I will saynothing decisively of Mr Dean at present; but I would assure you of onething, that were I connected with Dr Lee as a publick Man, andconscious of my own Tardiness, I should think I had every thing toapprehend, not from a peevish, fretful Temper with which interrestedMen have attempted to stigmatize him, but from his stern Virtue andRepublican Jealousy. I may be partial to Dr Lee. I confess I feel thestrongest Obligation to him, for the eminent Services he renderd toAmerica when he was in England, and to the Massachusetts Bay inparticular. I hope my Countrymen are not all ungrateful. Some of them, I have been taught to believe are so; otherwise the publick Characterof an old Servant would not have been aspersd, nor wd it have beensaid, as I am informd it has, that he had been bribd to desert hisCountry. It is his honorable Lot to have Enemies. Honorable, because heflatters himself his Enemies are among the weak & the wicked. I leavemy own Character, under God, in the Care of my virtuous fellowCitizens. I will contend for Dr Lees, because I am his Friend; and I amhis friend, because I have long had abundant Reason to be convincd thathe is a Friend to our Country. I have said I may be thought partial tohim. Be pleasd then to take the Testimony of another, and show it tohis Friends and his Enemies. "Your old friend, says one, is a Man ofHonor and Integrity. " "He has been of opinion that the publick Monieshave been too freely issued here, & has often opposd it. " Let me remarkhere that it is no Wonder he has exposd himself to the Resentment of aMan thro whose hands the Chief of the money passed. "Insinuations, Ihave been told, have been made at Court against your old friend that hewas too friendly to the English, too much attachd to Ld Shelburne &even that he corresponded with his Lordship & communicated Intelligenceto him. This, whoever suggested it, I am perfectly confident was acruel Calumny. You and I have had opportunity to know his invariableAttachment to our Cause long before Hostilities commencd & I have not aColor of Ground for Suspicion that from that time to this he hasdeviated from the Cause of his Country in Thought Word or Deed. " You may tell the Friends of Virtue and Liberty, that the Letter fromwhich the foregoing Extracts are taken was written to me by one in whomthey have always very justly placed great Confidence. I couldtranscribe more Passages which mention Dr Lee as "a worthy Character, "the unwarrantable Lengths to which the Animosities of interrested Menhave been carried against him, & the Inveteracy of many Subaltern &collateral Characters but I think I have given enough to satisfy everyreasonable Man. Adieu. TO MRS. ADAMS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers. Lenox Library. ] PHILADA Mar 23 1779 MY DEAR BETSY In Answer to a part of yours of the 20th of Feb. Which I overlookd, Iwill transcribe an Extract of a Letter which I wrote last December tothe Council of Massachusetts State. You may show it to my Friends &inform that I am still determind to return to Boston in April orMay--there to resign the place I hold as Secretary and to get my selfexcusd from any further Service here. No "Bribe" shall prevail on me todesert my Country. I will still exert my poor Abilities in her Service. But as I am satisfied that there are others who are much more capableof serving her in this Department than I am, I may be allowd to say, that after near five years absense from my Family, and in a Climateunfriendly to my Health. I have Reason to expect I may be permitted tospend the Remainder of my Days in my native Place and enjoy thePleasures of domestick Life. There, I shall on all occasions contributemy Mite in promoting the Peace and Prosperity of my fellow Citizens. Intheir Service, I began my political Race. I have ever kept theirInterest in View. It will never be in my Power to render them much moreService; but my best Wishes for them will be coequal with my Life. I do not think my Countrymen are ungrateful; but I am affraid there isa Faction among them, consisting of a few Men, who are under theDominion of those Passions which have been the Bane of Society in allAges--Ambition and Avarice. I wish their Number may not increase. They arecongenial Spirits with Hutchinson and those who aimd at grasping Wealthand Power. America, when she was wise, was jealous of such Designs. Sheopposd them though they were backd with the Wealth and Power of GreatBritain. Such Kind of Men do me great Honor as they ever have done inbeing my Enemies. While such Men exist, and I believe they ever will inthis World of Vanity, an honest Man would feel mortified indeed, tohave it said that all Men spoke well of him. These Men hate, but Iwould not believe them if they were to say, they despisd the Man whoseIntegrity they cannot shake. They dread, but they cannot despise him ofwhom they entertain an opinion, that he is a virtuous Citizen. --I do notcovet their Esteem. They are not among the Multitude of my Brethren, ofwhom I should count it an Honor to be accepted. The Eclat of the Worldis Vanity. There is a solid Satisfaction in ones having, and beingconscious that he merits the good opinion of Men of true Discernmentand real Worth. But to have a Name among the weak and the wicked isShame and Reproach. Adieu my Dear. I hope to see you shortly, and thenI will explain to you why I have written in this Strain. TO JAMES WARREN. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADE March 23 1779 MY DEAR SIR I am to acknowledge the Receipt of your Favor of the 12th & 28th ofFeby. The Letter you mention in the former came to hand, but I am aptto think it will have no Effect at all. There was an omission in theNavy Boards not having Notice officially of the inclosd Resolution ofCongress, but I hope the Delay has not been attended with any materialInconvenience. I do sincerely hope the General Assembly will appoint another Person totake my place here. I wrote a Letter to them last December, requestingthat I might be relievd by one of my absent Colleagues or some otherGentleman, & permitted to return to my Family in the Spring. I find myHealth declining, and the Air of this Country is unfriendly to it. I amtherefore steadfastly determind to get my self excusd in April or Mayat farthest. In doing this, I shall immediately make Room for an ablerMan. Such may easily be found, and, I hope, prevaild upon to come. Ishall also gratify those whose Hearts are bent upon my Removal, andshall save them Abundance of Pains in making their Interest to effectit. These Men agree with me, if in Nothing else, in wishing mostcordially for my Retirement from publick Business. Perhaps they wouldchuse to have me recalled with Disgrace. I hope this is not in theirPower; though I think I could bear even that with becoming Fortitude, for I am conscious that I do not deserve to be disgracd by my Country, and can be happy in the Reflections of my own Mind. The Arts they makeuse of are contemptible. Last year, as you observe, I was an Enemy toGeneral Washington. This was said, to render me odious to the People. The Man who fabricated the Charge did not believe it himself. When heendeavord to make others believe it, he attempted to injure me byimposing upon them. His own Heart must therefore reproach him withcomplicated Acts of Injustice, and if he has any Feeling he mustdespise himself. If I indulgd the Spirit of Revenge, could I wish formore? NOW, you tell me, their Art is, to prejudice the People againstthe Lees, and propagate that I am a Friend to them. HOW trifling isthis? Am I accountable to the People for my opinions of Men? If I havefound from long & intimate Acquaintance with those Gentlemen, that theyare, and have been from the Beginning of this Contest, among the mostable & zealous Defenders of the Rights of America and Mankind, shall Inot be their Friend? I will avow my Friendship to them in the Face ofthe World. As an Inhabitant of Massachusetts Bay, I should think myself ungrateful, not to esteem Arthur Lee most highly, for hisvoluntary Services to that State, in Times of her greatest Necessity, to the Injury of his private Interest, and at the Risque of his Life. Adieu my Friend. March 24--79 The Bearer of this Letter being prevented setting off by a Storm, Ihave had Time to transcribe the inclosd Extracts. They were written tome, as you will observe, in Confidence. I think I am warranted incommunicating them to you, because I know the Writer has as muchConfidence in your Prudence & Discretion as in mine, if not more. And Ido not see how I can better use them for the purpose he intended insending them to me, than by sending them to you. The Parts which aredescriptive of the Weakness, or if you think more proper, the reservedCaution of Age, you will judge prudent to keep secret for the present. There are some of our Friends, who, having so long habituatedthemselves to admire the Wisdom of the Philosopher cannot easily beperswaded to believe, that in the different Character of a Politician, he may be liable to human Frailties at the Age of more than three scoreand ten. Those Parts which may serve to set Dr Lee in his trueCharacter of an honest & diligent Servant of the publick, you will makeUse of for that Purpose. For it is of equal Importance that theFidelity of one or the Treachery of another, in the service of thepublick, should be made known. A Man of inflexible Republican Virtuecannot but incur both the Dread & the Hatred of those whoare--ambitious--desirous of making Fortunes--artful and enterprizing--especially ifmuch of the publick Money has passd, unaccounted for, through theirHands. Mr Dean would have the World believe that Dr Lee is a dishonestMan & a Traitor. The Writer of these Extracts, who has had fullOpportunity of enquiring, says, he is "a Man of Integrity and Honor, "--"aworthy Character"--"invariably attachd to the Cause of America. " I aminclind to think, that no honest & sensible Man who is acquainted withboth will hesitate to determine, which of their Opinions to rely upon, or which of them in the present Case ought to be supposd the impartialJudge. Adieu. TO JAMES LOVELL. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] March 26 Mess Otis and Henley are under a Difficulty which I wish mt have yourAttention, and that you wd consult our Brother Mr Gerry to whom theyhave written on the Subject. In Consequence of the most pressingLetters from the Board of War, they have lately purchasd a Quantity ofWoolen Goods at 5 Months Credit, to be paid for in Currency at 75 forone provided Bills on Europe continue at 25, otherwise is thatProportion. They consulted the most judicious and publick spiritedMerchants upon Change who thought it an advantageous Bargain. But theBoard of War in a Letter to them say they hope & expect they have gotrid of the Bargain. To insist upon this would seem hard and unjust, andto leave the Matter to be settled at a distant Time would be precariousand unsafe for them. I hope Gentlemen with you do not look upon them asthat Kind of Men who seek publick Employment without any View ofserving the Publick. They are Men of Honor and Reputation; and as suchthey expect to fullfil the Contracts they make, and they ought to besupported by their Employers. A Prize is arrivd in Salem taken by one of our Privateers, said to haveon board 1500 bls of Flour, 1400 bls of Beef and Pork, besides dryGoods. Mrs A made a Visit to Mrs L a day or two ago & informd me that yourFamily were in Health. They are shortly to move into the House of SWaterhouse an Absentee. TO JAMES LOVELL. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] Mar 27 The Gentn of the Medical Departmt have diverse Times applied toCongress for Consideration on Accot of the depreciating Currency. Itappears to me that they are as much intitled to it, as the officers ofthe Line; for altho they may not run Risques in the fighting Way, theyvery probably do, equally, in the Midst of putrid Fevers &c. Those ofthem who are the Subjects of this State, have applied to the GeneralAssembly; and tho ample Provision is made for officers & Soldiers, noProvision is made for them, because they are not considerd as Part ofthe Quota of this State. I wish you would take this Matter under yourConsideration. This is the first Time I have ever interposd in behalfof that Department. I have hitherto refraind on Account of my Sonsbeing one, whom I early cautiond not to expect any Advantage, as aServant of the Publick from his Connection with me. TO JAMES LOVELL. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] March 30 Capt Paul Jones, it is supposd may be now in Philadelphia in Command ofthe Alliance. If Congress will recollect the Mannagemt of the CutterRevenge commanded by Cunningham, which I imagine has not been cleard upto this Day & probably never will be, they will think it just to thePublick and necessary that Enquiry shd be made, while Jones is on theSpot, concerning the Squadron lately under his Command. Whether it wasfitted out at the Expence of the Publick either french or american orjoyntly by both. Or whether it was a Project of private Men so artfullycontrivd & conducted as that they can declare the property to be eitherpublick or private as may best suit their Interest. Landais is esteemdhere a good Commander & an honest Man. But he is left in France &cannot inform you any thing about it. And whether the Character whichJones has given to all his officers (Landais only excepted) may operateas a Bribe, may be worth your particular Vigilance. The Reputation ofour Navy, to say Nothing of the Honor of Congress which ought never tobe suspected, will suffer, if our Seamen, after having venturd theirLives in cruizing upon the Enemy in Europe should return to Americawithout receiving their Prize Money, & be told [here] that no oneknows, whether the Vessels into which they inlisted were publick orprivate Property, tho they were taught to believe in Europe they wereownd & commissiond by the United States. If [our] Ministers or Agentsabroad either with or without special Direction of Congress shall thinkit proper to employ our Ships of War (which has been the Case of theAlliance at least) in Expeditions or Services in Europe, ought they notto be directed, when the Service is performd, if it cannot be doneconveniently before, to make known the Circumstances & Events toCongress? I am told that a Commodore Gillon has written a Letter to thelate Mr President Jay concerning the attaching the American Ship of WarAlliance to "an amphibious Squadron of french Cruizers, subjecting themto the Orders of Capt Paul Jones and giving Continental Commissions toa Number of french men, who were put upon Court Martials on AmericanCitizens. " And it is apprehended this Information will be withheld fromCongress, because, tho intended to be laid before them, it was notexpressly so desired. It is allowd that Jones has behavd with Bravery;but I think the Expedition with all its Circumstances should be theSubject of thorough & immediate Enquiry. Landais, I am informd is inPrison. He is an officer of Congress, and Congress should know, whetherhe is justly a. . . . TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL OF MASSACHUSETTS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers Lenox Library. ] PHILAD Apr 1 1779 SIR We had the Honor of receiving by the Hands of N1 Gorham Esqr & others aCome of the General Court, your Letter of the 1st of March. Congresshad before considerd the Subject of it and come in to Resolutions whichwe forwarded to you in Season. If any thing further can be done for theReliefe of the Inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay from the Distress theyare under for Want of Bread, the Honble Assembly may rely upon ourutmost Exertions. We have also recd another Letter by Express, inclosing a Resolution of the Assembly relating to the Necessity ofascertaining the Powers of foreign Consuls in the American Ports. Thiswe immediately laid before Congress & the Matter is under theConsideration of a Committee. A Resolution yesterday passd, which directs that the proceedings ofCongress from the first of Jany last, excepting such as require Secrecyfor the present, be publishd with all Dispatch and transmitted weeklyto the Assemblys of the respective States. This will enable us tocomply with a former Instruction with Ease. The printing of theJournals preceding the Time just mentiond, will not be interrupted bythe execution of this Resolution. We are with Sentiments of Duty & Regard to the Gen1 Assembly Sir your most hbl Servts 2 1 Nathaniel Gorham, of Lunenburgh, Mass. On February 27 the House ofRepresentatives appropriated L500 each to Gorham and Ebenezer Wells fortheir expenses while visiting the southern states as a committee of theHouse. 2 Signed by Adams, Gerry, Lovell and Holten, delegates of Massachusettsin the Continental Congress. TO JOHN PITTS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILAD April 27-79 MY DEAR SIR I have recd several of your favors which I have not yet answerd. Youwill not I am sure, impute it to Inattention or Neglect. I have beenoften sick. I have been fatigud with Business, whereby I am becomegreatly indebted to all my Friends in the Epistolary Way. Shortly Ihope to see them when I shall make a satisfactory Apology. Upon whatFoundation do they build their Hopes of Peace? Congress, they say, havereceivd great News. No such thing. There is Nothing I know of worthyour hearing which you have not already heard. Be not amusd by theTales of interrested Politicians, Speculators & Tories. A false Hope ofpeace in the Time of War does a World of Mischiefe. The latest & bestAdvices I have seen mention Britain as breathing Nothing but Revenge. Besides, were we to expect serious Overtures, did a wise Nation everremit; their Exertions at such a Juncture? I hope America willpersevere in this glorious Struggle till she obtains what in Reason sheought to insist upon This you will tell me is saying just Nothing atall Very true; and why should one speak when it is the Time to besilent? At a proper time when I shall have the pleasure of seeing you, I will chat with you upon the Subject. Let me only ask you at present, Is not the Fishery as valueable to America & more so to oldMassachusetts than the Tobacco Fields of the middle States or the RiceSwamps of the South? Ask my old Fd the Hon T C1 what he thinks of the pious Lord Dartmouthnow. Adieu. TO SAMUEL COOPER. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADE April 29, 1779 MY DEAR FRIEND I have not yet acknowledgd your Favors of the 14th & 15th of March. TheSubject of the former is of the last Importance. I have always been ofOpinion that America would be in more Danger in the Point of coming toan Accommodation with Great Britain than in any Stage of the War. Unpracticd as we are in the Business of Treaties and perhaps toounsuspecting of the Intrigues of Courts, we may be led into Conventionswhich may put us into a State of Insecurity while we are nominallyindependent. The Advice which some Persons would affect to give us notto insist upon too much, should be receivd with the greatest Caution. What do they mean by it, and how far wd they have us extend it? If wehad hearkned to such Advice in the Infancy of this Contest, we shouldhave submitted [to] Britain the Right of taxing us, & humblysupplicated her to suspend the Exercise of it. In doing this we mighthave prevented the Horrors of War, & have been her quiet Slaves. NoTerms have yet been proposd by Britain. She possibly may offer themsoon, and her proposals possibly may be insidious & inadmissible. I dobelieve she is at this Moment employing her secret Emissaries to findout the Disposition of America & what would be her Ultimatum. Shouldnot the People then speak the Language which becomes them & assure herthat after so virtuous & successful a Struggle they are determind todemand enough for the Purpose of securing their own internal & externalHappiness. This is the Aim of the Revolution and the Extent of theWishes of our good & great Ally, who I dare affirm, is invariablydetermind not to seperate his Interest from that of America, & tosupport the Cause of the United States as his own. Our Happinessdepends upon Independence. To be prosperous we must have an extensiveTrade. This will require a respectable Navy. Our Ships must be mannd, and the Source of Seamen is the Fishery. Among those who ought to seethe Importance of the Fishery, I am affraid there are some who thinkthat in insisting upon that we should insist upon too much. Nova Scotia& Canada would be a great & permanent Protection to the Fishery. Butthese, say some, are not Parts of the United States, and what Rightshould we have to claim them? The Cession of those Territories wouldprevent any Views of Britain to disturb our Peace in future & cut off aSource of corrupt British Influence which issuing from them, mightdiffuse Mischiefe and Poison thro the States. Will not then thePossession of Nova Scotia & Canada be necessary, if we mean to makePeace upon pacifick Principles? If we are to have no overtures thisyear, and Providence blesses us with the Spirit of Enterprize would itnot be better for us, provided it be practicable, to wrest those Placesfrom the Hands of the Enemy than trust to the Uncertainty of Treaty? Iconfess we have a Choice of Difficulties. I pray God we may surmountthem all! None however reach the Pinnacle of Eminence & Glory but thevirtuous & brave. Adieu my dear Sir. I hope to see & live with youshortly; but I shall expect another Letter from you before I leave thisPlace. 1 Thomas Cushing. THE MARINE COMMITTEE OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. [MS. , Letter Book of the Marine Committee, Library of Congress; a draftis in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] May 26th 1779 SIR Your Excellencys Letter to this committee of the 25th instant togetherwith an Extract from another of the 17th instant to the President ofCongress has been duely considered by the Committee. Unfortunately the situation of our frigates is such as to afford noreason to expect that they can possibly be collected in season toexecute the plan proposed. The Providence of 32 Guns and the Ranger of18 are already ordered on a Cruize and it is supposed must be at Seabefore different orders can reach them at Boston. The Warren of 36 Guns and the Queen of France of 20 have latelyreturned from a Cruize and are unmanned. Although the Naval force ofthe enemy at New York is at present trifleing, yet as their situationin this respect is very fluctuateing they may probably be so reinforcedas to render it too hazardous to risque only the Two frigates in thisRiver viz: the Confederacy of 36 Guns & the Deane of 28 Guns the latterof which wants a great number of hands to make up her complement. Add to this that though the force of the enemy on the water would beinferior to ours, yet might they not retire under cover of theBatteries on shore and receive effectual protection from any annoyancethat could be attempted from the Guns of our small Ships. I am desiredby the Committee to assure you Sir that they shall always be ready withthe greatest alacrity to employ our little fleet in the execution ofsuch plans as may be suggested to them by your Excellency when ourcircumstances shall be such as to render it practicable. I am yr Excellencys Obet Servt 1 1 Signed, "S. Adams, Chn. " TO BENJAMIN HAWES. [MS. , Massachusetts Archives. ] STATE OF MASS. BAY. COUNCIL CHAMBER. July 10th 1779 SIR The Council being informd that a Detachment of Troops destind for theDefence of the State of Rhode Island are waiting at or near the Town ofWrentham ready to march you are directed to forward them and all othersin the like Circumstances within the Limits of your regt to the Placeof their Destination with all possible Dispatch. TO THE NAVY BOARD AT BOSTON. [MS. , Massachusetts Archives. ] STATE OF M B. COUNCIL CHAMBER July 12 1779 To the Honble the Commissioners of the Continental Navy Board GENTLEMEN The Council Board having given orders that the Ships in the Service ofthis State and employed in the present Expedition to Penobscott proceedto Sea upon the Signal given from the Continental Frigate Warren, youare requested to give order to the Commander of the Frigate & otherShips under your Direction to proceed to place of Rendevous alreadyagreed on. In the Name & Behalf of the Council. 1 1 Wholly in the autograph of Adams; the original was signed by JeremiahPowell, President of the Council, as in the case of letters printed onpages 153-155, 158, 160, 161, 162. TO JONATHAN TRUMBULL. [MS. , Massachusetts Archives; a portion of the text is in W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. Iii. , p. 70. ] STATE OF MASS BAY COUNCIL CHAMBER July 13 1779 SIR Your Excellencies Letter of the 11th Current was duly receivd & read inCouncil; in Consequence of which, orders are issued to the Brigadiersof the Counties of Hampshire & Berkshire to detach and forward on underproper officers with all possible Dispatch a Number consisting of onesixth part of their Militia to such place in Connecticutt as your Excyshall appoint & to continue in Service for the Defence of the State ofConnecticutt during the space of one Month after their Arrival at theplace appointed unless they shall be sooner dischargd. It is presumdthat the Aid of one thousand Men at least will be afforded by means ofthis order. The Council very sensibly feel the Distress which the Stateof Connecticutt have already sufferd by the Incursions & Depredationsof a desperate & malicious Enemy, and trust in God that the People ofNew England will be always spirited to exert themselves upon everypressing occasion for the Common Safety & that their Exertions will beattended with the divine Blessing. TO HORATIO GATES. [MS. , Massachusetts Archives; a portion of the text is in W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. Iii. , pp, 70, 71. ] STATE OF MASS BAY COUNCIL CHAMBER July 14 1779 SIR Your Letter of the 12th Instant with its Inclosure has been receivd bythe Council. The Progress of the Enemy into the State of Connecticutt, and the Devastations they have already made in some of the Towns there, require our vigorous Exertions. Orders have been given to forward theTroops destind for the Defence of Rhode Island with all possibleDispatch. And the Commanding officers of the Counties of Hampshire andBerkshire are also directed to detach a Number from their Militia &march them forthwith for the Reliefe of Connecticut!, to such place asGovr Trumbull shall appoint, of which due Notice is forwarded to theGovernor. Should the Enemy, direct their force to Connecticutt or anypart of New Engd & attempt to make that the Seat of the War, thisSummer, Nothing shall be wanting on the part of this Board, to defeattheir Designs. In the Name & behalf of the Council I am---- Sir your most obedient humble Servt TO THE NAVY BOARD AT BOSTON. [MS. , Massachusetts Archives. ] STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY COUNCIL CHAMBER July 14, 1779 To the Hon the Commissioners of the Continental Navy Board GENTLEMEN This Board being duly informd by the Board of War that the Ships &Vessels in Service of this State on the Expedition to Penobscot areready to proceed to Sea upon the proper Signals being given from theFrigate Warren, you are requested to give the necessary order toCaptain Salstonstal as soon as may be. In the Name & Behalf of the Council I am &c TO MESHECH WEARE. 1 [MS. , Massachusetts Archives. ] STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY COUNCIL CHAMBER July 28--1779 SIR It having been suggested to this Board that a Vessel belonging to thesubjects of his Catholick Majesty has been plunderd on the high Seas bythe Captain of a Vessel from Liverpole, suspected to be Capt GeorgeHewet of the Prize Brig Adventure lately brot into this Port--And theBoard being informd that Cap Evans of Portsmouth & his Mate who arrivdhere a few days ago & are since gone to that town can give Informationtouching the same-- It is the Request of this Board that the Honorable theCouncil of New Hampshire will be pleasd to cause a strict Examinationto be made into a Report which is of great Importance to the UnitedStates, as the aforesaid Act of Pyracy is said to have been committedunder American Colours. I am in the name &c TO ARTHUR LEE. [R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. Ii. , pp. 226-228, under date ofAugust 1, 1777. ] BOSTON, Aug. 1st, 1779. It was not till the last week that I received your favour from Nantesof the 6th of March. Our friend Mr. Lovett sent it to me fromPhiladelphia. I resent the treatment you have met with in America withall the feelings of friendship. Among your enemies you may depend uponit there are some of the worst kind of men. I cannot help entertaininga violent suspicion that they are the enemies of their country. I amsure that they cannot at present do a more vital injury to the greatcause of America than by raising the popular jealousy and clamouragainst its earliest, most able, and persevering friends. This they areendeavouring to do not only with regard to you but others; and they aremasters of so much sophistry as to deceive some who, as I think, arenot so wary and suspicious of them as they ought to be. Mr. -------- in the opinionof some of his own party, was injudicious in his publication of the 5thDec. Last. They are at least constrained to say it, whether they thinkso or not. It is the opinion of the best men, I know, that he has donemore mischief than it will ever be in his power to atone for. I neverhad but one opinion of this man since the year 1774, when I first knewhim, and that is, that he is commercial and interested. I believe hehas for a twelvemonth past, thought it his interest to throw us intodivisions and parties, and that he has been as influential in effectingit as any man in America. Interested men, men who are united inpolitics and commercial combinations are and must be his advocates. Perhaps the persons whose names you mention in the last part of yourletter, may be his secret but powerful supporters; I do not pretend toaffirm it. These men most certainly, should preserve their minds freefrom prejudice in disputes of this kind. They should stand totallyunconnected with any party, as they would avoid doing injury to thejoint cause of France and America, and lessening that strong attachmentand mutual confidence between the two nations, which every true friendand subject of both wishes may long subsist. Your letter to the editor of the Leyden Gazette, written upon yourseeing Mr. . . . . 's first publication, fell into my hands a fortnight ago. I published it with a few loose observations in one of our newspapers. I have since had the pleasure of being informed, that you have sent tocongress a reply to Deane's accusations, which has given greatsatisfaction to impartial men. I foresaw soon after his arrival, thatyour lot would be to suffer persecution for a while. This is frequentlythe portion of good men, but they are never substantially injured byit. Our friend and your late colleague, in his letter to me, hasmentioned you in the most honourable as well as the most friendlyterms. I should have written to him by this opportunity, but I am ledby yours to believe that my letter would not reach him. But if heshould be in France when you receive this letter, pray mention myfriendly regards to him, and let him know that his lady and family arein health. The young gentleman who carries this letter is Mr. William Knox, brother to the general, and has the character of an honest friend tothe liberties of his country; your kind notice of him as such willoblige me. I have many things to say to you; but the short notice I have had ofthe sailing of this packet, leaves me no time to add more than toassure you that I am, with perfect sentiments of friendship, yours, &c. 1 President of the Council of New Hampshire. TO SOLOMON LOVELL. 1 [MS. , Massachusetts Archives. ] August 6th 1779 SIR/ The Council not having receivd any Intelligence of the State of theArmy under your Command since your Departure from Boston, areapprehensive that it must have been unluckily intercepted. They havetherefore orderd the Dispatch of an Express to you for the Purpose ofbeing informd from you with the utmost precision of your Scituation &Circumstances, the Information to be forwarded to this Board withoutDelay. There is no News of the Movements of the Enemy that may be dependedupon. You are fully sensible of the Necessity of compleating the Designof this Expedition with all that Speed as well as prudence & Discretionwhich characterizes you as an officer vested with so important aCommand. 1 Brigadier General of the Suffolk County militia. TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL OF MASSACHUSETTS. [MS. , Massachusetts Archives; a text, with modifications, is in W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. Iii. , p. 73. ] PROVIDENCE Augt 10th 1779 SIR I have the Pleasure to acquaint the Honble the Council Board, that Iarrivd here last Evening, and, upon communicating their Request toMajor General Gates, I found him ready, as usual, to afford everyAssistance in his Power, for the Service of the great Cause. He hasorderd Colo Jackson with a Detachment from his Regiment consisting offour hundred Men, to joyn General Level at Penobscot. This Core, I haveReason to believe, both Officers and Privates, will do honor tothemselves & their Country, when an Opportunity shall present. I hadthe Satisfaction of seeing them on their March this Morning at Sunrise, and the Council may expect them in the Neighborhood of Bostontomorrow Evening. In the mean time, I hope that Transports and everyAccommodation will be prepared for them that their Passage to the Placeof their Destination may not be delayd. I shall immediately forward toBrigadier General Godfrey the order of the Honble Board, for thedetaching four hundred Militia to serve in Providence in the Room ofthese Troops, and remain with all Regard, Sir your most obedient hble Servant, TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL OF MASSACHUSETTS. [MS. , Massachusetts Archives; a text, with modifications, is in W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. Iii. , p. 73. ] PROVIDENCE 11 Aug. 1779 SIR General Gates writes to the Council by this Express. Colo Jackson'sRegiment will have arrivd at Boston before this Letter reaches you. Ipresume they will sail under the strongest Convoy that can be made up. Should they meet with a superior force of the Enemy at Sea, I conceiveit ought to be a point settled & indispensible that the Commanders ofthe Armed Vessells run the utmost Risque to give the Troops anOpportunity of making their Escape. I wrote yesterday to Gen1 Godfrey &this morng receivd his Answer with Assurance of punctual Obedience tothe orders of Council. With Sentiments of Esteem & Respect I am your most hbl Servt TO SOLOMON LOVELL. 1 [MS. , Massachusetts Archives. ] Augt 14th 1779 SIR The Council have now to acquaint you that Colo Jackson's Regiment willat all events embark this Day & the Transports will sail without Delay. This Regiment we trust, under God, will be a sufficient Reinforcementto you; and from the Ardor of your Troops, as well as from your ownBravery, Activity, Prudence & Zeal for the great Cause, we have Reasonto expect speedily to hear that the Designs of the Enemy at Penobscotare defeated & their Army captivated. In the Name of the Council I am &c P. S. Upon the Reception of this Letter you will immediately send yourorders to Townsend where the Transports are to stop unless Colo Jacksonshall meet your Directions at Sea. 1 Endorsed as "forwarded by Majr Braddish to Messrs Saml or EnochFreeman at Falmo. Duplicate by Spy Boat. " TO JOHN FROST. 1 [MS. , Massachusetts Archives. ] STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY COUNCIL CHAMBER Augt 17 1779 SIR The Council have receivd your Letter dated the 16th. It is the opinionof the Board that it would have been prudent in you to have acquaintedBrigr General Lovel with the Circumstances of the remaining Part of theMen detachd from your Brigade for the Expedition to Penobscot; and itis the Direction of the Board that you immediately on the Receipt ofthis Letter dispatch an Express to the General informing him of theNumber of Men now ready, agreable to the Representation you have madein your Letter, and requesting him, if he shall think it necessary andproper, to forward a Vessel from Penobscot with a suitable Convoy totransport them. 1 Brigadier General of the York County militia. TO _______ _______. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON Aug. 17, 1779 MY DEAR SIR I did not write by the last Post, because I was at Providence uponBusiness with General Gates. He, with his usual Readiness to serve theCommon Cause, has spared Colo Jacksons Regt to joyn our Forces atPenobscot. They were marchd to this place with the greatest Dispatch &have sailed with a fair Wind, under Convoy of two Vessels of Force. Itneeds not to be mentiond to you, how necessary it is to remove theEnemy from their Lodgment there. I cannot but hope the Business is bythis Time effected; but should any untoward Accident happen, a Regimentof regular Troops will support our Militia, and animate that Part ofthe Country. Our last Accounts from General Lovel were of the 6thInstant. There was then no unpromising Circumstance, but the Want of afew disciplind Soldiers. We had a Letter from Mr Freeman of Falmouth, dated I think the 12th, by which we were informd that one Pote, afisherman. . . While I am writing, an Express arrives from Penobscot withLetters of the 13th--a Reinforcement to the Enemy consisting of 1 Ship of64 Guns 3 Frigates. . . TO HENRY JACKSON. 1 [MS. , Massachusetts Archives. ] STATE OF MASS. BAY COUNCIL CHAMBER BOSTON Augt 21 1779 SIR This Board have recd your Letter dated the 19th at Portsmouth and arehappy in your safe Arrival there with the whole Fleet under yourCommand. They approve of your Resolution to march to Falmouth, and makeno doubt but upon your Application to the People of Portsmouth, or asit appears to the Council most effectual, to the Selectmen of the TownsEastward of Portsmouth, you will be amply provided with Waggons &c forthe Transportation of your Baggage Provisions & military Stores. By thetime of your Arrival at Falmouth, you will probably receive Directionsfor your further Conduct from Brigr Gen1 Lovel who is authorizd, if heshall judge it necessary, to call in the Militia of the Counties ofYork Cumberland & Lincoln. It is expected that so spirited, experiencdand well Disciplind a Regiment as yours is, will add Vigor to theInhabitants of that Part of the State, upon whose Attachment to theCause of their Country great Dependence is to be had. A singleDisappointment though attended with LOSS should by no means be aDiscouragement to us. It is hoped that a respectable Body of theMilitia will be again collected, at such place as Gen1 Lovel ifnecessary shall think most convenient, and that by the Smiles of Heavenour Enemies in that Quarter will yet be subdued. We pray God to protect& prosper you. 1 Colonel of militia. This letter was addressed to Jackson atPortsmouth. TO HORATIO GATES. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON Augt 22d 1779 MY DEAR SIR Yesterday I recd your favor of Fryday last by Express. By the CouncilsLetter which you must have receivd, you will see that Events untowardhave taken place at Penobscot. Our Troops were dispersd, and I fear ourShips are burnt. Better so, however, than to fall into the EnemiesHands. We could not command Success, but we have endeavord to deserveit. Disappointments are to be expected in so arduous a Conflict, andwhen they come fairly one can bear them with Patience & Fortitude; butwhen they happen through Misconduct, they are vexatious. I suspectthere has been bad Mannagement, but I will not make up my Judgment tillI am fully informd. The Moment an authentick & explicit Accountarrives, you shall have it from me. I will not yet despair of Success. Witness Tyconderoga & Saratoga. An Instance which you and our Countrywill never forget. We have directed & authorizd Gen1 Lovel to call inthe Militia & have sent him a Proclamation to disperse thro the EasternCounties. Who knows but Laurels are yet ordaind for Level & Jackson. Hearrivd on fryday last with the whole Fleet under his Command atPortsmouth, and is to march through a good Road to Falmouth where hewill probably receive Lovels orders. The Selectmen & Committees of theTowns are directed to provide him with Waggons to transport his BaggageProvisions & military Stores. I flatter myself we shall yet subdue theEnemy at Penobscot. To alleviate our Misfortunes, some Ships taken fromthe Jamaica Fleet by the Providence Queen of France & Ranger are arrivdat this Harbor which added to one arrivd here a few Days ago & anotherat Cape Ann makes six out of ten which we know are taken. The Contentsof all are fifteen or sixteen hundred hhds of Sugar, twelve hundredhhds of Rum, Piemento, Ginger, Fish &c. The richest of the Cargos arearrivd. We are told of a Vessel at Salem in thirty Days from Cadiz &Bilboa, which brings an Account of the Declaration of War in Spainagainst Britain. This corresponds with Accounts just recd from Havanna. I believe they are true. The Chevalier de la Luzerne has honord me with several privateconfidential Conversations, in which I have communicated to him mySentiments with Freedom and Candor. I have conceivd an high opinion ofhim and of M. Marbois, who is a Member of the Parliament of Meitz. Iwant him to see you & Governor Trumbull. The Chevalier has not yetdetermind what Route to take. Should he go thro Springfield I wish toknow whether you could furnish him with an Escort to GeneralWashingtons Head Quarters. Your Answer to this speedily will obligeme. --God bless you my dear Friend. Believe me to be sincerely yours---- TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. [MS. , Massachusetts Archives; the text, dated November 12, 1779, is inW. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. Iii. , pp. 71, 72. ] STATE OF MASS BAY IN COUNCIL Octr 12 1779 SIR Your Excellencys Letter of the 4th of October to the Council of thisState was duly receivd, and immediately laid before the GeneralAssembly which fortunately happend to be then sitting. The Assemblyhave chearfully complid with your Requisition and accordingly orderdtwo thousand Men to be raisd with all possible Dispatch for the Purposementiond. The Council have appointed Brigr General Fellows to take theCommand. Inclosd is Copy of the Resolution of the General Assembly. Wishing that Success may ever attend the Arms of the United States &their Ally, I am in the Name & Behalf of the Council yr Excellencys most obedient & humble Servant TO THE NAVY BOARD AT BOSTON. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON Oct 19, 1779 GENTLEMEN Such are my Apprehensions of great Numbers of the Inhabitants of thisTown perishing in the ensuing Winter for Want of Fuel unless Measuresare taken to guard the Wood Coasters from the Eastward, that I cannotsatisfy myself without once more applying to you and most earnestlyrequesting that the Queen of France may be employd a short time in thatService. I have venturd to promise the People the Service of that Shipupon the Assurance given to me by your Honbl Board. I beg you would notthink my Design is to be troublesome to you, but you will excuse me inpressing a Matter in which I think I am justified, by the Rules ofJustice, & Mercy to a Community whose Constancy & Firmness as well asSufferings in the great Cause entitle them to the Protection of theContinental Navy. I am with every Sentiment of Regard Gentn yr very hbl Servt TO ELBRIDGE GERRY AND JAMES LOVELL. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] Decr -- 1779 GENTLEMEN Mr Woodbury Langdon1 did me the Honor of a Visit this Morning anddeliverd to me your Letter of the 19th of November directed to MrHancock and myself. I cannot but feel the Sentiments of Gratitude to the Gentleman who hasoriginated a Subscription for the Support of the Children of our veryworthy deceasd Friend. I had been informd of it before; having latelyseen a Letter on the Subject, in which the Name of Congress is mentiondin Terms more than "inadvertent. " I am much displeasd, when I find thetender Feelings of Humanity & Benevolence towards these helplessOrphans accompanied with the Passion of Anger, and Resentment (probablymisplacd) towards that Body, which their "brave Father, " if living, would not fail to honor & revere. I should be very sorry, that the"various Causes" in one Paper, should be explaind by the harshExpressions of "Ingratitude that is unparralled [sic], " in another. Ihave never heard that Application has been made to the Assembly ofMassachusetts Bay in Behalf of these Children; and if there had been, Iam at a LOSS to conceive, from what good or generous Motives it wasintroducd into a Paper when the very Use of it must tend to expose &exclude them from the Character of "patriotick humane & generous. " Norcan I readily think of a Reason, why the Monies to be collected, shouldnot be paid into the Hands of one of the Massachusetts Delegates, sinceit would not then have conveyd the Idea in a strong Light, that thosewho had been formerly among the most intimate Acquaintance andaffectionate Friends of their "illustrious Ancestors, " were totallyregardless of "what they owe to his deserted youth. " I will communicate your Letter to Mr Hancock and consult him thereon. In the mean Time be assured that I am sincerely Your Friend, 1 Member of Congress from New Hampshire. TO ELBRIDGE GERRY. [J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. I. , pp. 310, 311. ] BOSTON, Dec. 20, 1779. MY DEAR SIR, Last Saturday the two houses of assembly of this state made choice ofyourself and Mr. Osgood to represent them in the convention recommendedby the joint committees of the five eastern states to be held atPhiladelphia. As it was a doubt in the minds of some of the members, whether so many of the other states would send their agents as to makea convention, it was thought prudent to leave it to the gentlemen whorepresent this state in congress, to agree upon any two of their numberfor that service. But it was overruled for several reasons; one was, that it was necessary to send one gentleman at least, immediately fromhence, because it was supposed such an one must be better acquaintedwith particular circumstances in this state, necessary to be made knownto that assembly, and which are perpetually varying, than any gentlemancould be who has been absent for any length of time. Some gentlemenwere 10th you should be taken off a moment from your important servicesin congress, but all were desirous of your assistance in theconvention, in case it shall meet. Mr. Osgood will set off with allpossible speed. I am with truth and sincerity, Your affectionate friend, TO ELBRIDGE GERRY AND JAMES LOVELL. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON Decr 20th 1779 GENTLEMEN/ Since my last Letter to you, I have had an Opportunity of conversingwith Doctor John Warren, 1 Brother of our deceasd Friend, concerning theScituation of his Children. He tells me that the eldest Son was, asearly as it could be done, put under the Care and Tuition of the RevdMr Payson of Chelsea; a Gentleman whose Qualifications for theinstructing of Youth, I need not mention to you. The Lad still remainswith him. The eldest Daughter, a Miss of about thirteen, is with theDoctor; and he assures me, that no Gentlemans Dauter in this Town hasmore of the Advantage of Schools than she has at his Expence. Shelearns Musick, Dancing, writing & Arithmetick, and the best Needle Workthat is taught here. The Doctor, I dare say, takes good Care of herMorals. The two younger Children, a Boy of about seven years, and aGirl somewhat older, are in the Family of John Scollay Esqr, under theparticular Care of his Daughter at her most earnest Request; otherwise, I suppose, they would have been taken Care of by their Relations atRoxbury, and educated as reputable Farmers Children usually are. MissScollay deserves the greatest Praise for her Attention to them. She isexceedingly well qualified for her Charge; and her Affection for theirdeceas'd Father prompts her to exert her utmost to inculcate in theMinds of these Children, those Principles which may conduce, "to renderthem worthy of the Relation they stood in" to him. General Arnold hasassisted, by generously ordering five hundred Dollars towards theirSupport. This I was informd of when I was last in Philadelphia. Icalled on him & thank'd him for his Kindness to them. Whether he hasdone more for them since, I cannot say. Probably he originated theSubscription2 you have mentiond to me. I have omitted to tell you, thattwo years ago I was in this Town and made a visit to the presentGeneral Warren at Plymouth. His Lady was very sollicitous that theeldest Daughter should spend that Winter with her, and desired me topropose it to Miss. I did so; but I could not prevail upon her. Shesaid, that Mrs Miller (Mr Charles Millers Lady) at whose House she thenwas, did not incline to part with her, and that it would be a Breach ofgood Manners, and ungrateful for her to leave Mrs Miller against herInclination. She very prettily expressd her Obligations to both thoseLadies, and thus prevented my saying any more. I am very certain it wasMrs Warrens Intention to give her Board and Education. You know thedistinguishd Accomplishments of that Lady. I think it does not appearthat Betsy has been altogether friendless and "deserted"; or that theothers are in danger of "suffering irreparably on Account of theirEducation. " Yet as I am very desirous that they should have thegreatest Advantage in their Growth into Life, I shall, among otherFriends, think my self much obligd to any Gentleman who, from pure andunmixd Motives, shall add to those which they now enjoy. I have not yet had the Honor of an Interview with Mr Hancock, since Isent him the Letter which you wrote to us joyntly, and requested hisSentiments thereon. Adieu, my dear Friends, and believe me to berespectfully Yours, 1 Numerous bills of John Warren against the United States, for theexpenses of the education of Joseph Warren, are in the MassachusettsArchives. 2 The text of this subscription, from an autograph copy by Adams in theLenox Library, is printed below, pages 171-173. COPY OF A SUBSCRIPTION PROPOSD FOR THE BENEFIT OF THE CHILDREN OF THELATE MAJOR GENERAL WARREN--DATED AT PHILADELPHIA; & INCLOSD IN A LETTERFROM E. GERRY & JAMES LOVELL TO JOHN HANCOCK & SAMUEL ADAMS. The Honble Major General Warren who after de voting his Time & Talentsfor many years to his Country, gloriously fell in defending her Rights& Liberties, in the well fought Battle of Bunkers Hill, left fourOrphan Children--Minors, two Sons and two Daughters--who from his Attentionto the great & common Cause of these States, were left unprovided forand who on his Death found themselves without Parents, or the Means ofSupport. The Honble Congress has resolvd to be at the Expence of the Educationof the Elder Son; the other Son and two Daughters remain to this Timewithout other Assistance than what some generous & charitable Personshave afforded them. Application has been made to the Assembly of theMassachusetts Bay & in September last to Congress on the Subject; butthe Multiplicity of Business or other Causes have hitherto preventedtheir obtaining any Grant in their Favor--in the mean time the Children ofthis patriotick Hero are suffering greatly on Account of theirEducation, and unless speedily relievd must suffer irreparably. Nothingmore need be said on a Subject which every patriotick as well as humaneand generous American must feel sensibly, on recollecting the Characterand Death of their brave Father, to induce them to their Reliefe, &thereby to discharge some Part of what they owe the brave Father ofthese deserted youth. Whatever Sums may be subscribd, will be receivd by the Honble thePresident of the Council of the State of Massachusetts Bay in Boston, &under their Direction will be applied to the Support and Education ofthese Children, in such a Manner as is becoming their Birth, and aswill tend to render them great and good Citizens, & worthy of theRelation they stand in, to their illustrious Ancestor. PHILADELPHIA Novr 1st 1779 We the Subscribers engage to pay the Sums affixd to our Names to theHonble William Paca Esqr l, to be transmitted to the President &Council aforesaid. Witness our Hands. 1 Member of Congress from Maryland. TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF MASSACHUSETTS. [MS. , Massachusetts Archives. ] STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY IN COUNCIL Decr 23d 1779 [Ordered that Genl Ward Mr Thos Cushing Mr Adams Mr Fisher Esqr Mr Pitts be a Comtee to wait upon the Hone House of Representatives with thefollowing message]1 The Council Board have taken your Message of this Day in dueConsideration. It is important; nor out of Season. It is most certainlyincumbent on those who have accepted of Places of the highest Trust, toattend constantly to the Duties of their Stations. This is the justExpectation of the Publick & ought never to be dispensed with. TheBoard have been so sensible of the obligations they owe to theirCountry in this Regard, that they have frequently orderd a Call oftheir Members when it became necessary and previous to your Messagethey directed the Attendance of those who are now absent. If thePublick suffers Injury from a Want of Application to its pressingAffairs, in any others;--Members of the General Assembly, it is hoped thejoynt authority of both Houses will be employd effectually to preventit. 1 The portion here bracketed is not in the autograph of Adams. 1780 TO THE GOVERNOR OF RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text is in MassachusettsArchives, and also in W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. Iii. , pp. 98, 99] STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY Jany 5th 1780 SIR The General Assembly of this State, conceiving that great Evil mayarise to the United States, from permitting Persons inimical to ourCommon Cause, to reside within them; And having Reason to apprehend, that certain Persons who by an Act of Government have been excludedfrom this State, are meditating a Design to obtain a Residence in theState of Rhode Island, have thought it necessary to address you on theSubject, and to request that you would be pleasd to communicate theirSentiments to your General Assembly. It is, in the Opinion of this Assembly, highly criminal for a Citizento be an indifferent Spectator of the Miseries of his Country -- much moreso, to desert her while struggling for her Liberty -- and still more, toseek Refuge in the very Time of her Conflict in the Arms of her cruel &inveterate Enemies. It cannot then be thought strange, that those wholove and reverence their Country, feel an Indignation against the Men, who have held her Safety, her Liberty & her Honor at so cheap a Rate. The Injury which this State unavoidably sustaind from the Arts of toomany internal Enemies, hath been a sufficient Caution against receivinginto her own Bosom, those who have withdrawn their Persons and theirAid in the Time of Danger & Distress; & there is less Reason for othersto expect Favor and Forgiveness, who having basely betrayed such aDiffidence in the Wisdom and Fortitude of their Country and therighteous Cause she is contending for, have imagind themselves moresecure, under the Power of its Invaders, and fled to them forProtection. It is indeed much to be regretted, that the greatest Vigilance isinsufficient to detect the most virulent Enemies of the publick Libertyin every Instance, and bring them to condign Punishment. ThisGovernment, however, hath taken every Measure which Prudence dictated, to effect so necessary a Purpose. Notorious offenders have beenproscribed by the Laws, and forbidden to return from their voluntaryand shameful Exile. Mutual Interest as well as mutual Friendship moststrongly remonstrate against such Persons being permitted to residewithin any of the Sister States. While we are embarkd in the sameCause; While we are actuated by the same Principles and Views; While wepartake of the same publick Feeling, and are confederated for the samegreat Purpose of mutual Safety and Defence; Honor and Justice forbid usto entertain a Suspicion, that the State of Rhode Island would affordShelter & Protection to those, who have forfeited the Rights ofCitizens in the United States. In the Name & Behalf of the General Assembly I am &c, TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON Jany 13, 1780. MY DEAR SIR I gladly embrace the first opportunity I have had of writing to yousince you left this Country. Mr Jonn Loring Austin is the Bearer ofthis Letter. He is appointed by the General Assembly to negociate anAffair in Europe which will be communicated to you by a Letter writtento you by the President of the Council & signd in their Name. TheMeasure is the favorite offspring of the House of Representatives, &was adopted by many Members of the Council. I wish it may succeed totheir Expectation. The Assembly has been sitting five or six Weeks, and it is probablewill rise tomorrow. Among other things, they have passed an Act forsecuring to their own officers & Soldiers in the Army of the UnitedStates, a Compensation for the Depreciation of their pay. It is done ina Mode agreeable to a Committee of officers from the Army, so thatthere is no Doubt but the Rest of the officers & the Soldiers will besatisfied with it. Money has been sent to the Army to inlist thosewhose three years are expired, & who may be inclind to continue in theService, & we are well assured that great Numbers have engagd, so thatthere is a good Prospect of our States Batallions being well filled. Indeed there is all imaginable Reason to expect that the General willbe furnishd in the Spring with an Army better disciplined than eventhose which have provd their Superiority to the Enemy in severalCampaigns. The more they are inured to actual Service, the more perfectthey will be in Discipline; and the Courage of a Soldier in the Time ofAction, in a great Measure. . . From a confidence in his militaryKnowledge. What Events may take place in the Spring we cannot certainlypredict. An Army we know will be necessary, either to fight the Enemy, or to give Assurance & Stability to the skillful Negociator of Peace. The Plan you mentiond to me as having been proposd by you to Monsr -------- thelast October was a twelvemonth, if it could be fully accomplishd, mightin one of the ways above mentiond or the other, secure to us theObjects which I know your heart is much set upon as well as mine. Independence is a mere Charm, [and] unless by Arts or by Arms we secureto ourselves those Advantages we may not have the Fortitude to assertit as we ought, but by which alone we shall be enabled, under God, tomaintain it. You have the. . . , and for my self I confide both in yourWisdom & Integrity. You will see by the inclosd Paper that our Convention is adjournd. TheRoads thro the Country are so blockd up by incessant & heavy Snows, that it has been impracticable for the Members to attend. It is proposdto keep it alive by short Adjournments till a sufficient Number shallarrive to proceed to the Business. Those among us who can remember theyear 1717 say there has not been so much Snow on the Ground since thatTime. Mr L informs me that Colo Laurens the younger has declind going toEurope. "The little Gentleman" (he will pardon me the Joke) will, if herecollects, help us to guess who will probably obtain the next Choice. The Delegates in Congress for the last year are again chosen exceptingGeneral Ward in the Room of Mr Dana. I own it is not becoming an oldMan to be mutable--and yet I am intimately acquainted with one who tookhis Leave of his good Friends in Philadelphia with almost as muchFormality as if he was on his dying Bed soon after resolving to visitthem once more. In [your] horrid Catalogue of evil Dispositions withwhich Age is infested we do not find Vanity. This perhaps may be commonto the old & the young, tho I confess it is the more pardonable in thelatter. It is difficult for a Man in years to perswade himself tobelieve a mortifying Truth that the Powers of his mind whether theyhave been greater or less, are diminishd. Pray assure Mr Dana of my affectionate Regards, and Colo Laurens if youmeet with him. I am informd he is gone or going to Europe. My oldpatriotick Friend Mr A L, I am perswaded is before this time on hisPassage to America. But if not, let him know that the Hopes of seeinghim at Philadelphia is a strong Inducement to me, otherwise against myInclination, to visit Philadelphia once more. A Letter from Gen1 Heath dated at Head Quarters Decr 21 says "thehealth & Spirits of the Troops are not to be parralled. The Enemy at NY are undoubtedly embarking a large Body of Troops from 8 to 10, 000--theywould have saild before this Time but have been under Apprehension thatthe Coast was not clear. Their Destination is said to be to theSouthward but some say to the W. I. Most probably both. " TO JOHN MORIN SCOTT. 1 [MS. , Massachusetts Archives; a text is in W. V. Wells' Life of SamuelAdams, vol. Iii. , pp. 146, 147. ] BOSTON Feb 17 1780 SIR Your Letter of the 19th of Jany did not reach my Hand till yesterday. --Iam sorry to acquaint you that the Affairs of this Governmentimmediately previous to the Enemies taking Possession of this Town inthe year 1775, being under the Direction of Persons inimical to us, thePapers in the files of the Secretary of the Province were derangd &thrown into such disorder, as to render it impracticable for meimmediately to comply with your Request to send you authenticatedCopies of the papers you have mentiond. I can conceive of no Reason whyyou should not be servd with Copies as you desire. The Council haveorderd the papers to be lookd up for the Use of a Committee appointedto state our Claim. This will be done with the greatest Despatch, andwill enable me to convince you of the Readiness with which I am disposdto gratify you in all Cases consistent with the Duties of my office. In the mean time I am with great Esteem &c 1 Secretary of State of New York. TO JAMES LOVELL. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON Mar 5 1780 MY DEAR SIR I have receivd since I last wrote, your 21st, 25th & 28th of Jany and8th & 16th of Feby, with the inclosd which I have distributed accordingto your Request. My Time has been spent for two Months past, partly inmy sick Chamber and partly in our Convention for forming a Constitutionwhich we finishd yesterday for the Inspection of the People. You shallhave a Copy of it when it can be got thro the Press. Considering theWinter we have had and the utmost Impossibility of travelling, I am notso much surprizd at your Presidents not having receivd the Letterswhich have been sent from the General Assembly relating to Vermont. MrAvery assures me that Duplicates were sent, so that I hope they havebefore this time got to hand. A Committee was appointed by the GeneralAssembly to state our Right to the Land in Question, with an Intentionthat our Agent mt be ready at Congress by the Time appointed, but ontheir representing that they should not be able to report at the lastSession they were directed to do it at the next which will begin nextWednesday. I will then endeavor to get the Number of our Delegatesnecessary to be present in Congress reducd. I wish you would send your Account of Time & Expences to the Assembly. Twenty five Dollars pr Day and Expences were allowd to me for the year79. I inform you of this that you may judge whether the Allowance forTime & Service is raisd in Proportion to other things. In your Letter of the 16 of Feb you mention your having inclosd to methe Day before two Letters from Gen1 Lincoln, and your having had foursent to your Care. I have receivd only two, and them by Mr Torrey, oneof them for the Generals Lady which I have forwarded by a safe hand, and the other for his Son. "Our Newspapers are remarkeable lately for more groundless Paragraphsthan most others. " It is true. And there are some Men who with allother political Qualities, cannot keep a political Secret. I thought itnot prudent to mention it, and did not to any one; but to my greatSurprize saw it in one of the Papers. It was however a great Wonder, asI was told a paragraph of one of your own Letters was either read orexplaind in a large table Circle, and so it got into the Press. TheIntelligence was far from being displeasing to any of your virtuousfellow Citizens, unless to those who think your Presence in Congressindispensible. In the Hint I gave you in one of my Letters I was far from intendingyou should think I meant Capt Mc Neil. I am sure he is a Man of toomuch Honor to write the anonimous Letter the Committee receivd. I hope the General Assembly when they come together will turn theirAttention principally to the fitting up & supplying their Quota of theArmy. The Council have given Colo Blaney their best Advice and heappears to be well pleasd with the Candor & Respect they have shown him. TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS. [W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. Iii. , p. 136. ] To the Honorable Council and House of Representatives, in General Courtassembled. March 9, 1780. The petition of Samuel Adams of Boston humbly shows:-- That when the British troops were in possession of the town of Boston, in 1775, he suffered the loss of the greatest and most valuable part ofhis household furniture, and has since been indulged with the use ofsundry articles belonging to certain absentees until the GeneralAssembly should be pleased to otherwise order them to be disposed of. Your petitioner prays the Honorable Court that he may be permitted toavail himself of the purchase of the said furniture at the prices thatmay be set upon them by good and discreet men. And as in duty bound, he shall pray, &c. TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS. , Adams Papers, Quincy. ] BOSTON March 15 1780 MY DEAR SIR/ The immediate Departure of Mr Appleton who takes the Charge of thisLetter, prevents my saying to you more than a very few Words. ColoNiles informd me yesterday that your Lady & Family were well when hesaw them on Saturday last. Our General Assembly began a Session thelast Week. They are intent on filling up their Quota of the Army. TheConvention is adjournd till the first Wednesday in June next. 1 TheFabrick is not materially injurd. It is proposd that the People shouldstate their Objections if they have any, and that the Convention shdadapt it to the General Sentiments & give it the Sanction--a NewConvention to be called, if two thirds of the people shall think itexpedient in the year 95 to make Alterations as Experience may dictate. Mr Appleton is the Son of our Friend the Loan Officer. I think he willnot dishonor his Country abroad. My Regards to Dr F-- Mr D-- Colo L if you see him & all Friends--Adieu my dearFriend. 1 Its address to the public is printed in W. V. Wells, Life of SamuelAdams, vol. Iii. , pp. 90--96 TO JAMES LOVELL. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON Mar 25 1780 MY DEAR SIR Your Favor of the 9th was deliverd to me by Mr Brailes. . . . One day thisWeek & the Day following that of the 28 of Feb by the Post. --" New Yorkpresses Congress hard upon the Resolution, in Regard to Vermont. " &c. Our Assembly in their first Letter to Congress on the Subject, expressda Doubt whether they should be ready by the Time appointed. Theyimmediately appointed a Come to state their Claim, consisting of threeGentle-men, two of whom viz Mr Bowdoin & Mr Lowell are not Members. Thegreat Business of the Convention of which all the Come were Membersintervened. Their Report however is expected in a very few Days. I wishthis Matter could be settled to the Satisfaction of all. If there wasReason to expect that all would be satisfied with a Decision ofCongress, I should think the sooner it is done the better. But theGrant People, you say, now refuse. It may be a Question then whether itwd be best to attempt a Settlement in the Time of War, and especiallyat a Juncture of it, when the only Object of all should be to prosecuteit with their utmost united Force and Vigor. Nothing however but theMultiplicity of most pressing Affairs, has prevented this State beingready hitherto. They are in Earnest to support their Claim. They werediscontented with the Decision in 1739, and I think afterwards directedtheir Agent Mr Bollan to manifest it to the King in Council. I willexamine the Letters of that Day & make this certain to you. Ethan Allenwas in this Towne last Winter, and returnd disgusted on his beinginformd that we were determined to support our Claim. The Resolutions of Congress, a Sketch of which you sent to me, came tothe Council by the same Conveyance. The Assembly being sitting, theywere laid before them. Every practicable Measure is taking to promotethe great Business of recruiting the Army & every other Essential to avigorous Campaign. I have noticed the honest Intention of ---- withoutfeeling any Jealousy on the Occasion. It is always my Endeavor torender the recommendations of Congress most respectable; tho Iperceive, that the artful Writers in some of the Philadelphia Papersaffect to hold up a Contrast between the present & the "illustriousCongress of '74"--I may be supposd [to] be impartial, having had the Honor of being a Member from theBeginning; and I do verily believe that in point of Understanding, Wisdom, Integrity, and Diligence in Affairs they are as respectable nowas they were then. It is the Wish of Tories and Britons to make themappear little in the Eye of the World. Under God they have doneWonders. By an affectionate Union of the Members with each other, bytheir joynt & unwearied application to the publick Business, byVigilance Zeal and an inflexible Independence of Spirit they willcontinue reverd by the Friends and dreaded by the Enemies of ourCountry. I thank you for the Intelligence you inclosd, and have made a prudentUse of it, by communicating it to some of the leading members of theAssembly who are my confidential Friends. To others I have given it inmy own way as Articles of my political Creed, and I think to goodEffect. What do you think of Penobscott? The late Expedition, 1 tho itturnd out very unfortunate, was perhaps as great an Exertion as hasbeen made by any State since the War began. Our State must demand areimbursement. It is more than probable that if we had succeeded we shdhave had the Charge paid with thanks. And we shd have richly deservedit. Britain I doubt not considers that an important Post and sowill. . . . If she regards her Navy. You know that by our Charter the Crown reservd the Masts. AnotherCircumstance I will. . . . Remind you of, that part of our Eastern Countrywas held by the Crown & the People of the Province as it were in joyntTenancy. He could not originate the Sale of any Part of it, nor couldthey complete the sale without his Confirmation. Will it not be herPolicy to keep Possession of that part of our Territory till Terms ofPeace are proposd, that she may take occasion to say she is inPossession of her own. And will it not then be somewhat difficult forMediator to find Arguments against her holding it? Should not Congressassist us in endeavoring to recover possession? We want Ships. If afrench Squadron should again visit these Seas it is natural for aMassachusetts Man to wish, that they should make Hallifax their capitalobject. Probably America wd think it for her Interest if she. . . . Thatthe Masts & the Fishing Ground must be the great Security of theirIndependence & Prosperity? We must have the reach of our arms or weshall never be able even to defend ourselves. . . . I declare to you I shall not feel perfectly easy till those twoprovinces are annexed to the United States as Nature seems to havedesignd, and the unmolested Right to the Fishery is secured to us. Ibelieve my letter is become tedious to you. I will conclude withmentioning that several Persons have hinted to me the Necessity ofestablishing an American Consul in France. If it should be thoughtexpedient to propose it to Congress & they should judge it proper, MrPerez Moulton2 (whom you know) desires me to inform the Mass Delegatesthat he intends residing in that Country a few years & would gladlyaccept of that appointment. 1 Cf. Pages 154, 158 et seq. 2 Cf. Vol. Iii. , p. 293. TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] [May, 1780. ] MY DEAR SIR The Son of our worthy Friend General Warren takes the Care of thisLetter. I need to say Nothing to recommend him to your Patronage andAdvice. The Marquis La Fayette who tarried here a few Days ago did methe Honor to deliver me your Favor of--------. The other to which you refer me isnot come to Hand. I enclose you several Acts of the General Assemblypassed the last Session, besides which another passed granting to theSubjects of France within this State equal Privileges with thosegranted to the Subjects of the United States in France agreable to theTreaty and another for instituting a Society for promoting Arts &Sciences. The Suddeness of Mr Warrens Departure prevents my sending thetwo last by him. I also inclose the Form of the Constitution as revisd& alterd by the Convention and recommended to the People. The Town ofBoston have been in Meeting three Days, upon this important Affair. Itis this moment finishd. The Town have unanimously agreed to theConstitution with a few Alterations (I think for the better) except thethird Article. They have proposd that in the 16th Article of theDeclaration of Rights provision be made for the Liberty of Speech aswell as the Press, in both Cases to respect publick Men in theirpublick Conduct. In the Proviso under the 7 Article Chap. 2 they haveadded to the Exception, so far as may be necessary for the Defence of aneighboring State invaded or threatned with immediate Invasion. In the7 Art. Chap. 6. The Words "upon the most urgent & pressing Occasions"are proposd to be expungd and the Words "of War, Invasion or rebelliondeclard by the Legislature to exist" to be inserted in their Stead. Andthe Time is limitted to Six instead of 12 Months. The Religious Articlewas considerd by itself, and occasiond much but candid Debate. The Townhave proposd a new Draft of the Article which I have not by me. If MrWarren does not call on me too early tomorrow I will transcribe it. TheConvention is adjournd to the 7th of June to receive & act upon theReturns of the People agreably to the Resolution of Convention insertedin the last pages of the inclosd, to which this Town has agreed. Theshort Notice I have had of this opportunity & my being obligd to attendthe Town Meeting has prevented my writing so largely as I could havewishd. Please to present my affectionate Regards to Mr Dana & let himknow that I receivd his Letter by the Marquis, & that Attention will begiven to his request for certain papers of Importance. I shall set offfor Philade in a few Days. Adieu my dear Sir. I wrote you by Mr J. L. Austin who I hope is arrivd. ARTICLE SIGNED "VINDEX. " [Boston Gazette, June 12, 1780. ] Messieurs Edes, An old Correspondent begs room for a few Words in your next. Formerly this great contest was carried on upon paper. The conspiratorsagainst the rights and liberties of our country left no art untried, toinduce the people to submit to their unrighteous claims. But they werecircumvented by our watchful patriots. They were, if I may use theexpression, out-reasoned by some, and laughed off the stage by others;and we will never forget those steadfast and persevering friends, whoforever prov'd themselves incapable of being brib'd by the softwhispers of flattery, or awed by foul-mouthed calumny and the threatsof power. Afterwards the contest became more serious and important. Thepeople of this country were not driven to take up arms, they did itvoluntarily in defence of their liberty. They properly consideredthemselves as called by GOD, and warranted by HIM, to encounter everyhazard in the common cause of Man. We have had for several years past awell-appointed Army. --An Army of which both Officers and Privates aredaily increasing in discipline--An Army inferior perhaps to none at thistime on the face of the earth and headed by a COMMANDER, who feels theRights of the Citizens in his own breast, and experience has taught us, he knows full well how to defend them. --May Heaven inspire that Army yetmore and more with Military Virtues, and teach their hands to war andtheir fingers to fight! May every citizen in the army and in thecountry, have a proper sense of the DEITY upon his mind, and animpression of that declaration recorded in the Bible, "Him thathonoreth me I will honor, but he that despiseth me shall be lightlyesteemed. "--"God helpeth those who help themselves, " says an eminentwriter. Perhaps the sentiment is better expressed in holy writ, where, when we are bid to work out our own salvation, we are told that "It isGOD who worketh in us. " It seems to be the Divine Constitution, thatsuccess shall generally crown virtuous exertions. We have seen thisverified throughout this glorious Struggle. The Military skill andprowess of our Army have kept us from being overwhelmed by our powerfulenemies; and the political exertions of the CONGRESS have, by thesmiles of Heaven, obtained for us an Alliance with the most illustriousNation in Europe; and the warmest wishes of other Powers. Our affairsappear to be approaching to a great crisis. As momentary visits did notentirely fulfill the purpose of our generous ALLY, we may daily expectfrom him a naval and land force, designed to co-operate with our owntroops; and by a longer stay on the coasts of this continent, to givethe United States the opportunity of employing all their resources tothe greatest advantage. CONGRESS has called upon the several States tomake ready for this great crisis, and the several States have secondedthe call of Congress. The PEOPLE, the PEOPLE must, under GOD, giveenergy to this all important call, and enable the combined Forces atonce to put an end to the War. If the PEOPLE NOW exert themselves, onestruggle more, by the blessing of Heaven, will rid us of all ourEnemies. The Expectations at VERSAILLES from this joint effort are evensanguine-- CONGRESS is impatient to answer their just expectation--The eyesof EUROPE are upon us anxiously waiting for the great event. OurGENERAL, with his officers and army, are filled with ardor and generousambition to signalize their valour in the SALVATION of ourcountry--SUPERIOR BEINGS would look down with the utmost astonishment, ifwe should let this GOLDEN OPPORTUNITY slip--It cannot be. Our young men, ambitious of laurels, will, at such a time, fly to their arms with thespeed of the wind, and ALL will be engaged in furnishing them withnecessary supplies, so shall this very campaign be DECISIVE andGLORIOUS. This State began the noble contest; we will honor ourselvesby our utmost exertions to put a glorious end to it: we will contendwith our sister States in nothing, but who shall have the greatestshare of honor in this last and crowning effort-- Be assured, my dearcountrymen, the liberty, the happiness of America, and its consequencein the eyes of the world, depend upon our PRESENT activity and spirit--Wewill not be wanting to ourselves, and the LORD do that which seemeth tohim right. VINDEX. TO JAMES BOWDOIN. [MS. , Massachusetts Archives; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library, and the text is in W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. Iii. , p. 102. ] HARTFORD June 20 1780 SIR We have the Honor of transmitting to you the Copy of a Letter fromGeneral Washington to Governor Trumbull. The Contents are of sopressing Importance, that we thought it our indispensible Duty, withoutDelay, to forward an Express to Brigadier General Fellows, of theCounty of Berkshire, with a Letter the Copy of which we also inclose;and to inform Major General Howe who commanded West Point, of theMeasures we have taken. Although we have acted on this urgent Occasion, without Authority, yetwe flatter our selves, that in Consideration of the very criticalSituation of the Army, our Proceeding thus far will meet with theApprobation of the General Assembly. We are with the greatest Respect & Esteem Sir your most obedt & veryhumble Servts 1 1 Signed also by Elbridge Gerry, as were the succeeding four letters. TO JOHN FELLOWS. 1 [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] HARTFORD June 20 1780 SIR The inclosd Copy of a Letter from his Excy Gen1 Washington to His ExcyGovernor Trumbull will show the Danger we are in of losing the Defenceof the North River & of having the Communication cut off between theEastern & Southern States, unless an immediate Supply of Men &Provisions is sent to Major General Howe who commands theFortifications at the Highlands. Measures will be adopted without Delayby the State of Connecticutt for this Purpose; and as we haveaccidentally met at this place (one of us on his Journey to & the otherfrom Congress) we think it our Duty, in behalf of the ExecutiveAuthority of the State of Massachusetts Bay, who cannot be notified ofthis Affair in Season, to urge you as you regard the Interest &Wellfare of your Country, immediately to put your Brigade undermarching orders to repair to West Point, on the Application of MajorGeneral Howe, with Provisions sufficient to subsist them. As theGarrison is in great Want of Supplies, we think it advisable on thisurgent occasion, and indeed indispensibly necessary that you shouldforthwith take all the Provisions in your County, that will not bewanting for the Consumption of its Inhabitants, & give Receipts for thesame payable at an early Period & at the Current Prices, & that youshould impress as many Waggons (if they cannot otherwise be procured)as will be requisite for the Transportation of the Provisions to theHighlands. We submit it to your Consideration, whether it will not be expedient tonotify the State of Vermont, & the Commanding Officer in the County ofHampshire to hold their Militia in Readiness to march at the shortestNotice, & to collect a sufficient Quantity of Provisions for theirSubsistence. Your own Experience, & knowledge of the Importance of thatPost, render it needless for us to press you to procure the mostexpeditious & vigorous Exertions for its Support; nor need we describethe deplorable Situation in which his Excellency Gen1 Washington & thebrave Army under his Command would be involvd, should a successfullAttack be made on the Post mentiond. We shall immediately transmit to the Government of the State ofMassachusetts a Copy of this Intelligence & of our Application to you, & remain with Esteem Sir your most obedt & very hbl Servts, 1 Brigadier General in the continental army. TO ROBERT HOWE. 1 [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] HARTFORD June 20 1780 SIR Being accidentally present in this Town, when his Excy Gen1 WashingtonsLetter of the 18th was receivd by Governor Trumbull, the Contents ofwhich he was pleasd to communicate to us, we judgd it necessary towrite a Letter to Brigr General Fellows of the County of Berkshire inthe State of Massachusetts Bay, a Copy of which is inclosd. We indeedhave no Authority, from the State we have the Honor to represent inCongress, to take this Measure, but we considerd the Circumstances ofAffairs too pressing to admit of Delay. We shall dispatch an Express tothe Government of Massachusetts with the Intelligence receivd, and wishyou to acquaint the Commander in Chiefe of the Measure we have taken. We are &c 1 Major general in the continental army. TO JOHN FELLOWS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] HARTFORD June 21 1780 SIR We wrote to you yesterday, & inclosd Copy of a Letter of the 18thInstant from his Excy General Washington to his Excy Govr Trumbull, mentioning the Arrival of a Fleet at the Hook & the Probability of itscontaining Sir H. Clinton with his Army, and of his immediatelyattacking our Post at the Highlands; since which we have certainIntelligence that the Fleet was on the 19th at -------- Point, within twenty Milesof our Fortifications, and we have no Doubt that by this Time the Armyhave debarkd & commencd their Operations. We therefore think itnecessary that you should forthwith march your Men to the Reliefe ofthe Garrison, & take with you a sufficient Quantity of Provisions tosubsist your Brigade on the March to the Highlands & fourteen Daysafter they shall have arrivd, with as much more as can be obtaind forthe Use of the Garrison. It will answer but little Purpose to marchyour Men without Supplys. We have great Reliance on that Zeal &Patriotism which has so often distinguishd the County of Berkshire inthis great Contest; but should it so happen that Waggons cannototherwise be procured, we hope you will not hesitate a Moment to takethem wherever they may be found, on Certificates payable at an earlyPeriod, agreable to our former Recommendation. The Militia of theWestern Counties, will upon this Plan be put into immediate Motion, &we think it advisable for you to send Expresses to the State of Vermont& the County of Hampshire, urging the Necessity of their marching theirMilitia with Provisions for the Reliefe of the Garrison in the Mannermentiond. We remain &c, TO ROBERT HOWE. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] HARTFORD 21 June 1780 SIR We wrote to you yesterday. Having this Morning receivd intelligence ofthe Movement of the Enemy up the River, we have sent another Express toBrigr Gen1 Fellows, urging him immediately to march to your Reliefewith his Brigade of Militia with Provisions to subsist them on theirWay to & 14 Days after they shall arrive at West Point. We have alsoadvisd him to throw into the Garrison all the Provisions that can beprocured, & to send Expresses to Vermont & the County of Hampshire inthe State of Mass. Bay, urging the Necessity of their marching theirMilitia with Provisions for the Reliefe of the Garrison in the Mannermentiond. But it may be nevertheless necessary, if you think it aproper Measure, to send an Express to General Fellows for expeditingthis Business. The most vigorous Measures are making by this State & wehave no Doubt but they will be effectual. We are &c, TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON June 1780 MY DEAR MARQUISE Yesterday your very obliging Letter of the 30 of May was brought to meby Mons Guinard. The Succour coming from France will be so seasonableand important, that if America is not wanting to her self, she willhave it in her Power, by the Blessing of Heaven, to gratify the utmostof her Wishes. His most Christian Majestys Expectation from us mustneeds be great, and Gratitude to so generous an Ally, as well as a dueAttention to our own Safety, Interest & Honor, lay us under thestrongest Obligations to be in Readiness to cooperate with the greatestAdvantage. I have long been fully sensible of your most cordial &zealous Attachment to our great Cause; and to your personalRepresentations to his Majesty, in Addition to the Benevolence of hisRoyal Heart, I will take the Liberty to attribute his Design to affordus such Aid and for so long a Time as may put it in our Power to employall our Resources against the Enemy. It fortunately happend that theGeneral Assembly of this State was sitting when the Letter & Inclosuresfrom the Committee of Congress came to the President of the Council. They were immediately laid before the Assembly, & I have the Pleasureto assure you that the filling our Battalions by an immediate Draftfurnishing the Army with Provisions and every other Measure for thefulfilling the just Expectations of your Sovereign & of Congress onthis most important Occasion are the Objects of their closestAttention. I had for several Months past been flattering my self withthe Prospect of this Aid. It strongly impressd my Mind from someCircumstances which took place when you was at Philadelphia the lastyear. But far from Certainty I could only express to some confidentialFriends here, a distant Hope, tho, as I conceivd, not without some goodEffect. At least it servd to enliven our Spirits and animate us for sogreat a Crisis. If it were possible for one to be forgetful of our allimportant Cause for a Moment, my particular Friendship for you would bea prevailing Inducement with me, to make my utmost feeble Exertions toprevent your Disappointment after the great Pains you have taken toserve us. I have Endeavord, & shall continue those Endeavors while Istay here, to brighten the dark Side of the Picture which yourImagination has painted in one part of your Letter before me. Godforbid that we should be obligd to tell our friends when they arrive, that we have not a sufficient Army to cooperate with them norprovisions to feed the few Soldiers that are left. I think I mayventure to predict that this State will comply with the Requisitionsfrom her, to give the utmost Respectability to our Army on so promisingan Occasion. I was in the Council Chamber when I receivd your Letter &took the Liberty of reading some parts of it to the Members present. Iwill communicate other parts of it to some leading Members of the Houseof Representatives as Prudence may dictate, particularly what youmention of the officers Want of Cloathing. I thank you my dear Sir for the friendly remembrance you had of theHint I gave you when you was here. Be pleasd to pay my most respectfulCompliments to the Commander in Chiefe, his Family &c. And be assuredof the warm affection of your obliged friend & very hbl Servt TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS. , Adams Papers, Quincy. ] PHILADELPHIA JULY 10 1780. MY DEAR SIR I wrote to you several Times when I was at Boston, and receivd yourFavor by the Marquis de la Fayette. Another, to which you referrd me, has not yet come to hand. This Letter will be deliverd to you by MrSearle, a Member of Congress for the State of Pennsylvania. He will bebetter able to inform you of the State of things here, than I can, whoafter twelve Months Absence from this City, returnd but a few days ago. The People of Massachusetts have at length agreed to the Form of acivil Constitution, in Nothing varying from a Copy which I sent to youby a Son of our Friend General Warren. This great Business was carriedthrough with much good Humour among the People, and even in Berkshire, where some Persons led us to expect it would meet with manyObstructions. Never was a good Constitution more wanted than at thisJuncture. Among other more lasting Advantages, I hope that inConsequence of it, the Part which that State must take in the War, willbe conducted with greater Attention and better Effect. Who is to be thefirst Man, will be determind in September, when if our News papersrightly inform us, the new Government is to take Place. The Burden willfall on the Shoulders of one of two Gentlemen whom you know. May Heavenlead the People to the wisest Choice. The first chosen Governor mayprobably have it in his Power to do more good or more Hurt than any ofhis successors. The french Fleet is not yet arrivd. Perhaps their longPassage may turn out for the best. An earlier Arrival might have foundus not altogether prepared to cooperate with them to the bestAdvantage. I now think we shall be ready to joyn them. One would thinkthe Exertion which America might make with such Aid, would rid us ofBritish Barbarians. I hope this will be a vigorous and an effectiveCampaign. I left Massachusetts exceedingly active in filling up theirBattalions by Drafts, besides raising 4000 Militia for the Service. Mr Laurens arrivd here from the Southward a few Days past. He willspeedily embark for Holland to prosecute a Business which you are notunacquainted with. Adieu my dear Sir. Yr affectionate Friend TO HANNAH ADAMS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; the text is in W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. Iii. , pp. 53, 54. ] PHILADE Augt 17 1780 MY DEAR HANNAH Nothing I assure you, but Want of Leisure has prevented myacknowledging the Receipt of your very obliging Letter of the 12th ofJuly. You cannot imagine with how much Pleasure I receivd it. I have noReason to doubt your Sincerity when you express the warmest Affectionfor your Mother and me, because I have had the most convincing Proof ofit in the whole Course of your Life. Be equally attentive to everyRelation into which all-wise Providence may lead you, and I willventure to predict for my dear Daughter, an unfailing Source ofHappiness in the Reflections of her own Mind. If you carefully fulfillthe various Duties of Life, from a Principle of Obedience to yourheavenly Father, you shall enjoy that Peace which the World cannot givenor take away. In steadily pursuing the Path of Wisdom & Virtue I amsometimes inclind to think you have been influenced with a View ofpleasing me. This is indeed endearing, and I owe you the Debt ofGratitude. But the pleasing an Earthly Parent, I am perswaded, has notbeen your principal Motive to be religious. If this has any Influenceon your Mind, you know you cannot gratify me so much, as by seekingmost earnestly, the Favor of Him who made & supports you--who will supplyyou with whatever his infinite Wisdom sees best for you in this World, and above all, who has given us his Son to purchase for us the Rewardof Eternal Life--Adieu, and believe that I have. . . TO JAMES BOWDOIN. [Proceedings of Massachusetts Historical Society, 1st ser. , vol. Xii. , pp. 229, 230. ] PHIL. Aug. 22, 1780. MY DEAR SIR, --I have received your favor of the 31st of July & forwardedthe letter inclosed to Mrs. Reed who resides in the country. The Count de Rochambeau, in a letter to Congress, speaks very highly ofthe attention of the Government of Massachusetts, & of the appearanceof the numerous Militia so seasonably forwarded when an attack wasexpected in Rhode Island. And the Minister of France, who on everyoccasion expresses his great regards for that state, mentioned the samething to its Delegates in the most flattering terms. It is a pity thata Militia, always ready to turn out with a view of doing essentialservice, should be disappointed. They were so full of ardor that theCount was under a necessity of urging their return to their necessaryaffairs at home, with the promise of their being again called for, whenGen! Washington should judge that the circumstances of affairs shouldrequire it. We are impatient for the arrival of the 2d division of theFrench Squadron, which we are informed by letters from Boston was spokewith near a month ago by a vessel bound to Salem. The season isadvancing fast, & our troops must daily consume provision the baretransportation of which is an immense cost. I perceive that the GeneralAssembly stands further prorogued to the 31st of this month. I am sorrythat a state of our claim of territory in the New Hampshire Grant hasnot yet been forwarded to Congress; for although it is my wish as anindividual that this uncomfortable dispute may subside till a moreconvenient season, yet I would not willingly be under the necessity ofsaying, when called upon after so long notice, that our state is notready. It might have the appearance of a consciousness in ourselves, that our claim is not well founded. Our new Constitution is much approved of by many gentlemen here. Iunderstand it is soon to be in force. I do most earnestly pray thatHeaven may direct the people to the choice of a wise man for theirGovernor, & incline him to accept of the trust. The post is just going, which obliges me to conclude. I am with very great respect, Your assured friend & Very hble Servt. TO JOHN LOWELL. [Historical Magazine, 1st ser. , vol. I. , p. 260; a portion of the textis in W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. Iii. , pp. 106, 107; adraft, dated September 17, 1780, is in the Samuel Adams Papers, LenoxLibrary. ] PHILADELPHIA, Sept. 15, 1780. On Tuesday last, Congress took up the disputes relating to the NewHampshire grants, agreeably to an order, which passed the 9th of June, and for want of nine states, exclusive of the three interested ones, the matter was put off till yesterday. The delegates of New Hampshireand New York, were prepared with instructions from their respectivestates. A letter from Mr. Chittenden and others styling themselves "TheExecutive Council of Vermont, " was sent in by their agents now in thiscity, claiming the rights of sovereignty of an independent state, andrefusing to submit the question of their independence to Congress, asbeing incompetent to judge and determine thereon. As there was noquestion proposed, a conversation, rather than a debate, ensued, whichended with a call for adjournment at the usual hour. This day, a letterwas sent in to the president from agents in Vermont, praying that incase any question should be agitated concerning the rights andindependence of their state, they might be admitted to be present andhear the debates. Another conversation was begun, which was very sooninterrupted by a call of the attention of the house to the presentstate and circumstances of the army. I am of opinion that Congress willnot easily agree in the question proper to be first put, howeverobvious it may seem to be. This is among a thousand other affairs withwhich it is the fate of Congress to be plagued to the exclusion ofconsiderations of infinitely greater consequence, and which requireimmediate attention. As an individual, I wish most heartily that itcould subside, as things of much greater moment generally do, till "amore convenient season. " But New York presses hard for a decision, andI submit to your judgment whether it would not be prudent that theclaims of Massachusetts to the lands in question should be here inreadiness, lest a construction should be put on a further delay that aconsciousness in the Assembly, of the state having no right in them isthe real occasion of it. I mention this to you in particular, because Irecollect how far you had gone in investigating the title. If you canbe spared from the Assembly, I hope you will be appointed to vindicatethe claim. I just now told you that the attention of Congress was called to thearmy. General Washington has written several letters acquaintingCongress of the distressed circumstances of the army for want ofprovisions and particularly meat. They have several times lately, beenwithout provisions for three or four days. They have even plundered theneighboring villages, and what will be the consequence of such a spiritin our army if it should prevail, may be easily conceived. You aresensible that the dependence is chiefly on the Eastern States for thatkind of supply. Massachusetts has indeed been more punctural than therest. The Commissary General has told me that the very existence of thearmy has been in a great measure owing to the industry and care of ourCommittee at Springfield. Yet even our supplies have not been equal toexpectation. 597 head of cattle have been sent from Massachusetts tothe army from the first of July to the seventh of September. About 200to the posts at the Northward and about 200 to the French army, whichlast are not included in the supply required as our quota. Congresshave pressingly called upon New Hampshire, Massachusetts andConnecticut for 1000 head weekly, less than which will not be more thansufficient for the immediate demands of the army. Our quota is 285 asyou will see by a resolution forwarded by this express. Besides which, magazines must be laid up this winter for the army the next year. Indeed, my friend, we must make the utmost exertion in the great cause. It is now 12 o'clock, and the express will set off very early in themorning. I suppose our countrymen have by this time made choice oftheir Senators and Magistrates. I hope heaven has directed them to achoice that will do them honor. I cannot help feeling anxious to knowwhether they have united in a man for the governor, endowed with thosevirtues which should be characteristic of the first magistrate. Bepleased to let my much esteemed friend, Dr. Cooper, know that if he haswritten, I have not received a line from him since I left Boston. Wesuffer for want of such favors. In hope of receiving one from you, I remain very affectionately yours, TO MRS. ADAMS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADELPHIA Sept 19 1780 MY DEAR BETSY In a Letter to Mr Appleton of the 17th, I desired him to inform youthat I was well. I thank God I continue so, tho I am very sollicitousto know how it fares with you and my dear Connections in Boston. OurFriends at that Distance may be in their Graves before one may evenhear of their previous Sickness. You cannot wonder then that I am inAnxiety every Moment. Upon this Consideration alone, the pub-lickService so far from one's Family, must be conceivd to be a Sacrifice ofno small Value. The Man who has devoted himself to the Service of Godand his Country will chearfully make every Sacrifice. I will not faildaily to commend you to the Care and Protection of Heaven, in Hopes ofseeing you the next Spring. By a Letter of good Authority from Hillsborough in North Carolina datedthe 9th of Septr, we are informd that Col1 Marian of South Carolina whocommanded a Body of Militia had surprisd a Party of the Enemy nearSantee River escorting 150 Prisoners of the Maryland Division. He tookthe Party & relievd the Prisoners, & was on the March to Cross Creek, where General Gates had sent Lt Col1 Ford with proper Officers toconduct them to Hillsbro'. When they joyn, our LOSS in Continentalswill be small in Comparison of what was expected. Pray send the Inclosdto Captain James Shepherd. Remember me to my Family & Friends. Adieu mydear. My worthy Friend Arthur Lee is not yet arrivd. TO JAMES WARREN. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADA. Octob [6] 1780 MY DEAR SIR I have not yet acknowledgd your Favor of the 17th of Septr. It is no Novelty to me to hear you expressing your well directed Zealfor the Safety & Welfare of our Country; and I cannot but applaud yourJealousy of Injury to the Publick from a Misapplication of theResolutions of Congress respecting the Admission of British Effects. AResolution is now on the Table to guard it from the Dangers which youapprehend. I have now before me your Letter of the 17th of Septr, & I am obligd toyou for the favorable Allowance you make for my having omitted to writeto you lately. Without Partiality I may say, you have done me butJustice. And yet I would have written a Letter by the last post, if Icould have given you any tollerable Assurance respecting your Affairwith Mr B. I will continue to press the Matter till it is finishd. Why will you upbraid me, my Friend, with the Votes of "my belovedTown, " in favor of a Man, whom neither you nor I would set up for aGovernor? It is true, I love the People of Boston most fervently. Ihave spent much of my Time in their Service, & have labord to promotetheir Reputation and true Interest. I confess that I feel chagrind andam disappointed at the Preference they have given. But is an honest &virtuous People incapable of Error? They acted, you will say, withtheir Eyes open. They knew the different Characters, Abilities & Meritof the Candidates. But, they were deceivd with false Appearances forthe Moment. A due Attention to the Administration of Government willenable them to measure the Capacity of him whom they have made theobject of their present Choice. That Watchfulness, & Jealousy, which Istill hold to be the best Security of the publick Liberty, will guardthem against future Mistakes. I have not Time at present to write you so long a Letter as I intended. But before I conclude I must inform you, that it is hinted to us by aFriend, that Colo Sears, who has lately been at Camp, has reported inBoston that Mr M declared there repeatedly, that Congress consisted ofa Set of Ro------s, & that he should turn his Back upon them. I wish, if Mr Sheard that Declaration, he wd certify it, that proper Notice may betaken of it. No Member of any Body of Men will answer for the Characterof every Individual; but if Mr M expressd himself in that Manner, itwas false and injurious. I have heard of such Language before, comingfrom Persons of contemptible Characters, influencd by Men who rightlyjudge, that to destroy the Confidence of the People in Congress, is towound our Cause in the most tender Part. It is the Language of Tories, which in times passd would not have been sufferd to pass unpunishd. Adieu. TO MRS. ADAMS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILAD Oct 10 1780 MY DEAR BETSY I had the Pleasure last Week of receiving your very affectionate Letterof the 14th of Septr by the Post. You did not expressly tell me thatyou was well. A material Circumstance, which you must never omit tomention. It is a great Satisfaction to me to be informd, that Mr ArthurLee was respectfully treated by my Friends in Boston. My Friends arehis, & I believe, on the same Principle. But Mr ---- has not seen him. Is notMr ---- my Friend? He professes to be such; and I do verily believe he is asmuch so as he can be. Could I always adjust my Ideas of Politicks tohis Views, I might perhaps insure the most flattering Expressions ofhis Friendship. I expect soon to see it announcd in the Papers, that Mr Hancock iselected Governor of the Common Wealth of Massachusetts. I confess I didnot foresee that Boston would have been so united as I find they were, when two such Competitors as he & Mr Bowdoin were set up. Theirrespective Characters, Abilities & Merit were well known to theElectors, who have therefore acted with their Eyes open. It is to bepresumd, that they have been influencd to this Choice by the pureMotives of publick Affection. A due Attention to the Administration ofGovernment, I fancy, will soon determine whether they have acted withWisdom or not. By the inclosd Paper you will observe, that the late Genl Arnold, afterhaving committed the blackest Treason against his Country has thrownhimself into the Arms of its Enemies. You know, that I have long had mySuspicions of this Traitor, & therefore you will not wonder that I amnot so much astonishd as if any other officer had been detected. He hasbeen gibbeted in the Streets by the Populace, anathematizd by theClergy in the Pulpit, & his Name has with Indignation been struck outof the List of Officers by Order of Congress. 1 Remember me to my Family& Friends. Adieu. 1 A draft dated October 3, 1780, has at this point the words: "ThisCity has for some time past been a complete Hospital, and many arestill sick. " TO MRS. ADAMS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHIL. Oct 17-1780 MY DEAR BETSY Yesterday I had the pleasure of receiving your Letter of the 2 7 ofSeptr by the hand of my valueable Friend Mr Arthur Lee. As it was threeweeks old I had a Right to expect another by the Post, but amdisappointed. I have ever esteemd Mr Lee one of the most virtuous, active & able American Patriots. This opinion, you know, I have longentertaind of him, and therefore you justly conclude, that he meetswith the most cordial Reception from me. You was mistaken when you supposd that I had heard who were chosen intothe highest Places under our new Constitution. We are not so wellinformd. I had Reason to believe that Mr Hancock would be the Governor. I am disposd to think, that my Fellow Citizens had upright Views ingiving him their Suffrages. Many Circumstances have combind to make hisElection appear to be politically necessary; and if the People, who arenow blessd with so great a Privilege, will exercise that Watchfulnessover Men whom they exalt to Places of Power, which their Duty &Interest should lead them to do, I flatter myself that his will prove ahappy Choice. You may wonder at my saying so; but I think I am notmisguided in my Judgment in this Instance. If they have now chosen awise & virtuous Governor, a few only will be disappointed; ifotherwise, Many will see their Error, and will be indued to greaterVigilance for the future. I am far from being an Enemy to thatGentleman, tho' he has been prevaild upon to mark me as such. I have somuch Friendship for him, as to wish with all my Heart, that in the mostcritical Circumstances, he may distinguish between his real Friends &his flattering Enemies. Or rather between the real Friends of theCountry & those who will be ready to offer the Incense of Flattery tohim who is the first Man in it. This will require an accurate Knowledgeof Men. I therefore again wish that he may have the most able &faithful Councellors to assist him in the Administration of Affairs. Can I say more? If, with the best Advice he is able to hold the Reinsof Government with Dignity, I wish him a Continuance of the Honor. Ifhe renders our Country secure in a flourishing Condition, I will neverbe so partial & unjust as to withhold my Tribute of Applause. Adieu my dear TO JAMES WARREN. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADELPHIA Oct 24 1780 MY DEAR SIR I have not yet laid aside your Letter of the 17th of Septr which is thelast I have been favord with from you. It ill becomes you, my Friend, to think of retiring into private Life, who can lay your hand on yourheart, and say that in your publick Conduct your have in no Instancedeviated from virtuous Principles. If ever the Time should come, whenvain & aspiring Men shall possess the highest Seats in Government, ourCountry will stand in Need of its experiencd Patriots to prevent itsRuin. There may be more Danger of this, than some, even of our welldisposd Citizens may imagine. If the People should grant theirSuffrages to Men, only because they conceive them to have been Friendsto the Country, without Regard to the necessary Qualifications for thePlaces they are to fill, the Administration of Government will become amere Farce, and our pub-lick Affairs will never be put on the Footingof solid Security. We should inquire into the Tempers of Men, in orderto form a Judgment in what Manner the publick Trusts to be reposed inthem will be executed. You remember the Character of Pisistratus. Hewas a Citizen of Athens, supposd to have many excellent Qualities, buthe had an insatiable Lust of Pre-eminence. Solon could discover hisVanity, but the People were blinded by a false Glare of Virtues and hewas their Idol. Under Pretence of his having escaped imminent Dangerfrom a violent Faction, and the further Insecurity of his Person heartfully obtaind a Guard of Soldiers, by which Means he possessdhimself of the Citadel & usurpd the Government. But though he madehimself Sovereign, & thus far overthrew the popular Election, theHistorian tells us, "that he made no Change in the Magistracy or theLaws. --He was content that others should hold their Places according tothe establishd Rules of the Constitution, so that he might continueArchon, independent of the Suffrages of the People. This he effected;for though several Attempts were made, to deprive him of theSovereignty which he had so violently obtaind, he held it till hisDeath & left it to his Children. " Such was the Ambition of this Man, who indeed assumd the Government, and such were the Effects of it. Power is intoxicating; and Men legally vested with it, too oftendiscover a Disposition to make an ill Use of it & an Unwillingness topart with it. HOW different was Pisistratus from that Roman Hero andPatriot Lucius Quinctius Cincinatus who, tho vested with the Authorityof Dictator, was so moderate in his Desires of a Continuance of Power, that, having in six Weeks fulfilld the Purposes of his Appointment, heresignd the dangerous office, which he might have held till theExpiration of six Months. --When we formerly had weak and wicked Governors& Magistrates, it was our Misfortune; but for the future, while weenjoy and exercise the inestimable Right of chusing them ourselves, itwill be our Disgrace. I hope our Countrymen will always keep a watchfulEye over the publick Conduct of those whom they exalt to Power, makingat the same time every just Allowance for the Imperfections of humanNature; and I pray God we may never see Men filling the sacred Seats ofGovernment, who are either wanting in adequate Abilities, or influencdby any Views Motives or Feelings seperate from the publick Welfare. Adieu. TO RICHARD HENRY LEE. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADE Octob 31 1780 MY DEAR SIR I cannot begin this Letter but by intreating you to impute my pastOmission to any Cause you please excepting a Forgetfulness or willfulNeglect. The making of Apologys is among Friends so formal a Businessthat I hardly know how to set myself about it. I am sure you will notbe prevaild upon to suspect the Cordiality of my Affection for you. That I assure you would be punishing me more than I am conscious Ideserve. I will frankly own to you that I am astonishd at theReflection of four Months having elapsd since I last came to this City, without my having written to you one Letter, even to acknowledge thefavor I have receivd from you. But will you my friend bury what mayseem to you a Fault in oblivion upon my Promise to amend for the future. I have more to say to you than my Leisure will at present allow. Andindeed the Situation of your Country, I fear is likely to be such as torender the Conveyance of Letters precarious and a free Communication ofSentiments unsafe. Should they fall into the Enemies hands we know notwhat Use they will make of them--to be sure an ill use & very probablyinjurious to our great Cause. I hope the People of Virginia are able to prevent the Troops that mayhave arrivd from taking a Post there. It will give our Enemies occasionto boast of their having subdued that populous State, in order to givean unfavorable Aspect to our Affairs, in Europe. This, with otherimportant Considerations, should induce you to make every possibleExertion to defeat their Design. I have always thought that theIntelligence contained in a Letter of Colo Campbell intercepted lastSpring was genuine. If so, the making a Lodgment at Portsmouth is amaterial Part of their Plan. Upon conversing with your Brother Mr Arthur Lee, I am confirmd in myown opinion that his Character is very different from that which hisEnemies gave him two years ago. You know I have long corresponded withhim, and a Mans confidential Letters are so sure a Criterion by whichto judge of his real Disposition, that I before thought I could not bemistaken. He has shared the Fate of honest Patriots in all Times ofCorruption in being persecuted. But I am satisfied the People in theEastern States entertain an high opinion of his Integrity & Abilities. I hope he will meet with Justice in Congress. I think he meritsApplause. Please to pay my Respects to Mrs Lee--your Brother Colo Frank & others towhom they are due. I will write as often as I can. Adieu & be assuredthat I am affectionately Your Friend TO SAMUEL COOPER. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADA Novr 7 1780 MY DEAR SIR Your favor of the 21st of Septr was deliverd to me by my very worthyFriend Mr Arthur Lee who came to this City about a Fortnight ago. TheRespect which you say was paid to him by the principal Gentlemen inBoston is exceedingly pleasing to me, because, from an intimate &confidential Correspondence with him for ten years, I am convincd thathe was among the most early and consistent American Patriots. Hisinflexible Virtue in the first Stages of our Contest renderd himobnoxious to the great & powerful in England, and equally of late tointerrested Persons in France & their Connexions in America. MyFriendship for him is not private; it is grounded altogether on publickPrinciples. You tell me, his short Residence in the State ofMassachusetts, has been very far from diminishing that Estimation inwhich the People held him there. I should have been indeed sorry if ithad been otherwise; for his great Services to them in particular, hadjustly merited their Esteem. I rejoyce that my own Countrymen are notungrateful. I hope they will always be too knowing and too just, eitherto pay servile Hommage to the weak and wicked, or to withhold the Marksof their Approbation due to the wise and good. You have doubtless before this time been informd that Congress havecalled on the States to take immediate and effectual Measures to fillup the Army with their respective Quotas during the War. They havesince orderd a Tax to the Value of Six Millions of Dollars in Specie;to be paid partly in specifick Articles for the Supply of the Army, andthe Remainder in Gold & Silver or Bills of the new Emission. TheirDesign is to have a permanent Army, and to provide adequate Magazinesfor its subsistence without Delay. We have often a Choice ofDifficulties presented to us. I think, upon the whole, we have in thisInstance fixed upon the best Method. At least it appears to me to bethe surest, considering all our Circumstances. And I am the moresatisfied, because I understand that our Legislature have anticipatedthe Measure and already begun to assess the Towns for their respectiveProportions of the specifick Articles. Had our Money been stable wemight have contracted for the Supply of our Army; but the Paper, as allthe World knows, is depreciated, for which we are in part obligd to ourEnemies, who are dexterous in counterfeiting. Our Affairs in N Carolina wear a more agreable Aspect than they did afew Weeks ago. The Enemy, you have heard, are got into Chessapeak Bay. It is said they are landed at Portsmouth & Hampton & that they burn allbefore them. It is also said that the Militia turned out with greatSpirit, but we have had no official Letters by the last post. Althoughwe are pressd with Difficulties, we are in chearful Spirits and by theBlessing of Heaven Expect to overcome them. Adieu my dear Sir, andbelieve me to be affectionately, Your Friend, Be pleasd to acquaint Mrs A that I am in good Health. TO MRS. ADAMS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library] PHILADE Novr 11th 1780 MY DEAR BETSY I have receivd no Letter from you since the 9th of October. SomeAccident prevented the Arrival of the Eastern Post last Monday and heis now not expected till the next. I hope I shall then receive a Linefrom you, to let me know at least that you are well. If you do notacknowledge the Receipt of my Letter of the 10th of October, I shallconclude that it fell into wrong hands: for the Post that took Chargeof the Letters from hence of that Date, was robbd of his Mail inConnecticut and it was carried to New York. I am uncertain whether Isent that Letter to the Post Office, or deliverd it to Mr Torry wholeft this City about the same time. If the Enemy have filchd it, theirpublishing it would do no good to them nor Injury to me or any oneelse. Indeed it was an harmless thing, and worth no ones Notice butyours, and yours, only as it was intended to inform you that I wasthen, as I am at this Time, in good health. I flatter myself you arealways gratified when I can give you this Intelligence. Novr 13th The Post is just arrivd & has not brought me a Letter from you--his latestLetters and Papers are dated the 26th of Octobr. By the next we expectto receive Accounts of the Organization of our Government under the newConstitution, in all its Splendor-- to see the Speech from the Chair--theAnswers from the several Branches of the Legislature--congratulatoryAddresses &c, &c. I have been anxious, lest our Countrymen shouldmisjudge in the Choice of their first Governor. They are grateful; andI was affraid that from the Goodness of their Hearts they might beindued to give their Suffrages for a Man, who, they might conceive haddone them eminent Services in other Stations, without a dueConsideration whether he possesses those excellent Qualities whichshould characterize and dignify their chiefe Magistrate. Our presentGovernors may probably stamp the moral as well as political Characterof the People. I shall most heartily rejoyce, if the "Abilities anddisinterested Zeal" of the Gentleman called to fill the Chair proveadequate to the strong Expectations of my fellow Citizens in Boston, expressd in their late Vote of Thanks. But why do I trouble you with aSubject of this Nature? Let me ask you before I finish this Letter--Areyou in Health? Have you a Sufficiency of Fire wood & other Necessariesfor the approaching cold Season? Are your Family Cares alleviated withthe Visits & chearful Conversation of your Friends and mine? You mustanswer me these Questions, for I am greatly interrested in them. MyLove to my Family and Friends. Adieu my Dear. Believe me to be mostsincerely and affectionately Your, TO JAMES WARREN. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADE NOVR 20 1780 MY DEAR SIR In your Letter of the 17th of Septr which is still before me, you say"the Tongue of Malice has always been employd against me"; and inmentioning it you discover the Feelings of a Friend. It may perhaps insome Measure relieve those Feelings if I tell you, that it serves tomake me more watchful over my self, lest by any Misconduct I mightafford Occasion to the malicious Man to say things of me which wouldgive me just Cause to be ashamd. It is said to be a Misfortune to aMan, when all speak well of him. Is it then an Advantage to a Man tohave Enemies? It may be so if he has wisdom to make a good Use of them. We are apt to be partial in our own Judgment of our selves. Our Friendsare either blind to our Faults or not faithful enough to tell us ofthem. The Malicious Man will speak all Manner of Evil against us, andcontrive Means to send it Post haste to our Ears; and if among muchSlander they say some Truths, what have we to do, but correct pastErrors & guard against future ones. The Report which you mention aspropagated of me is groundless. Would any Man in his Senses who wishesthe War may be carried on with Vigor, prefer the temporary andexpensive Drafts of Militia, to a permanent and well appointed Army!But Envy has no other Business than to calumniate. -- Mr Penny has deliverd me your favor of the 2d Instant. He has alsobrought us a Paper which exhibits a Picture of the Times. You expresstoo much Resentment at the Ingratitude which you imagine has been shownto your Friend--that his Name is not to be found in any of the Lists--andespecially, that he could not be supported in Competition with MrAvery--Your Friend has no Claims on his Country, nor does he set himselfin Competition with Mr A, who in some Respects is thought to be anecessary Man. He is one, whom, I confess, I regard for his Honesty andeasy good Humour. We have been entertaind with the Speeches both beforeand after the putting on the Regalia; and we expect to seecongratulatory Addresses from various Orders civil & ecclesiastical. Ishould pity the Governor if I thought him apt to be discomposd with thehigh Complimentary Stile. It is usual in all Honey Moons. I could wishto see, if we must have abundant Addresses, the manly Simplicity ofBarcklay the Quaker in his Dedication to Charles the 2d of England. Excepting that Instance, I do not recollect to have seen an Address toa great Man, that was not more or less, & very often deeply, tincturdwith Flattery. --If the Town Clerk of Ephesus has treated me "with verygreat Disrespect, " I am sorry for him. It gives me no Uneasiness on myown Account. If he "treats every one in that way who will not worshipthe Great Image, " he leaves me in the best of Company--Company, which hemay at another Time, find it his own Interest, if that governs him, tocourt & respect. We are even reduced to the Hutchinsonian Times, if aCitizen shall think himself constraind to malign his old Friend, merelybecause the Great Man has been prevaild upon to mark him as hisEnemy. --But the History of all Ages & all Countrys shows, that there is noAbsurdity into which Idolatry will not lead Men. Remember me to MyFriend Mr Gerry, & let him know that I have not forgot his Letters, &that I will write to him soon. Adieu my dear Sir. Your affectionate, Will you call on Mrs A & let her know that I am well. TO THOMAS WELLS. 1 [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADELPHIA Novr 22 1780 MY DEAR MR WELLS Although I have not yet acknowledgd the obliging Letter you wrote to mesome time ago, I would not have you entertain a Doubt of my sincereRespect and the Confidence I place in you. I think I gave you thestrongest Proof of this when I was last in Boston. From that Moment Ihave considerd myself particularly interested in your Wellfare. Itcannot indeed be otherwise, since I then consented that you should formthe most intimate Connection with the dear Girl whom I pride myself incalling my Daughter. I did this with Caution and Deliberation; andhaving done it, I am now led to contemplate the Relation in which I ammyself to stand with you, and I can [hardly] forbear the same Stile inthis Letter, which I should take the Liberty to use if I was writing toher. The Marriage State was designd to complete the Sum of humanHappiness in this Life. It some times proves otherwise; but this isowing to the Parties themselves, who either rush into it without dueConsideration, or fail in point of Discretion in their Conduct towardseach other afterwards. It requires Judgment on both Sides, to conductwith exact Propriety; for though it is acknowledgd, that theSuperiority is & ought to be in the Man, yet as the Mannagement of aFamily in many Instances necessarily devolves on the Woman, it isdifficult always to determine the Line between the Authority of the one& the Subordination of the other. Perhaps the Advice of the good Bishopof St Asaph on another Occasion, might be adopted on this, and that is, not to govern too much. When the married Couple strictly observe thegreat Rules of Honor & Justice towards each other, Differences, if anyhappen, between them, must proceed from small & trifling Circumstances. Of what Consequence is it, whether a Turkey is brought on the Tableboild or roasted? And yet, how often are the Passions sufferd tointerfere in such mighty Disputes, till the Tempers of both become sosowerd, that they can scarcely look upon each other with any tolerableDegree of good Humor. I am not led to this particular Mode of treatingthe Subject from an Apprehension of more than common Danger, that suchKind of Fricas will frequently take Place in that Connection, uponwhich, much of my future Comfort in Life will depend. I am too wellacquainted with the Liberality of your Way of thinking, to harbour sucha Jealousy; and I think I can trust to my Daughters Discretion if shewill only promise to exercise it. I feel myself at this Moment sodomestically disposd that I could say a thousand things to you, if Ihad Leisure. I could dwell on the Importance of Piety & Religion, ofIndustry & Frugality, of Prudence, AEconomy, Regularity & an evenGovernment, all which are essential to the Well being of a Family. ButI have not Time. I cannot however help repeating Piety, because I thinkit indispensible. Religion in a Family is at once its brightestOrnament & its best Security. The first Point of Justice, says a WriterI have met with, consists in Piety; Nothing certainly being so great aDebt upon us, as to render to the Creator & Preserver thoseAcknowledgments which are due to Him for our Being, and the hourlyProtection he affords us. Remember me to all Friends, and be assured that I am Yours 1 A younger brother of Elizabeth Wells; he married the daughter ofAdams. Cf. Vol. Iii. , p. 214. TO MRS. ADAMS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADA Novr 24 1780 MY DEAR BETSY Yesterday I wrote to Mr Wells, and in haste because I was informd thatDr Craigie was then instantly setting off for Boston. As he has waitedanother Day, I have the Opportunity of acknowledging the Receipt ofyour Letters of the 25th of October & the 8th of Novr which werebrought to me by the Post. You seem, my Dear, to express more Concernthan I think you ought, at certain Events that have of late taken Placein the Common Wealth of Massachusetts. Do you not consider that in afree Republick, the People have an uncontroulable right of chusing whomthey please, to take their Parts in the Administration of publickAffairs? No Man has a Claim on his Country, upon the Score of hishaving renderd pub-lick Service. It is the Duty of every one to use hisutmost Exertions in promoting the Cause of Liberty & Virtue; and havingso done, if his Country thinks proper to call others to the arduousTask, he ought chearfully to acquiesce, and to console himself with theContemplations of an honest Man in private Life. You know, how ardentlyI have wishd for the Sweets of Retirement. I am like to have my Wish. --Youare Witness that I have not raisd a Fortune in the Service of myCountry. I glory in being what the World calls, a poor Man. If my Mindhas ever been tinctured with Envy, the Rich and the Great have not beenits objects. If I have been vain, Popularity, tho' I had as much of itas any Man ought to have, is not the Phantome I have pursued. He whogains the Approbation of the Virtuous Citizens. I will own, may feelhimself happy; but he is in Reality much more so, who knows he deservesit, Such a Man, if he cannot retreat with Splendor, he may withdignity. I will trust in that all gracious Being, who, in his own goodWay, has provided us with Food and Raiment; and having spent thegreatest Part of my Life in Publick Cares, like the weary Traveller, fatigud with the Journey of the Day, I can rest with you in a Cottage. If I live till the Spring, I will take my final Leave of Congress andreturn to Boston. I have Reasons to be fixed in this Determinationwhich I will then explain to you. I grow more domestick as I increasein years. My worthy Friend Mr Arthur Lee, who just now favord me with a Visit, sends Respects to you and the Family. I have forgot in my late Letters to tell you, that six Weeks ago, General Ward & my self changd our Lodgings, and are at the House of MrsMiller. She is a well bred Woman, and my Situation is agreable. ColoPalfrey who is with us is appointed Consul, and will soon go to France, when Mr Lovel will take the vacant Chamber. ---- Adieu my dear. Your affectionate, TO ELBRIDGE GERRY. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; the text, with variations, isin J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. I. , pp. 359-363. ] PHILADE Novr 27 1780 Let me intreat you, my dear Sir, not to think me unmindful of theseveral Favors I have receivd from you since I arrivd in this City. Ihate Protestations among Friends, and the making Apologies is so formala Business, that I know not in what Manner to begin it. Yet it seemsnecessary that I should say something in Excuse for my not havingwritten to you. Shall I tell you of my trembling Hand, & how unfit anInstrument it is to guide a Pen? I do assure you that writing is onthat Account become painful to me. I am perswaded you never doubted theReality of my Friendship for you, and I solemnly affirm it has notabated a single Iota. Let this suffice on the Score of Apology, andpermit me to hope that I shall receive your Letters frequently, while Iremain here, which however will be only until next Spring. I shall thentake my final Leave of Congress, & seek that Retirement from publickCares, which my Country seems to point out for me, & to which my ownInclination leads me. I perceive it has been in your Option to take a Seat in either House ofthe General Assembly, or return to Congress. I cannot say in which ofthese Departments you will have it in your Power to render the mostsubstantial Service to the Publick. We feel the Want of you here; andyet I think you have wisely chosen a Seat for the present in the Houseof Representatives. Many Virtuous Men there may want that Informationwhich you are able to give them. Possibly you may have much of the oldGround to go over again. More in my Opinion, is necessary to be done, than conquering our British Enemies in order to establish the Libertiesof our Country on a solid Basis. Human Nature, I am affraid, is toomuch debas'd to relish those Republican Principles, in which the newGovernment of the Common Wealth of Massachusetts appears to be founded. And may it not be added, that the former Government, I mean the lastCharter, being calculated rather to make servile Men than freeCitizens, the Minds of many of our Countrymen have been inurd to acringing Obsequiousness, too deeply wrought into Habit to be easilyeradicated? Mankind is prone enough to political Idolatry. Such atemper is widely different from that reverence which every virtuousCitizen will show to the upright Magistrate. If my Fears on this Headare ill grounded, I hope I shall be excusd. They proceed from a cordialAffection for that Country to the Service of which I have devoted thegreatest Part of my Life--May Heaven inspire the present Rulers withWisdom & sound Understanding. In all Probability they will stamp theCharacter of the People. It is natural for sensible Observers to forman Estimate of the People from the Opinion they have of those whom theyset up for their Legislators & Magistrates. And besides, if we lookinto the History of Governors, we shall find that their Principles &Manners have always had a mighty Influence on the People. Should Levity& Foppery ever be the ruling Taste of the Great, the Body of the Peoplewould be in Danger of catching the Distemper, and the ridiculous Maximsof the one would become fashionable among the other. I pray God we maynever be addicted to Vanity & the Folly of Parade! Pomp & Show servevery well to promote the Purposes of European & Asiatick grandeur, inCountries where the Mystery of Iniquity is carried to the highestPitch, & Millions are tame enough to believe that they are born for noother Purpose than to be subservient to the capricious Will of a singleGreat Man or a few! It requires Council & sound Judgment to render ourCountry secure in a flourishing Condition. --If Men of Wisdom & Knowledge, of Moderation & Temperance, of Patience Fortitude & Perseverance, ofSobriety & true Republican Simplicity of Manners, of Zeal for the Honorof the Supreme Being & the Welfare of the Common Wealth--If Men possessdof these & other excellent Qualities are chosen to fill the Seats ofGovernment we may expect that our Affairs will rest on a solid &permanent Foundation. I thank you my dear Sir, for mentioning my Family so affectionately inone of your Letters. Oblige them with your Visits as often as you can. Remember me to Colo Orne, who, I have Reason to think is among myFriends. Adieu and believe me to be most sincerely Yours, TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADA Decr 17. 1780 MY DEAR SIR I have written several Letters to you & Mr D1 since the 28th of Junewhen I last arrivd in this City. I think I committed one to the Care ofour Friend Mr Laurens, who is unfortunately carried to England. MrPalfrey, who is the Bearer of this, is appointed Consul in France; andbesides his Consular Functions, he has it in charge to forward suchCloathing Arms &c as are or may be procured there for the Use of ourTroops. Great Exertions have been made the year past, in which oldMassachusetts has borne her full Share, to be in Readiness to cooperatewith our Ally, in an Attempt to give our Invaders a decisive Blow. Butthe second Division of the french Squadron being blockd up in Brest, &a Reinforcement to the Enemy arriving from the West Indies, they havehad the Superiority at Sea. This was not our only Misfortune; for hadthe whole naval Force arrivd which we expected, I am inclind to believewe should have faild for Want of a Sufficiency of Powder. By anunpardonable Neglect in somebody, that essential Article was not sent, as it ought to have been, in Season. I have called it an unpardonableNeglect. It appears so to me. My Judgment, however, may be too severe. I confess, I feel much chagrind, while I think that any thing has beenomitted which might have been done, to have finishd the War with aglorious Campaign. But Disappointments, tho vexatious, ought not todisconcert us. They do not. No Difficulties should discourage us in theSupport of a Cause, so righteous in the Sight of Heaven as I believeours to be, and so interresting to Mankind. Our Creator has given usUnderstanding, - Strength of Body and a Country full of Provisions. Wemust make a good Use of them, hoping that His blessing will crown ourvirtuous Struggle. He helps those who make proper Exertions to helpthemselves. Such Exertions are now making. The States are called uponfor an Army of 35, 000 Men; and from past Experience of the greatExpence, as well as Inutility of temporary Drafts, they are resolvd tohave a well appointed Army early in the Field & inlisted for the War. And effectual Measures are taken for the Purpose of providing Magazinesin Season for its Subsistence. The People at large, as far as I canlearn, are as determind as ever to support their Independence, & forthat End to carry on the War with Vigor. If our Ally can furnish uswith a decided naval Superiority, I think there will be the fairestProspect of bringing this great Contest to a happy Conclusion the nextyear. --Altho' the Enemy have gaind the Possession of Charleston, they havenot succeeded to their Wishes in that Quarter. They do not find thePeople so pliable as they flatterd themselves they should. Notwithstanding Cornwallis' boasting Letter to Lord George, of "acompleat Victory obtaind the 16th Instant by His Majesties Troops undermy Command, over the rebel southern Army, " that brave Army checkd theProgress of the Troops under his Command on the 16th of August; and theMilitia have since, in several Instances, given him ample Proofs of afirm Attachment to the pub-lick Cause, as well as Bravery and Alertnesswhich he did not expect, and which I believe have disconcerted theirgeneral Plan. --The Hands of those People, if not already, will very soonbe taught to war & their Fingers to fight. Arnolds Conspiracy was to have wrought Wonders, but gracious Heavendefeated it. We have so often seen in the Course of this Conflict, theremarkeable Interposition of divine Providence in our favor, as toconvince me, that the Attempts of our Enemies to subdue us, will be butgnawing a File. Your publick Letters have been well receivd. I have been favord withonly two from you since you left Boston. One was deliverd to me by myworthy patriotick Friend Mr A Lee, & the other by the Count deNoailles, who lately spent a few Days in this City. He appears to be amost amiable young Nobleman, & I believe you have not said too much inthe great Character you have given him. The very short time he stayedhere & the Business I have been engagd in, prevented me the Honor, which I very much covetted, of conversing with him frequently. Congress have appointed Colo John Laurens Envoy extraordinary at theCourt of Versailes, & Mr Dana will be regularly informd that he is togo to Russia. Before I conclude I must let you know, that the Ship which was set upin Massachusetts while you was there, and which, it was proposd, shouldbe named, the Oceana, 1 has since been compleatly finishd and is nowafloat. Her Materials are acknowledgd to be of the best kind, & wellput together. It is said she will make a prime Sailer if not too tauntmasted. Others say, that the Construction of her Hull is such as torequire a lofty Sail. There are many Speculations about her. As I amnot a Judge in the Matter, I am prudently silent & hear the Opinions ofthose who are Connoisseurs. All agree that her Owners have much atStake, & that it will be a very great Oversight in them if they shouldever risque her with unskilfull or unprincipled Officers or Pilots. My due Regards to Mr Dana, & be assured that I am very cordially his &your Friend. 1 The Massachusetts Constitution of 1780. TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADELPHIA Decr 20 1780 MY DEAR SIR-- Mr Palfrey is just embarking, so I have only a few Moments to informyou, that I have this Morning been conversing with an old Man and anold Whig, who has all his Days been an Inhabitant of South Carolina &Georgia. He was taken Prisoner last Summer & carried to New York, fromwhence he lately came to this Place. And though his Fortune wouldenable him to live here at Ease, he thinks he can be useful to Americaby returning to that Part of it, and at the Age of 73 has undertakenthe long Journey. He has always mixed with the People of those States, & is well acquainted with their Temper & Sentiments. He also has beenmuch among the Indians & is greatly beloved by them. This Account Ihave had of him often from the Delegates of Georgia & others whom I canconfide in. The old Gentleman tells me that the People of those Statesare in general firmly attachd to the American Cause, & most ferventlydeprecate their being finally seperated from the United States. HisSoul was refreshd to hear me say that I did not apprehend any Danger ofit--that the Idea would, in my Opinion, be abominated by the EasternStates, and, as far as I could judge, by all the rest. He says, thatthe Creeks & the Chictaws, which are the most numerous tribes ofIndians, consisting of at least 8 perhaps 10 thousand Gun men, are ourstaunch Friends. The Heads of them have lately spoken to him in thisLanguage, "We stand on the same Ground with you, we drink the sameWater, breathe the same Air. . You are the Buds, & can there be Fruit ifthe Buds are nipped off?" These are forceable Words, which expresstheir own Sense of the Necessity of their Union with us for their veryExistence. They are a sagacious as well as a powerfull People, & anAlliance & Friendship with them is of Importance to all the UnitedStates. The People, of whatever Nation, who shall possess Georgia &South Carolina, will be, the Leaves of their Trees. It is my Opinion, that even a Thought of leaving the Inhabitants of those States to besubject to any foreign Power, who so gallantly defended themselves inthe Beginning of this Contest, & have lately sufferd so much for theSake of American Liberty, would not only be unjust to them, but in ahigh Degree impolitick. In every view we see the Necessity of a sufficient Naval Force. A fewShips of War at the Bar of Charlestown, & a Frigate or two in StoneRiver, might at this time effect the Recovery of that City. I need notinform you, what an Effect the Sight of a Sixty Gun Ship would probablyhave at Penobscott. -- Do not our Enemies conceive the Idea of Utipossidetis? And can there be Peace in America while Britain holds aFoot of Ground in any Part of it? Adieu. TO JOHN SCOLLAY. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a portion of the text, withmodifications, is in W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. Iii. , pp. 114, 115. ] PHILADE Decr 30 1780 MY DEAR SIR I receivd your favor of the 6th Instant, but not till the 25th. ThePost has been very irregular of late, & our Letters grow old before wereceive them. It is a Shame that the Mail has been catchd a second timein the same trap. I inclosd to you a Warrant on Mr Appleton for theAmount of your Demand for boarding the Orphans of our late Friend GenlWarren. I think I did not send the Letter by that Post. But beinguncertain I informd you in a subsequent Letter of my having sent theWarrant, and desired you to inform me whether it had come safely tohand. I expect to hear from you in Answer to my last at least, & shallthen conduct the Matter if necessary, as you have proposd. Our Government, I perceive, is organizd on the Basis of the newConstitution. I am affraid there is more Pomp & Parade than isconsistent with those sober Republican Principles, upon which theFramers of it thought they had founded it. Why should this new AEra beintroducd with Entertainments expensive & tending to dissipate theMinds of the People? Does it become us to lead the People to suchpublick Diversions as promote Superfluity of Dress & Ornament, when itis as much as they can bear to support the Expense of cloathing a nakedArmy? Will Vanity & Levity ever be the Stability of Government, eitherin States, in Cities, or what, let me hint to you is of the lastImportance, in Families? Of what Kind are those Manners, by which, aswe are truly informd in a late Speech, "not only the freedom but thevery Existence of Republicks is greatly affected?" HOW fruitless is it, to recommend "the adapting the Laws in the most perfect Mannerpossible, to the Suppression of Idleness Dissipation & Extravagancy, "if such Recommendations are counteracted by the Example of Men ofReligion, Influence & publick Station? I meant to consider this Subjectin the View of the mere Citizen. But I have mentiond the sacred WordReligion. I confess, I am surprizd to hear, that some particularPersons have been so unguarded as to give their Countenance to suchkind of Amusements. I wish Mr ---- would recollect his former Ideas when hisFriend Whitfield thunderd in the Pulpit against Assemblies & Balls. Ithink he has disclaimd Diversions, in some Instances, which to me havealways appeard innocent. Has he changd his Opinions, or has theTendency of things alterd? Do certain Manners tend to quench the Spiritof Religion at one time & are they harmless at another? Are Morals sovague as to be sanctified or dispens'd with by the Authority ofdifferent Men? He does not believe this. But I will not be severe, forI love my Friend. Religion out of the Question for the present. It wasasked in the Reign of Charles the 2d of England, HOW shall we turn theMinds of the People from an Attention to their Liberties? The Answerwas, by making them extravagant, luxurious, effeminate. Hutchinsonadvisd the Abridgment of what our People called English Liberties, bythe same Means. We shall never subdue them, said Bernard, but byeradicating their Manners & the Principles of their Education. Will thejudicious Citizens of Boston be now caught in the Snare, which theirartful, insidious Enemies, a few years ago laid for them in vain? Shallwe ruin ourselves by the very means, which they pointed out in theirConfidential Letters, tho even they did not dare openly to avow them?Pownal, who was indeed a mere Fribble, venturd to have his Riots &Routs at his own house, to please a few Boys & Girls. Sober People weredisgusted at it, & his privy Councellors never thought it prudent toventure so far as expensive Balls. Our Bradfords, Winslows & Winthropswould have revolted at the Idea of opening Scenes of Dissipation &Folly; knowing them to be inconsistent with their great Design, intransplanting themselves into what they called this "Outside of theWorld. " But I fear I shall say too much. I love the People of Boston. Ionce thought, that City would be the Christian Sparta. But Alas! Willmen never be free! They will be free no longer than while they remainvirtuous. Sidney tells us, there are times when People are not worthsaving. Meaning, when they have lost their Virtue. I pray God, this maynever be truly said of my beloved Town. Adieu. My Respects to MrsScollay & Family & believe me to be sincerely Your Friend If Mr B A 1 thinks a Question from me worth his answering, ask himwhether he has lost some value-able Books which I have seen in hisLibrary, the Works of our illustrious Forefathers. 1 Benjamin Austin. 1781 TO RICHARD HENRY LEE. [MS. , Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society. ] PHILADE Jany 15th 1781 MY DEAR SIR Your second Letter came to hand in due Season. My much Esteemed FriendMr Arthur Lee will take the Charge of this. I will say to you as I havesaid to my Boston Friends, who are sollicitous to know what Treatmenthe meets with here. The more I have conversd with him, the more I havebeen confirmd in a good opinion of him, and lamented the Mistakes andPrejudices of some Men & the Wickedness of others. His Enemies, Ithink, dare not openly attack his Reputation or Conduct. But theWhispers of Envy & Malice, have sometimes Influence enough to preventthe Justice due to the virtuous Citizen. When this is the Case, itaffords a Symptom of the Decay of publick Spirit, more threatning tothe Liberties of a Common Wealth than Hosts of foreign Enemies. Monarchs have their Favorites who serve as Pimps on their honestSubjects. But Republicks should examine the Conduct of their Servantswith an impartial Eye; and it discovers the Want of pub-lick Virtue, asmuch, to withhold their Smiles from the wise and good as to bestow themon the wicked & unfaithful. Mr Lee has as yet had neither Smiles norFrowns. I am still in hopes, he will meet with the Rewards which I amsure he would have receivd if he had returnd a few years ago. He willhave them, when the Trustees of the Publick shall have Fortitudeenough, to be uninfluencd by great Names & Characters given to Men ofbase & depraved Minds. You will ask, when that will be. Perhaps not inthis Age. But the Historian will in some future time draw forth theProofs of his Patriotism, & unprejudicd Posterity will acknowledge thatArthur Lee has borne a great Share in defending & establishing theLiberties of America. I say Posterity; for I believe that a wiserGeneration will enjoy the Fruits of the Toil of Patriots & Heroes inthe present Day. My Friend, we must not suffer any thing to discourage us in this greatConflict. Let us recur to first Principles without Delay. It is ourDuty, to make every proper Exertion in our respective States to revivethe old patriotick Feelings among the People at large, and to get thepublick Departments, especially the most important of them, filled withMen of Understanding & inflexible Virtue. It would be indeed alarming, if the United States should ever entrust the Ship in which our all isat Stake, with inexperiencd or unprincipled Pilots. Our Cause is surelytoo interesting to Mankind, to be put under the Direction of Men, vain, avaricious or conceald under the Hypocritical Guise of Patriotism, without a Spark of publick or private Virtue. We may possibly be morein Danger of this, than many of our honest Citizens may imagine. Isthere not Reason to apprehend, that even those who are inimical to ourCause may steal into Places of the highest Trust? I need not remind youthat Men of this Character have had Seats in Congress from thebegining. Where is Galloway, LOW, Allen & Alexander?--If it was so inthose Times of Vigilance & Zeal, how much more is it to be expected, when the Love of many is waxen cold, & their Minds are distracted withthe Pursuit of Pleasure & exorbitant Riches. We cannot be perswaded tobelieve that bad Men have been sent by their States with a View ofgiving a fatal Stab to our Cause in its Infancy; but is it unreasonableto suppose that their Elections were secretly influencd by artful Men, with that Design. Our most dangerous Enemies may be in our Bosoms. Mr Lee will inform you how Matters go on here. I must let you know that when your Kinsman Mr William Lee was in Bostonin Sept 1779 he borrowed five hundred Dollars of Moses Gill Esqr, anddrew his Bill on his Brother Mr George Lee of Westmoreland County. Iwish it may be paid on Sight, for it was advancd on my Application. My Regards to Mrs Lee &c. Adieu & believe me to be Your Friend TO JOHN PITTS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILAD. Jany 17 1781 MY DEAR SIR Your favor of the 17th of Novr was duly receivd. It bodes very ill toGovernment when Men are exalted to places of high trust through theirown Sollicitations. He only fills a place with Dignity, who is invitedto it by his Fellow Citizens, from the Experience they have had of hisadequate Abilities, & who does the Duties of it with Zeal & Fidelity. Such a Man, being conscious that neither Smiles, Intreaties, Gifts, Intrigue nor any dishonorable Practices have procured him his highStation, may rely on the People who gave him their free Suffrages, toapprove of his honest Endeavors to serve them. And having Nothing inView but that the Publick may be best servd, he will chearfully resignhis Place whenever the People shall make Choice of another whom theyjudge more capable than he. The People are certainly the best Judges, who are most likely to render them substantial Service; & whoeverinterposes in their Elections, with his own Sollicitations for himself, it is to be feard, if he is of any Consequence, will in time become adangerous Party Man. He ought therefore to be despisd as an obtruder. Ihope there are not many such Men in our Government. I am sorry to beinformd that there are any. They should be watchd; for if they have noevil Designs, their Vanity may prompt them to do Mischief. The Expresswaits. Adieu. TO JAMES WARREN. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADE Feb 1st 1781-- MY DEAR SIR I have not had Leisure to write to you since the 20th of Novr. Indeed Iam not willing to trust a Confidential Letter to the Post, which hasshamefully been catchd in the same Trap more than once. I gladlyembrace the opportunity by Mr Otis, with whom I have had frequent &candid Conversations concerning Men & Things. He will be able to tellyou some Truths which I do not think it prudent to commit to Paper. You& I have been long struggling for the Liberty of our Country. I believeits Independence will be finally acknowledgd by the World. But are notmany Nations England in particular called Independent? And do you thinkthe People of England are free. No People, in my opinion can be longfree who are not virtuous; and it is no Sign of Virtue, when theCouncils of an enlightned Country are directed by a foreign Influence. If I were a Minister at a foreign Court, my Vanity might be flatterd, in imagining that by having Address enough to rule its Measures, Imight fix myself in the Esteem and Confidence of my Country, but Ishould entertain a contemptible Opinion of the Wisdom & Virtue of thatCourt if it would suffer me to do it. The Councils of a Nation must beweak in the extreme, or it must be reducd to the greatest Degree ofDependence to submit to so servile a Condition. You will not think Ihave the remotest Reference in what I now say, jealous as I allow myself to be, to the Amphictyon of the United States of America. It ispresumd they will always have too high a Sense of their Dignity tosuffer themselves & their Nation to be degraded. But when Peace ishappily settled & a Number of foreign Ministers are about our Court, itwill require Men of great Knowledge of the World & Experience inAffairs to penetrate their various Intrigues. I have been assured thatthe Court of France would be highly disgusted with any of its Ministersif they should improperly interfere in our Councils; and indeed when Iconsider the Jealousy of a rising Republick, I think nothing wouldequal the Impolicy of their attempting it, but the Imprudence ofCongress in submitting to it. ---- But I am unexpectedly called off and MrOtis is just going. I intended to have written to you largely but mustomit it till the next opportunity. Pray inform my worthy Friend CaptBradford that I must also omit writing to him, as I intended, for thesame Reason. your affectionate, TO MRS. ADAMS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADE Feb. 1st 1781 MY DEAR BETSY My last was by Major Clarkson. He is a young officer of military Merit. I wish you would entertain him with a Dish of Tea. Our new AEra of Government, I fancy, has occasiond a Revolution inpolitical Circles & a Change of Connections. I cannot otherwise accountfor the long Silence of my Friend Doctor Cooper. I used to correspondwith him very confidentially. We indeed thought aloud together. But Ihave receivd only one Letter from him since I left Boston, which wasdeliverd to me by Mr A Lee. I considerd it as a Compliment to that mostdeserving Patriot, rather than a Letter of Friendship to me. I havewritten several Times to him, & once desired particular Information, which he might have given me without offending any Man, but he has notdone it. I hope the Doctor does not think his Letters troublesome tome. He has no Reason to think so. But, he chuses to close theCorrespondence, & you know, that I am disposd on such Occasions, toretaliate. It sometimes affects my Feelings, but I shall never be inDebt on that Score. You may let the Dr read this Letter if he pleases, but no other Person; for when I think amiss of the private Conduct of aFriend, I let none know it, but him & you. Indeed I shall say nothingto you at present that I would not wish him to know. I employ no Pimpsor Spies on my Fellow Citizens, & yet I hear of many things that aresaid & done in Boston. I may sometimes be misinformd, & I am alwaysinclind to think I am, when I cannot reconcile what is said with theHonor & Integrity of Friendship. If Mr W C1 has "spoken verydisrespectfully" of me, I am sorry for him. It gives me no Pain on myAccount because I deserve not his reproach. I know he is apt to besanguine in his Opinions of Men, & his Zeal in Elections has beencommendable. But as I did not interest myself at all in the lateElections he might have spared me. I have candidly declared, when I wasasked in Boston, who I thought to be most endowd with those greatQualities, which should characterize the first Magistrate of sorespectable a Commonwealth. This is the Right, it is the Duty of everyCitizen. And had I been present, I should most certainly have voted forthat Candidate. I may have been mistaken in my Judgment; and, as itbecomes a Citizen, I will, acquiesce in the Choice of a Majority of thePeople, who ought to know & prefer the fittest Person. If they do not, they are hardly worthy to be servd by any Man. I hope we shall neverfall into those Dregs of Time, when it shall be the Custom for oneCitizen to treat another ill, merely because a popular Man has markdhim as his Enemy, or because others, for servile Purposes, havereported him as such. This may afford Sport for the Enemies of ourCause, who are laying the Snare with great Art & Industry. JamesRivington has publishd in his Royal Gazette, that the Acrimony betweenMr Hancock & me, was owing to his Attachment to General Washington, &my being on the Contrary, desirous of his Removal. This is an old Storywhich Men have believd and disbelievd as they pleasd, without muchConcern of mine. It was a pityful Contrivance to render me obnoxious tothe General & our common Friends. If there has been any Differencebetween Mr H and me, Rivington knows not the Origin of it. Mr Hancocknever thought me an Enemy to Gen1 Washington. He never thought that Iwas desirous of his being removd, & therefore could never treat me withAcrimony on that Account. I never wishd for the Removal of GeneralWashington, but if I had even attempted to effect it, it might havebeen an Evidence of my Deficiency in Judgment, or Rashness, but itcould be no Evidence that I was his Enemy. Mr W C may think that I aman Enemy to Mr Hancock, because he may have heard that I preferdanother as a Governor before him. At this Rate, I must be thought anEnemy to every Man to whom I cannot give the Preference for an exaltedStation for which few of the Many can be supposd to be qualified. Ridiculous [&] mischievous as this is, I am told that some carry theiropinions further and that it is not enough, that a Man who cannotconsistently vote for a Governor is to be reckon'd his Enemy, but he isfor this Reason to be excluded from every Department. Who could wish tohold a Seat in Government on so slavish a Tenure? The People ofMassachusetts under the old Government have seen enough of themischievous Effects of the Governors having a Power to negativeElections & I cannot see the Difference between this & his being ableto influence or prevent an Election by causing it to be believd that aCandidate is his Enemy. He who gives his Suffrage according to theDictates of a well informd Judgment, is certainly a virtuous Citizen. And is it to be supposd that such a Man would withhold his Influence infavor of a wise Measure, because a Gentleman is placed in the Chair byhis Fellow Citizens, whom he did not vote for? Such a Suppositionsavours so much of a Narrow, illiberal party Spirit, that I shouldthink no intelligent Man would countenance it. If it should prevail, itwould produce evil Consequences; for some Men, if they are made tobelieve their political Existence depends on their being thought theGovernors Friends, will not easily prevail on themselves to risque thatExistence by giving him Advice, however salutary it might be, &necessary for the Honor & Safety of the Commonwealth, if they think itwill disgust him. You may wonder, my Dear, that I send this Budget of Politicks to you. Isee no Reason why a Man may not communicate his political opinions tohis Wife, if he pleases. But to tell you the truth I consider thisEpistle, after the License I have already given you, as indirectlyaddressd to the Friend I have mentiond. I would gladly know hisopinion, Whether there is not more Parade among our Gentry than isconsistent with sober republican Principles. Is it to imitate theVanity of former times that every order of Men have been so fond ofaddressing the Governor? Are we to pay the same Ceremonies to the next& the next? Will not such high Strains of Panegyrick injure theFeelings of modest Men? And if there should happen to be a weak Man, will they not make him intollerably vain? Republicks should adopt theRule of another Society. The Yea should be Yea, and the Nay, Nay, forwhatsoever is more than these cometh of Evil. Adieu. 1 William Cooper. TO MRS. ADAMS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADELPHIA Mar. 15 1781 MY DEAR BETSY Mr Bagnal, the Bearer of this Letter, this Moment informs me, that hesets off in half an hour for Boston I am sorry he did not give me moretimely Notice, because I chuse to write to my Confidential Friends byprivate Hands rather than the Post. I have in a Letter forwardedyesterday, given Notice to the General Assembly, of my Wish to returnhome as early as may be and requested to be relievd by one of myColleagues or otherwise as may be thought proper. I expect to haveGeneral Wards Servant to attend me on my Journey. He is afterwards toreturn here. I am much concernd at the Dissentions in the New SouthSociety, who have generally been remarkeable for Peace & Harmony. Theyshould strive for a conciliatory Spirit as far as is consistent withgood Conscience, condescend to each other in smaller Matters, and bearwith each others Tempers. I have not been unmindful of my SonsSituation, as mentiond in his Letter to me some time ago. He will seeby the Journals of Congress (Sept. 30, 1780) that the officers in theMedical Department, are intitled annually to draw Cloathing from theStores of the Cloathier General in the same Manner & under the sameRegulations as are establishd for officers of the Line by a ResolutionNovr 25, 1779-- such Cloathing to be deliverd by the Cloathier General orany sub Cloathier in the State in which the officer to receive theCloathing shall reside. I have sent the Journals of the Dates abovementiond, and wish Mr Davis or some other of my Friends would speak toMr Ruggles, who I think is the Sub Cloathier in the State, in Behalf ofmy Son. I hope however that the Matter is already settled, & he gone toNewport. I am uneasy at his being absent from his Station any length ofTime; for however necessary it may be, it may be turnd to theDisadvantage of his Character, which if I am not flatterd, he hashitherto kept unsullied. In this virtuous & important Struggle, he willremember that all of us must ruff it as well as we can. ----The medicalCommittee inform me that it is the Duty of the State Cloathier tofurnish him without the intervention of the Commander in Chiefe orBoard of War. Pray let Mrs Fogs know that Mr Level & I have done all we could for theRelease of her Son who was made a Sea Prisoner & carried to New York. Our officers have some of them been sent to England, but not any of theSeamen, so that it is hoped he is still there. Many of them have died. They have lately been better treated than they were some time ago. TheBritish Sea Officers are retaind in close Confinement here till we hearwhat is become of ours. We are in hopes there will soon be an Exchangeof the whole. Remember me to Friends----Adieu. ARTICLE, UNSIGNED. [Boston Gazette, April 2, 1781; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. 1] Extract of a Letter from the Southward. "As we have a Constitution which is admired for its genuine Principles, I have been sollicitous to know, whether our Countrymen at largepartook of the Spirit of those who formed it. I have conceived strongHopes, that in organizing their Government and electing Persons to fillthe important Places of Trust, no Consideration would avail, to governtheir Suffrages in Favour of any Candidate, unless he was possessed ofthose Qualities which are necessary, to enable him to perform theDuties of the Office to be filled, to the Advantage of the Publick. Ihave flattered my self, that both the Governors and the Governed wouldhave lain aside the gawdy Trappings of Monarchy, and put on thatSimplicity which is the Ornament and Strength of a free Republick. HOWfar it has been done, I am not able to judge at this Distance. It is agreat Satisfaction to me to be informed, that some of the best Men inthe Commonwealth have been elected into the Principal Departments ofGovernment. Men, who will dignify the Character of our Country--who willrevive and disseminate those Principles, moral and political, topropagate which, our Ancestors transplanted themselves into this newWorld--Men who by the Wisdom of their Councils and their exemplaryManners, will establish the public Liberty on the Foundation of aRock. --These Men will secure to themselves more of the Esteem of theirvirtuous, and even of their vicious Fellow-Citizens, than they could bya thousand courtly Addresses which are commonly the Breath of Vanityand Adulation. --There is a charm in Virtue to force Esteem. --If Men of adifferent Character have by any Means been advanced to those hallow'dSeats, who have even sollicited public Employments to give a Scope toViews of Ambition and Avarice, Passions which have in all Ages been theBane of human Society; or, to gratify the raging Thirst for popularApplause, a Disease with which little minds are usually tormented, itis our Happiness that the Constitution requires annual Elections, andsuch Mistakes may be corrected at the next. "I was sorry to hear, that the Number of Votes returned, the last Time, did not amount to a Quarter of the Number of qualified Electors in theCommonwealth. The Choice of Legislators, Magistrates and Governors, issurely a Business of the greatest Moment, and claims the Attention ofevery Citizen. The Framers of our Constitution, while they gave dueAttention to Political were not forgetful of Civil Liberty--that personalFreedom and those Rights of Property, which the meanest Citizen isintitled to, and the Security of which is the great End of politicalSociety. It was not indeed their Province to make particular Laws forthese Purposes. To do this, and to provide for the equal and impartialExecution of such Laws, agreeable to the Constitution, is the Duty ofthe Legislature. Hence every Citizen will see, and I hope will bedeeply impressed with a Sense of it, how exceedingly important it is tohimself, and how intimately the welfare of his Children is connectedwith it, that those who are to have a Share in making as well as injudging and executing the Laws should be Men of singular Wisdom andIntegrity. Such as are conscious that they are deficient in either ofthese Qualities, should even TREMBLE at being named as Candidates! Ihope the great Business of Elections will never be left by the Many, tobe done by the Few; for before we are aware of it, that few may becomethe Engine of Corruption--the Tool of a Junto. --Heaven forbid! that ourCountrymen should ever be byass'd in their Choice, by unreasonablePredilections for any man, or that an Attachment to the Constitution, as has been the Case in other Countries, should be lost in Devotion toPersons. The Effect of this would soon be, to change the Love ofLiberty into the Spirit of Faction. Let each Citizen remember, at theMoment he is offering his Vote, that he is not making a Present or aCompliment to please an Individual, or at least that he ought not so todo; but that he is executing one of the most solemn Trusts in humanSociety, for which he is accountable to GOD and his Country. "When the great Body of the People are determined not to be imposedupon by a false Glare of Virtues held before their Eyes, but, making uptheir own Minds, shall impartially give in their Suffrages, after theirbest Enquiries into the Characters of Candidates, for those whom theyjudge to be the fittest Persons, there will be no Danger that thegenerous Enthusiasm of Freedom, so characteristic of the People ofMassachusetts, will ever sink into the Violence and Rage of Party, which has often proved fatal to free Republicks. " 1 Endorsed by Adams: "The foregoing was sent to Mr Edes by the PostMarch 13, 1781. " TO CALEB DAVIS1 [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADE April 3 1781 DEAR SIR / I have just receivd your favor of the 17th Ulto by Mr Dugan. TheRequest he proposes to make to Congress for Liberty to bring hisEffects from Ireland, cannot be complied with consistently with theinclosd ordinance, which strictly forbids all Intercourse between theCitizens of the United States & the Subjects of Great Britain. Therehave been so many undue Advantages taken from Indulgences of this Kind, as to render the Continuance of them unsafe to us and disgustful to ourAlly. I shall always pay a due Regard to your Recommendations, andshould have been particularly desirous of rendering Service to yourFriend Mr Dugan whom I personally know & of whose Integrity I have noReason to doubt. Your Letter of the 23d of Feby never came to hand; and I regret it themore, because you tell me, you then wrote fully of the State of Affairsin Boston which I should have been glad to have receivd. Let me observeto you as a private Friend, the Delegates of Massachusetts are by nomeans duly informd of what is done in their own State; & when theyreceive any kind of Information, it is not in a Manner adapted to givethem Weight. I do not mention this on my own Account; for I intend verysoon to take Leave of Congress & get myself excusd from any futureAttendance. I will then explain the Hint I have now given you, morefully than I chuse to do in a Letter by the Post. You mention a certainJuncture when you wish me to return. I think I can discover your Motiveand your old Partiality for me. I do assure you, I am not at allsollicitous about any thing of the Kind which your Letter seems tointimate. I have always endeavord to confine my Desires in this Lifewithin moderate Bounds, and it is time for me to reduce them to anarrower Compass. You speak of "Neglect, " "Ingratitude" &c. But let usentertain just Sentiments. A Citizen owes everything to theCommonwealth. And after he has made his utmost Exertions for itsProsperity, has he done more than his Duty? When Time enfeebles hisPowers & renders him unfit for further Service, his Country, topreserve its own Vigour will wisely call upon others; and if hedecently retreats to make Room for them he will show that he has notyet totally lost his Understanding. Besides, there is a Period in Lifewhen a Man should covet the exalted Pleasure of Reflection inRetirement. I thank you, my dear Sir, for the information you gave Mrs A of MrDugans coming. Pray let her know that I receivd her Letter & am well. My Compts to the Circle about you. Your affectionate, 1 Speaker of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts. ARTICLE, UNSIGNED. [Boston Gazette, April 16, 1781; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. 1] Extract of a Letter from the Southward. "BEFORE this will reach you, your Countrymen will have finished theimportant business of electing their Legislators, Magistrates andGovernors for the ensuing year. I hope they have made a wise choice. Atleast, from the opinion I entertain of their virtue, I am persuadedthey have acted with all that deliberation and caution which thesolemnity of the transaction required. They may then reflect, each oneon his own integrity, and appeal to the Monitor within his breast, thathe has not trifled with the sacred trust reposed in him by GOD and hiscountry--that he has not prostituted his honor and conscience to please afriend or a patron --that he has not been influenced with the view ofprivate emolument to himself and his family, but has faithfully givenhis vote for the candidate whom he thought most worthy the choice offree and virtuous citizens--I congratulate that Legislator, Magistrate &Governor, who knows that neither smiles, entreaties, gifts, dissimulation, intrigue, nor any base and dishonorable practices haveprocured him this exalted station. His fellow citizens, unsollicited byhim, have called him into their service, from the opinion they haveformed of his integrity and adequate abilities. --He feels himself happy intheir opinion of him--happy is he indeed, if he is conscious he deservesit. But our countrymen will not imagine, that having filled the severaldepartments of government, they have no further concern about it. Itis, I humbly conceive, their duty and interest to attend to the mannerin which it is administered by those whom they have entrusted. HOWoften has the finishing stroke been given to public virtue, by thosewho possessed, or seemed to possess many amiable virtues? GUSTAVUS VASAwas viewed by the Swedes as the deliverer of their country from theDanish yoke. The most implicit obedience, says the historian, wasconsidered by them as a debt of gratitude, and a virtue. He had manyexcellent qualities. His manners were conciliating--His courage andabilities great--But the people by an entire confidence in him sufferedhim to lay a foundation for absolute monarchy. They were charmed withhis moderation and wisdom, qualities which he really possessed; butthey did not consider his ambition, nor had they a thought of hisviews. They found peace restored, order established, justiceadministered, commerce protected, and the arts and sciences encouraged, and they looked no further. They did not imagine, that he who had beenthe instrument of recovering the independence of their country, couldbe the very man who was to effect the ruin of their liberties. By theConstitution of Sweden their kings were elective, and the powers of thecrown were exceedingly limited. The unsuspecting people evenvoluntarily gave up their right of election, and suffered Gustavus toenlarge the powers of the crown, and entail it in his own family! Thisis the account which the history of Sweden has given us; and it affordsan instance among a thousand others, of the folly and danger oftrusting even good men with power, without regarding the use they makeof it. Power is in its nature incroaching; and such is the human make, that men who are vested with a share of it, are generally inclined totake more than it was intended they should have. The love of power, like the love of money, increases with the possession of it; and weknow, in what ruin these baneful passions have involved human societiesin all ages, when they have been let loose and suffered to rageuncontrouled-- There is no restraint like the pervading eye of thevirtuous citizens. --I hope therefore our countrymen will constantlyexercise that right which the meanest of them is intitled to, and whichis particularly secured to them by our happy constitution, of inquiringfreely, but decently, into the conduct of the public servants. The verybeing of the Commonwealth may depend upon it. I will venture to appealto the experience of ancient Republicks, to evince the necessity of it;and it is never more necessary than in the infancy of a Commonwealth, and when the people have chosen honest men to conduct their affairs. For, whatever is done at a time nearly contemporary with theconstitution, will be construed as the best exposition of it; and amistaken principle of a virtuous ruler, whose public conduct isgenerally good, and always supposed to be honestly intended, carrieswith it an authority scarcely to be resisted, and precedents are thusformed which may prove dangerous--perhaps fatal. "-- 1 Endorsed by Adams: "The foregoing was sent to Mr Edes by the Post Mar27, 81. " TO SAMUEL COOPER. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] PHILADE Apr 23 1781 MY DEAR SIR I did not receive your favor of the 3d Instt till yesterday; a weeklater than Letters of the same Date from some others of my Bostonfriends were brought to me by the Post. As the Subject is delicate, Ido not chuse to continue it in this Letter, which is to go thro aChannel provd from repeated Experience to be uncertain & unsafe. It wasfor this Reason that I committed to the Care of a private friend, myLetter to Mrs A of the 1st of Feby which she communicated to you. I amglad she did it in a Manner so acceptable. Indeed I never found Reasonto doubt her Discretion. What you have written is very obliging &satisfactory to me. I hope to have the Pleasure of seeing you nextMonth. We will then, after our usual Manner, disclose each othersHearts. Your Letter of the 31st Decr was not long ago deliverd to me by theCount Chartres. He appears to me to be an amiable & fine-spirited youngNobleman. After a short stay here, he preceded with the Marqs de laFayette to the Southward. You will recollect a Design which I mentiond to you respecting ourFriend Mr L, & the Omission which, we were informd the Evening before Ileft Boston, had happend thro Mistake. I early wrote to you & requestedyour Influence to have it rectified. I have heard Nothing of it since. In my Opinion the most essential Interest of the Town of Boston will beservd by it, & therefore I cannot look upon it as a Matter ofIndifference. Not being acquainted with that Gentleman in the earlyTimes of our Contest, I had by some means conceivd an Opinion of himnot so favorable; but having had an Opportunity of critically observinghim in the late Convention at Cambridge, I am satisfied he is aVirtuous Citizen, and possessd of the genuine Principles of NewEngland. That Mr Rivington, if this Letter should fall into his Hands, may not pretend to be at a LOSS to know what is here meant, I willinform him that the genuine Principles of New England are RepublicanPrinciples which have been admired by some of the greatest Characters, whom (if he is an Englishman) his Country can boast of. You & I, amongothers, have had the Honor of being abusd by Rivingtons Press. A labordPerformance has lately crept out, called the Times. I have had acursory reading of it. It appears to me so much like the Productions ofcertain Geniuses who figurd in Mr Popes Time, that had the Author beencotemporary with them, a Page might have been added to the Dunciad, toimmortalize his Works. I will endeavor to get some Parts of ittranscribd & carry them to Boston. I am sure the reading it would serveto divert rather than to give you the least Pain. My due Regards toFriends. Your affectionate TO THOMAS McKEAN. 1 [MS. , Historical Society of Pennsylvania. ] BOSTON Augt 29th 1781 MY HONORD FRIEND I have not yet acknowledgd your obliging Letter of the 8th of July, deliverd to me by Mr Davidson. Bodily Indisposition prevented mywriting, when he returnd. I fancy he settled his Affairs here to hisown Satisfaction. He is much esteemd by those who were favord with hisCompany, & I hope he met with Nothing disagreable to him during hisshort Stay among us. Colo John Laurens with our Friend Mr Pain arrivd here a few Days agofrom France. He left the Town the Day after his Arrival. His Visit tome was so short that I could not converse with him so fully as I wishd. I hope he will be able to inform you of his complete Success in hisNegociation. Will you be so kind as to give me such Intelligence as youmay receive from him or any other Person from Europe. I wish to knowthe true State of our Affairs. Are we soon to have Peace? Howeverdesireable this may be, we must not wish for it on any Terms but suchas shall he honorable & safe to our Country. Let us not disgrace ourselves by giving just Occasion for it to be said hereafter, that wefinishd this great Contest with an inglorious Accommodation. Things arewhisperd here which, if true, will cause much Discontent. The Citizensof this Part of America will say, and judge, my dear Sir, whether itwould not be just, that the fishing Banks are at least as important asTobacco yards, or Rice Swamps, or the flourishing Wheat Fields ofPennsylvania. The Name only of Independence is not worth the Blood of asingle Citizen. We have not been so long contending for Trifles. A Navymust support our Independence; and Britain will tell you, that theFishery is a grand Nursery of Seamen. --I understand that G M, 2 isappointed Deputy Financier, R R L, 3 Secretary of foreign Affairs, andif Gl S4 is appointed to the War Department and Gl M5 to the" Marine, there will be a compleat N Y Administration. It may be well to enquire, what Influence has brought this about, & whether so much Power vestedin the Citizens of any one State will excite the reasonable Jealousy ofthe rest. Adieu my Friend. Find a Moments Leisure to write to me. 1 President of Congress. 2 Gouverneur Morris. 3 Robert R. Livingston. 4 Philip Schuyler. 5 Alexander McDougall. TO THOMAS McKEAN. [MS. , Historical Society of Pennsylvania; a draft is in the SamuelAdams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON Sept 19 1781 MY HONORD FRIEND The Bearer, Major Brown, is a Person who has deservd well of the UnitedStates, and has for that Reason the Esteem of Men of Distinction inthis Commonwealth. He was formerly a Soldier in the British Service, and before the Commencement of Hostilities, he left thatService--Immediately after the Battle of Lexington he joynd the AmericanArmy in which his Zeal & Activity was signalizd--In July 1776 he servd asMajor in the Militia of this State at Ticonderoga under Genl Gates--In1777 he was appointed Depy Muster Master by Col Ward, and when theConvention Troops arrivd at Cambridge he was employd by Genl Heath asTown Major-- He has Certificates of his Fidelity from that General as wellas the Commissary of Musters Coll Ward-- Your Attention to a Request hewill make to Congress for Allowance for Depreciation (if you can findLeisure) will much oblige me. Will you suffer me Sir, in great Haste, to offer a few indigested Hintsfor your Consideration. I take it for granted that a very greatMajority of the People in Each of the United States are determind tosupport this righteous & necessary War, till they shall obtain theirgrand Object, an undisputed Sovereignty. This must hereafter bemaintaind, under God, by the Wisdom and Vigour of their own Councils &their own Strength-- Their Policy will lead them, if they mean to form anyConnections with Europe, to make themselves respectable in the Eyes ofthe Nations by holding up to them the Benefits of their Trade-- Trade mustbe so free to all as to make it the Interest of Each to protect it tillthey are able to protect it themselves--This, the United States must do bya Navy. Till they shall have erected a powerful Navy, they will belyable to Insults wch may injure & depreciate their Character as aSovereign & independent State; & while they may be incapable ofresenting it themselves, no friendly power may venture or care toresent it on their Behalf. The U. S. Must then build a Navy. They haveor may have all the Materials in Plenty--But what will Ships of War availthem without Seamen? And Where will they find a Nursery for Seamen butin THE FISHERY? Adieu my dear Sir. Your affectionate TO HORATIO GATES. [MS. , Historical Society of Pennsylvania. ] BOSTON Oct 11TH 1781 MY DEAR SIR Altho' I am at this Juncture much pressd with pub-lick Business, I willnot omit writing a few Lines, to testify my sincere Regards for you--WhenI left you in Philadelphia last June, I regretted the disagreableSituation you was then in--deprivd of the Prospect of reaping freshLaurels, when an active Campaign was expected. Whether a Court ofEnquiry has yet been called, agreable to your Wishes, I know not. Tillthat is done, I say it without Flattery, our Country will lose theAssistance of one of its most able & faithful Servants. --We are at thisDistance in great Uncertainty of every thing that happens Southward ofNew York. We hear of military Movements & naval Engagements, but not oftheir Events--Pray inform me of the Situation of publick Affairs, and ofyour own as far as you shall think proper. We hope, & are even sanguinein our Expectations of great & decisive Events in our favor--God grant wemay not be disappointed! Doctor Gordon who kindly takes the Care ofthis Letter, is well acquainted with the Internal State of this CommonWealth--He knows my Mind, & will communicate to you, more than I can nowdo for Want of Leisure. Adieu, & believe me to be with the warmestAttachment----Your unalterd Friend TO WILLIAM HEATH. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON Novr [21] 1781 SIR The Bearer of this Letter Mr Edgar called on me the other Day withGeneral Baylie of Vermont a Gentleman of undoubted Integrity &Attachment to the Cause of our Country & [who] has renderd himself veryuseful by the Intelligence he has obtaind from Canada since theBeginning of this War, & is well known to the Commander in Chief of ourArmies. Genl Bay-lie earnestly wishes that Mr Edgar may be introducd toHead Quarters because he thinks from what he has to say it will appearthat if two Gentlemen who are now Prisoners in Canada whose Names hewill mention to you may be exchangd they will be able to make a fullDiscovery to you, of the Plan of union which he says is actuallycompleated between the Govr of Canada & the principal Leaders inVermont. One of these Gentlemen General Baylie tells me he has longbeen acquainted with & confides in. It is possible you may be alreadysufficiently acquainted with this Matter; & there may be a Scheme ofPolicy on our Side which has not come to my Knowledge. In thisUncertainty I hope I shall be excusd troubling you with this Letter. Mr Edgar, according to his own Account was in the British Service onthe Lakes in 1774, afterwards was at Detroit as a private Trader, whenhe renderd Services to Colo Clark as an Intelligencer, became suspectedhe was sent a Prisoner to Montreal where he lay in Irons nine Months, &after two years Imprisonment, he made an Escape. After congratulating you on the Divine Blessing afforded to the Alliedforces under the Direction of his Excy Gen1 Washington, I am &c THE TOWN OF BOSTON TO THE SELECTMEN OF OTHER TOWNS. [MS. , Chamberlain Collection, Boston Public Library. ] GENTLEMEN The Inhabitants of the Town of Boston legally assembled, have takeninto Consideration a Matter which they conceive all the other MaritimeTowns in this & the Neighboring States are equally, and some of themmore nearly interested than they. It is the Subject of the Fishery, andthe great Importance of a Common Right therein being secured to theUnited States, whenever a Treaty of Peace shall be concluded. Toflatter our selves with so happy a Prospect, so far as to neglect thenecessary Preparations for another vigorous Campaign, would indeed beunbecoming the Wisdom of Americans; and yet, so important has been theSuccess of the allied Arms, the last year, that it would seem to beMadness in the Extreme for Britain any longer to persist in herunrighteous Claims. But Wisdom has forsaken her Councils. We ought to presume, that the supreme Representative of these Stateswill have an equal Regard in so momentuous a Crisis to the Rights ofeach Individual. We would not suggest the Contrary. But, may it not besupposd, that Persons whose Situation is remote from the Fishery, andwho derive Advantages from it in its more distant Effects & notdirectly perceivable, are probably not so attentive to its unspeakeableImportance, as others who are immediately concernd, & depend upon it asthe only Source of their Commerce & even their Subsistence? If thisshould be the Fact, Would not States so immediately interested in theFishery as ours, be justly criminated by the others, if we shouldneglect seasonably to lay before them our own Sense of the Necessity ofan express Article in a Treaty of Peace for its Security? Should we notbe wanting to our selves in a most essential Point, & be chargeable byall Posterity, with sacrificing our and their invalueable Rights byunpardonable Carelessness? Such is the Sentiment of this Town. Andthough we would be far from obtruding this or any Sentiment of oursupon others, we cannot but think our selves justifyable in candidlyrecommending it to their serious Deliberation. This Town have judgd it necessary to instruct their Representatives inthe General Court on the Subject. The instructions are inclosd. Manyother and cogent Reasons might have been urgd, & will undoubtedly bemade Use of by you, if you shall think it proper to take the Matterinto your Consideration. Should we be so fortunate as to have your fullConcurrence in Opinion with us, we assure our selves that we shall beequally fortunate in the Aid we shall receive from your ConcurrentExertions. In the Name & by Order of the Town of Boston1 in Meeting legallyassembled December 14 1781. 1 Signed, in the original as published, by William Cooper, Town Clerk. This letter and the instructions of the town of December 11, 1781, wereprinted in a pamphlet of three pages. A copy is in the Boston PublicLibrary. TO JOHN ADAMS. 1 [MS. , Adams Papers, Quincy; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON 18 Decr 1781 MY DEAR SIR I have already written to you this Day by the Marquis de Lafayette. This passes thro the Hands of Count de Noailles, whom you did me theHonor to introduce to me. I duly acknowledgd the Receipt of your Favorwhich he brought me; but the LOSS of my Letter was attended with aninfinitely greater, that of Coll0 Palfrey. I wrote to you largely byhim. The Son in Law of one of our good Friends has lately arrivd here fromEngland, which gives great Disgust to more Persons than his nearRelations conceive of. On his Arrival, the Governor & Council directedhim to state his Reasons for going to England and returning hitherwithout the Leave of Government. He stated his Reasons; which ingeneral were to render Service to the United States, particularly byremoving the Ideas which the British Minister had conceivd of theAttachment of nine tenths of the Americans to that Government, andtheir Wishes to return to it. However frivolous this may appear toothers, his nearest Friends speak of it, can you believe me, in a highTone, and Mr ---- told me that Mr ------ was happy in being conscious not only ofInnocence, but of great Merit. 2--Those who hope for a Change of Person inour first Magistrate next Spring will be much embarrassd by thisCircumstance. Adieu my Friend. 1 Addressed to Adams at Amsterdam. 2 The draft at this point has the words. "the Affair is in the Hands ofthe Attourney General by the Direction of the Govr & Council. " TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON Decr 19 1781 MY DEAR SIR The Marquis La Fayette is so obliging as to take the Care of thisLetter, which, for the sake of him, the Count de Noailles and othersour french Friends who take Passage with him in the Alliance, I hopewill arrive safely. In the same Conveyance is a Packett intended foryou from Congress, by which you will doubtless he informd of what hasbeen doing there. It is six Months since I left Philadelphia; youcannot therefore expect I should give you any of the Intelligence ofthat City. I presume Mr L1 makes known to you every thing interesting. I wrote to you frequently while I was there, but suppose all my Lettersmiscarried, as well as yours if you have written to me; for I have notreceivd one for many Months. I except your favor by the Sieur de laEtombe, to whom I pay great Attention, both on Account of yourRecommendation & his Merit. I give you Credit for a Packett ofGazzettes lately receivd, because I knew the Direction on the Cover tobe your hand writing. Matters go on here just as you would expect from your knowledge of thePeople. Zealous in the great Cause, they hesitate at no Labor orExpence for its Support. Anxious to have a Code of Laws for theinternal Government, adapted to the Spirit of their new Constitutionwith which they continue to be highly pleasd, the General Court haveappointed the supreme Judges with Mr Bowdoin who is at present atperfect Leisure, to revise the Laws and report necessary or properAmendments. The two great Vacancies in the offices of President &Professor of Mathematicks &c in our University are filled withGentlemen of Learning & excellent Characters, the Revd Mr Willard ofBeverly & the Revd Mr Williams. The Academy of Arts & Sciences is in aflourishing Way. A new Society is incorporated by the Name of theMedical Society. And this Metropolis has lately appointed a Committee, to consider the present Arrangement of the Schools & what furtherImprovements may be made, in which the better Education of femaleChildren is designd to be comprehended. All these things I know arepleasing to you. Our People treat Foreigners of Merit who come amongthem, with good Humour & Civility, being desirous of adopting thevirtuous Manners of others, and ingrafting them into our Stock. Laudable Examples on their side & ours will be productive of mutualBenefits. Indeed the Men of Influence must form the Manners of thePeople. They can operate more towards cultivating the Principles &fixing the Habits of Virtue than all the Force of Laws. This I think isverified in the Experience of the World; & should induce those Peoplewho exercise the Right of electing their own Rulers, to be circumspectin making their Choice. You are well enough acquainted with theCharacter of our first Magistrate to judge what Effects his Influencewill have upon Manners. Inclosd are some of the Proceedings of a late Town Meeting, 2 which Isend to you as a private Citizen for your mere information. The Meetingwas called in Consequence of a Letter receivd by our Selectmen fromMarblehead, in which it was proposd that the Subject should beconsiderd in a Convention of the Maritime Towns. But this Town judgd itmore proper to lay the Matter before the General Court, and haveaccordingly instructed their Representatives & recommended it to theothers to take the same Method. They could not think it becoming inthem to write to you (tho a fellow Citizen) on a Subject which concernsthe American Republick. They have an entire Confidence in yourAttachment to the Interest of the United States & of this which makesan essential Part of it. The Count de Noailles tells me he has a Letter for you from yourFamily. Please to pay my due Regards to Mr Dana Mr Th----3 &c. I rejoyce tohear of the Welfare of one of your Sons, whom we had almost given upfor lost. Mrs Adams sends Compliments Miss has changed her Name & lefther Fathers House. Your affectionate, 1 Laurens. 2 Boston Record Commissioners' Report, vol. Xxvi. , p. 214. 3 John Thaxter, private secretary to John Adams. 1782 TO ALEXANDER McDOUGALL. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON May 13 1782. MY DEAR SIR Your Favors of 10th Decr & 7th Feb last were severally deliverd to meby Major Gibbs & Dr Town-send. I am sometimes obligd to apologize foromitting to answer Letters in Season. You, I am perswaded, will beready to believe that necessary Avocations have prevented my writing toyou, for there can be no Doubt in your Mind, of the Sincerity of myProfessions of Esteem & Friendship. The Present you sent me by MajorGibbs gratified me exceedingly. I intend to transmit it to myPosterity, as a Specimen of Spartan Frugality in an American GeneralOfficer. The Citizen & the Soldier are called to the Exercise of SelfDenial and Patience, and to make the utmost Exertions in Support of thegreat Cause we are engagd in. Providence has highly honord our Patriots& Heroes in calling them into Existence at a Time when there is anObject worthy their Views. The Romans fought for Empire. The Pride ofthat haughty People was to domineer over the rest of Mankind. But thisis not our Object. We contend for the Liberty of our Country and theRights of human Nature. We hope to succeed in so righteous a Contest;and it is our Duty to acquire such Habits, and to cultivate in thosewho are to come after us such Principles and Manners as will perpetuateto our Country the Blessings which are purchasd with our Toils andDangers. I have been expecting your Confidential Letters under the Signature youproposd. Pray let me hear of the Event of the Court Martial, and asmany particulars as are expedient--Complts to your Lady. Adieu. TO JOHN LOWELL. [Historical Magazine, 1st ser. , vol. I. , pp. 260, 261. ] BOSTON, May 15th, 1782. MY DEAR SIR, -- The General Court was prorogu'd Friday, the tenth instant, previous towhich on the same day the Govr sent the Impost Bill to the house ofRepresentatives with his objections and reasons against it stated inform. The house conceiving that the five days to which he was limitedby the Constitution, had expired the preceding day, sent it back to himwithout reading the objections, as being in their opinion to all intentand purposes a law. It seems the bill had been sent to the Governor onSaturday. He excludes Sunday from the 5 days, in which the House differin opinion. This matter of difference which arises from an incidentalcircumstance, would have been avoided if his Excellency had thought itconvenient to have sent the bill to the House a day sooner. It is asubject of speculation among the political casuists. But how will itaffect the great public for whose benefit it was intended? If the billhas become a law, how will it operate? What will be the opinion ofCongress concerning it under its present circumstances? I wish to hearfrom you by return of this post. Yesterday, this town made choice of the same gentlemen to representthem in the G. C. Who had served them the last year, except that Mr. Lord1 is chosen in the room of Mr. Davis. 2 No one doubts my personalregard for Mr. L. , but I think it may be highly dangerous, and attendedwith very ill effects, to admit an undue influence of theSuperintendent of Finance into the general assemblies of these states, and therefore could not help mentioning my objections, to such of theinhabitants as I had an opportunity of conversing with, against hisagent's being chosen a member of ours. The post is just going. Your affectionate, 1 The town records appear to indicate that John Rowe should have beennamed in this connection. 2 Caleb Davis; cf. Page 253. TO JOHN LOWELL. [Historical Magazine, 1st ser. , vol. I. , p. 261. ] BOSTON, June 4th, 1782. MY DEAR SIR, -- Last week the House of Representatives directed the attendance of theSecretary, and enquired of him whether he had forwarded the Impost Actto Congress. He answered he had not seen it since he left it on theirtable, in the last session. The House then sent a message to theGovernor to the same purpose. He returned a message acquainting them that he conceived the bill inthe same light he had before, and could not send it to Congress as alaw, or to that effect; adding, that if the House would signify theirdesire of having it, the Secretary would be directed to lay it beforethem. The House stated the matter, and sent it to the Senate with theGovernor's message and a vote to join a committee to consider them, andthe Senate concurred; the result of which is that the two houses haveresolved, that the Governor did not return the bill to the late Houseof Representatives, where it had originated, within five days after itwas presented to him by the late General Court, and therefore that ithad passed all the forms prescribed by the Constitution to constituteit a law of the Commonwealth. What the next step will be, may, I think, be easily foreseen, that those who are against the law upon principle, or those who would wish to gratify the Govr, will move for a repeal ofit, and have a new bill brought in. But it is difficult for me toconceive how a bill can be framed which will remove his doubts, andanswer the end of Congress. You remember that matter was once tried. Imust break off abruptly. Your affectionate, TO ARTHUR LEE. [R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. Ii. , pp. 229, 230. 1] BOSTON, Nov. 21st, 1782. MY DEAR SIR, --In the late session of our general court, and in the hurryof important business, a petition was presented signed William Burgess, praying to be naturalized. This gentleman very lately arrived fromEngland, by way of Holland. The senate declined sustaining hispetition, and gave him leave to withdraw it. A few days after, anauthenticated resolution of congress came to hand, recommending it tothe states not to admit any British subject whatever. Yet this man hashad interest enough to prevail on the assembly to permit him to go tocongress, to have it decided there whether he comes within the meaningof their resolution, because his arrival here was prior to thereception of the resolution by this government. If it should be thoughtthere was in this instance a want of attention, it must be imputed tothe circumstance I first mentioned. The general court had beforedirected his departure from the state; requesting the governor however, to allow him convenient time to prepare for his voyage, which appearedto me a sufficient indulgence. Some of our good citizens are disgustedat the favour shown to Mr. B. They say that being a partner withMessrs. Champion and Dickinson, the latter of whom is reported to havebeen always inimical to America by his residence here, he will probablybe instrumental in the importation of as many English goods as he willbe able to vend; or in other words, that the new house in Boston willbe nearly if not quite as convenient in the time of war, as the oldhouse in London was in time of peace. Whether there will be any danger, congress will judge. Jealousy is a necessary political virtue, especially in times like these. Such a plan would gratify those amongus who are still hankering after the onions of Egypt, and wouldsacrifice our great cause to the desire of gain. What need is there ofour admitting (to use the language of congress) any British subjectwhatever? Congress surely had some good reason when they so earnestlycautioned us against it. Our citizens are in more danger of beingseduced by art, than subjugated by arms. I give you this notice thatyou may have an opportunity of conversing on the subject in yourpatriotic circles (if you think it worth while) in season. Mr. B. Willset off next week in company with one of our new delegates, who I amsatisfied will favour his cause. My friendly regards to Dr. Shippen, and my old friends in congress, if any such are there. Adieu. Believe me to be very affectionately your friend, 1 A short note to Lee, also dated November 21, is in Ibid. , p. 231. TO ARTHUR LEE. [R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. Ii. , pp. 231, 232. ] BOSTON, Dec 2d, 1782. MY DEAR SIR, --A friend of mine to whom I give entire credit, who livedmany years in Canada, and was well acquainted with the bearer of thisletter, requests me to introduce him to you. After a long confinementin prison in Quebec, where he was used with great severity, he foundmeans to make his escape, and came to this town. He is a Frenchman bybirth, and was a very respectable merchant in Canada. When the attemptwas made to gain that country in 1775, he privately aided our forces;the suspicion of which rendered him obnoxious to the Britishgovernment, and was the real cause of his suffering. He will inform youof the state and circumstances of British affairs there, and will tellyou it is an easy thing to unite that province with these states. Possibly he may be influenced in some degree by a just resentment ofthe ill-treatment he has received; but other intelligent personsacquainted with the people of Canada, have zealously affirmed the sameto me. If it be so, it is hoped that a favourable opportunity to effectit will be embraced, if any such should offer. I need not hint to youthe importance of that object. Adieu, Your friend, 1783 TO ARTHUR LEE. [R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. Ii. , pp. 232-234, a draft is inthe Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON, Feb. 10th, 1783. MY DEAR SIR, --It is a long time since I had the pleasure of a letter fromyou. I hope you have not struck my name from the list of yourcorrespondents. Mr. Stephen Higginson, who will deliver you thisletter, is appointed a delegate of this state. He is a sensible andvery worthy man, and I think entertains sentiments like yours. I ampersuaded you will find him a valuable member, if his great modesty anddiffidence of himself will allow him to step forward as far as his goodunderstanding would lead him. I feel myself constrained to mention to you the present situation ofCapt. Landais, though not at his request, or the smallest intimationfrom him. He resides in this town, and sometimes calls to see me. As heappears to be an injured man, I wish that justice may be done to him;and I am the more solicitous about it, as I was, with your worthybrother Mr. R. H. Instrumental in his first appointment in the Americannavy. Congress granted him 12, 000 livres as a compensation for serviceshe had performed, and ordered that he should be paid by Dr. F. InFrance; but for some reason which is or ought to be known, he has neverreceived that sum. Much the greater part of his wages as commander ofthe Alliance remains unpaid. A large sum due to him for prize-money isstopped in the hands of some person or persons in France; which indeedis too common a complaint among those continental officers and seamenwho have carried prizes into ports in Europe. He made a journey toPhiladelphia to obtain a settlement of his accounts, and was offered byMr M. 1 three months' pay, and a certificate for the balance, which hewould not accept, because he really wanted the whole of his wages tosupply him with the necessaries of life. I am sure that your ownfeelings of justice and humanity will plead an excuse for my troublingyou with this detail. Perhaps his court-martial, by whose decree he wasbroken, were too severe. If his conduct in his last passage from Francewas blameable was not his mind to the greatest degree irritated by thetreatment he met with there? and should not reasonable allowances havebeen made? He thinks it was an unrighteous decree. He may judgepartially; I know nothing of the matter. If it was, is not the woundgiven to his honour sufficiently severe? But even if it was just, should not a discarded officer be immediately paid? Should not congressdemand the reason why the prize-money has not been paid to those towhom it has been long due? Complaints of this kind have to my knowledgespread from Philadelphia to Boston. I am concerned for the honour ofcongress. These complaints may appear of little consequence; but I amafraid if they continue unattended to, they will cast a dark shade overthe public character. The state of Landais' affairs will appear in hisown memorial to congress, which was rejected, and perhaps may be on thefiles. You will oblige me if you will interest yourself (if leisurewill admit of it) as far as you may think just, in his favour. I have been applied to by some of the inhabitants of the island ofNantucket, and have promised them to write to my friend respecting thewhale fishery. These people have been usually employed in that branchof business chiefly. They have greatly reduced the number of theirvessels, since the commencement of the war, by which means they saythey are reduced to great distress and wish for some indulgence fromcongress. Whether this can be consistently granted, and in what manner, you will judge. The delegates of this state, I believe, can inform youmore particularly of this matter. You are sensible of the absolutedependence of this state upon the fishery for its trade, and how greatan advantage will accrue from it to the United States, if they intendever to have a navy. I hope our peacemakers are instructed by all meansto secure a common right in it. My respects to the Hon. Mr. Izard, if at Philadelphia, and otherfriends. Adieu, and believe me very affectionately yours, 1 Morns. TO THE SELECTMEN OF BOSTON. [MS. , Chamberlain Collection, Boston Public Library. ] MARCH 10 1783 GENTLEMEN Having been just now made acquainted by your Messenger that theFreeholders and Inhabitants of Boston assembled in Town Meeting, 1 havechosen me their Moderator, I beg the Favor of you to inform them, thatI esteem my self greatly honourd by their Choice; but my Engagements inthe Senate, which it is not in my Power to dispense with, lay me undera Necessity of praying that I may be excusd by the Town. ---- With the warmest Wishes for their Prosperity, I am Gentlemen Your obedient hbl Servt 1 Boston Record Commissioners' Report, vol. Xxvi. , p. 292. TO ARTHUR LEE. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON Apr 21 1783 DR SR I am indebted to you for several Letters which I have not acknowledged. The Anecdote you gave me in one of them relating to a Mr Mercer & ColoGriffin in Virginia was very diverting to me. The People in this partof the Continent would never have fixed upon the Names of La Le or A1to hold up to a publick Assembly as the Heads of a British Interest inAmerica. It would not have been sooner believed here than another StoryI have heard, that a certain french Politician of Consideration inAmerica had expressd his high Displeasure with Mr S A for stiring uphis Countrymen to attend to the Importance of our retaining a CommonRight to the Newfd Ld fishery. Many wonderful Tales are & will be told, some of which a Sight of the secret Journals of Congress would unravel. I think the sooner those Journals are publishd the better. The Peopleat large ought to know what that illustrious Body has been doing forthem and the Part each Member has acted. We are now at Peace, God bethanked, with all the World--and I hope we shall never intermeddle withthe Quarrels of other Nations. Let the U S continue in peace & Union, &in order to this Let them do Justice to each other. Let there be nolonger secret Journals or secret Comtees. Let the Debates in Congressbe open and the whole of their transactions publishd weekly--this willtend to the speedy rectifying Mistakes & preserving mutual Confidencebetween the People & their Representatives. And let Care be taken toprevent Factions in America, foreign or domestick. Will you suffer me to recommend to you my good friends & excellentfellow Citizens Mr Appleton the Bearer of this Letter & his fellowTraveller Mr Wendel. My Regards. Adieu. 1 Laurens, Lee, Adams. TO BENJAMIN LINCOLN. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON May 1 1783 MY DEAR SIR Coll0 John Allan will deliver you this Letter. This Gentleman soonafter the Commencement of the late Hostilities, left his Connections inNova Scotia which were respectable there & took a decided part with usagainst Great Britain. In the Winter of 77 Congress appointed himSuperintendent or Agent for the Indians in Nova Scotia & the Tribes tothe Northward & Eastward thereof, with a Salary of 900 Dollars p Annum, & afterwards requested this State to furnish him from time to time withneedful Supplies. The State raised an Artillery Company for the Defenceof the Post of Machias & gave him the Command with a Cols Commission. Congress in Feb 81 if I mistake not, empowerd our supreme Executive toenlarge that Compy to the Number of 65, officers included, & to officerthe same with the express Nomination of Colo Allan to the Command. ThisCompy was by the Resolve to be raisd cloathed subsisted & paid as otherofficers & Soldiers of the US. I believe Colo A has executed the trustsreposed in him with Fidelity & to the Advantage of the Publick. As thisState has supplied him at the Expence of the U S, I suppose that hisAccots which remain to be settled, will as his former Accts have been, be settled in the first Instance by our Assembly when it meets. Hetakes the Oppty in the Interval (the War being finishd) to wait onCongress for their further Direction. Your Notice of him & Care that hemay receive such Emoluments as he may be intitled to as an officer willoblige me. I think he has too much Republican Pride to expect more thanis reasonable from Congress, & he is too much the Gentleman to betroublesome to you. I write this without his knowledge. Another calls upon me. You will think me a Man of Importance! But thisis one of my Days of Business. Is it not strange that an officer of theAmerican Army should apply to the Friendship of one whom they have beenled to look upon as their Enemy? But--I am informd that Colo Badlam wasamong the first who flew to Arms, that he has sustained the Characterof a meritorious officer. If he has been unfortunate rather than faultyor if guilty of a Fault it was attended with Circumstances veryalleviating why should an officer of Merit at the very close of the Warbe deprivd of the Benefits which are allotted to others? I think I knowyour feelings for that officer and perhaps your private Judgment of hisCase from your Letter to him which I have seen. What Advantage can heexpect from an Application to this State? Would not a Recommendation toCongress from Head Quarters in his favor answer a much better Purpose?This is only a Hint to you. Perhaps I am out of my Line. I willconclude this Epistle with congratulating you most heartily on thereturn of Peace with Liberty and Independence & assuring you that I amaffectionately Yours TO HORATIO GATES. [MS. , Emmet Collection, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON May 2 1783 MY DEAR SIR Our Friend Colo John Allan takes the Care of this Letter and willdeliver it to you. The War being finishd, he is going to Philadelphiato receive such Directions as Congress shall think proper to give tohim. You remember he was appointed in 77, Agent of the St Johns & NovaScotia Indians, and he has since commanded an Artillery Company raisedby this State for the Defence of the Post at Machias, adopted byCongress in Feb. 81 and cloathd subsisted & paid as other Officers &Soldiers of the United States. He has I doubt not, executed the Trustsreposed in him with Fidelity, and I think is entitled to the Emolumentsgiven to Officers of his Rank. I have given him a Letter to theSecretary at War &c. Your Recommendation first gaind him the Confidence of Congress and yourrepeated Favor will still be a substantial Advantage to him. I most heartily congratulate you on the Return of Peace with Liberty &Independence. --Blessings for which Patriots have toiled & Heroes fought &bled. Our Country may now be happy if she is not wanting to her self. We have done our Duty. Future Generations can never curse the presentfor carelessly surrendering their Rights. I beg you, my Friend, not to impute my long Silence to a faulty Cause. If you believe me to be a Man of Truth, be assured that I haveconstantly participated with you in good & ill Fortune. I shall everrejoice that you was honord by Providence, in captivating Burgoyne &his whole Army--An Event which wrought the most happy Change in the Faceof our Affairs in Europe, and which alone, in Spite of Envy, will giveyou a brilliant Page in History. Mr Yancey is gone to South Carolina. I have written by him to my oldPatriotick friend Gadsden and the stronger to enforce my Recommendationof Mr Yancey have mentiond him as one whom you regard. Oblige me with your Letters for I am sincerely and affectionately Your Friend & very humble Servant, TO ELBRIDGE GERRY. 1 [J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. I. , pp. 408-410; a draft isin the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON, Sept. 9, 1783. MY DEAR SIR, This is the first letter I have been able to write since I had thepleasure of seeing you, excepting a short one to our delegates, informing them that the general court had appointed a committee tocorrespond with them. Mr. Appleton and Mr. Rowe are my colleagues inthis business. The correspondence is to be very extensive. "Any otherimportant matter which relates to the being and welfare of the UnitedStates!" My bodily illness has prevented my engaging in it. I wish thedelegates would begin. The welfare, and perhaps the being of the UnitedStates, in my opinion, depends much upon congress possessing theconfidence of the people at large; that upon the administration ofpublic affairs being manifestly grounded upon principles of equalityand justice, or upon the people being assured that congress merit theirconfidence. The war is now over, and the people turn their eyes to thedisposition of their money, a subject, which I hope congress willalways have so clear a knowledge of, as to be able at any time tosatisfy the rational enquiries of the people. To prevent groundlessjealousies, it seems necessary not only that the principal in thatdepartment should himself be immaculate, but that care should be takenthat no persons be admitted to his confidence but such as have theentire confidence of the people. Should a suspicion prevail that ourhigh treasurer suffers men of bad principles or of no principles to beabout him and employed by him, the fidelity of congress itself would besuspected, and a total loss of confidence would follow. I am muchconcerned for the reputation of congress, and have laboured to supportit because that body is and must be the cement of the union of thestates. I hope, therefore, they will always make it evident toreasonable men that their administration merits the public applause. Will they be able to do this, if they should cease to be very watchfulover men whom they trust in great departments, especially those whohave the disposition of the public moneys? Power will follow thepossession of money, even when it is known that it is not thepossessor's property. So fascinating are riches in the eyes of mankind!Were our financier, I was going to say, even an angel from heaven, Ihope he will never have so much influence as to gain the ascendencyover congress, which the first lord of the treasury has long had overthe parliament of Britain; long enough to effect the ruin of thatnation. These are the fears which I expressed in congress when thedepartment was first instituted. I was told, that the breath ofcongress could annihilate the financier; but I replied, that the timemight come, and if they were not careful it certainly would, when evencongress would not dare to blow that breath. Whether these fears arethe mere creatures of the imagination you will judge. My regards to Dr. Holten and Mr. Higgenson, if he is still in Congress. Pray write to me often. Adieu. 1 For a facsimile note by Adams to Gerry, dated September 11, 1783, seeBrotherhead, Signers of the Declaration of Independence (1872), p. 172. TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS. , Adams Papers, Quincy; the text is also in John Adams, Works, vol. Ix. , pp. 519-521. ] BOSTON Novr 4 1783. MY DEAR SIR Colo John Trumbull, the Son of the worthy Governor of Connecticutt isthe Bearer of this Letter. I give the Governor this Epithet, because Ithink his faithful Services to our Country entitle him to it. Yet evenhe has undergone the Suspicions of some, unsupported by any solidReasons that I have heard of. We live in an Age of Jealousy, and it iswell enough. I was led to believe in early Life, that Jealousy is apolitical Virtue. It has long been an Aphorism with me, that it is oneof the greatest Securities of publick Liberty. Let the People keep awatchful Eye over the Conduct of their Rulers; for we are told thatGreat Men are not at all times wise. It would be indeed a Wonder if inany Age or Country they were always honest. There are however some Menamong us, who under the Guise of watchful Patriots, are finding Faultwith every publick Measure, with a Design to destroy that justConfidence in Government, which is necessary for the Support of thoseLiberties which we have so dearly purchas'd. Many of your Countrymenbesides myself, feel very grateful to you and those of our Negociatorswho joyned you, in preventing the Tory Refugees from being obtrudedupon us. These would certainly have increasd the Number of such Kind ofPatriots as I have mentiond, and besides, their Return would have beenattended with other mischievous Effects. Mutual Hatred and Revengewould have occasiond perpetual Quarrels between them & the people &perhaps frequent Bloodshed. Some of them, by Art and Address mightgradually recover a Character & in time an Influence, and so become thefittest Instruments in forming Factions either for one foreign Nationor another. We may be in Danger of such Factions, and should prudentlyexpect them. One might venture to predict that they will sooner orlater happen. We should therefore guard against the evil Effects ofthem. I deprecate the most favord Nation predominating in the Councilsof America, for I do not believe there is a Nation on Earth that wisheswe should be more free or more powerful than is consistent with theirIdeas of their own Interest. Such a disinterested Spirit is not to befound in National Bodies; The World would be more happy if it prevaildmore in individual Persons. I will say it for my Countrymen, they are, or seem to be, very grateful. All are ready freely to acknowledge ourObligations to France for the Part she took in our late Contest. Thereare a few who consider the Advantage derivd to her, by a totalSeperation of Britain & the Colonies, which so sagacious a Courtdoubtless foresaw & probably never lost Sight of. This Advantage was soglaring in the first Stages of our Controversy, that those who then ranthe Risque of exciting even an Appeal to Heaven rather than aSubmission to British tyranny, were well perswaded that the Prospect ofsuch a Seperation would induce France to interpose, and do more thanshe has done if necessary. America with the Assistance of her faithfulAlly has secured and establishd her Liberty & Independence. God bepraisd! And some would think it too bold to assert, that France hasthereby saved the Being of her great Importance. --But if it be true whymay we not assert it? A punctual Fulfillment of Engagements solemnlyenterd into by Treaty is the Justice, the Honor & Policy of Nations. Ifwe, who have contracted Debts, were influenced only by Motives of soundPolicy, we should pay them as soon as possible & provide sure &adequate Funds for the Payment of Interest in the mean time. When wehave done this we shall have the Sense of Independence impressd on ourMinds, no longer feeling that State of Inferiority which a wise Kingtells us the Borrower stands in to the Lender. Your Negociation with Holland, as "my old Friend" observd, is all yourown. The faithful Historian will do Justice to your Merits--Perhaps nottill you are dead. I would have you reconcile yourself to this Thought. While you live you will probably be the Object of Envy. The leadingCharacters in this great Revolution will not be fairly marked in thepresent Age, It will be well if the leading Principles are rememberdlong. You, I am sure, have not the Vanity, which Cicero betrayed, whenhe even urged his Friend Licinius to publish the History of theDetection of Cataline in his Life Time that he might enjoy it. I am farfrom thinking that Part of History redounds so much to the Honor of theRoman Consul, as the Treaty of Holland does to its American Negociator. Decr 4th I intended to have committed the Care of the foregoing Letterto Mr Trumbull, but when he called on me I was confind to my Chamber bysevere bodily Indisposition unable to attend even to the lightestBusiness. I am still kept at home, but hope soon to be abroad. Mr JonnJackson will deliver this to you if he meets you in London, otherwisehe will convey it by some safe hand. When I shall be certain of yourbeing appointed for London, I will write to you as often as I can. MayHeaven bless you My Friend as I am affectionately yours 1784 TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS. , Adams Papers, Quincy. ] BOSTON Feb 4 1784 MY DEAR SIR/ I had laid up in my mind many things to say to you, but an hours noticeonly of this opportunity and the hurry of business in the General Courtnow sitting prevents my communicating them to you at present. The Sonof Mr Nathl Appleton will deliver to you this short epistle; writtenfor the sake of recommending him to your notice. He is a younggentleman lately enterd into Business in the Commercial line. MyAffection for a young fellow Citizen, and Regard for his Father anintimate friend & a Member of the old committee of Correspondence ofthis town are strong Inducements to me to take this method of availingthe Son of your Advice & Patronage. I wrote to you the 4 Decr by MrJonathan Jackson & will write again by the next opportunity. YourFamily was well a few Days ago. You will doubtless have heard, beforethis will reach you, of the Death of our good Friend Dr Cooper. Adieu TO ELBRIDGE GERRY. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON Feb 25 1784 MY DEAR SIR When a Committee was appointed by the G C1 to correspond with theDelegates in Congress for this C W2 I proposd that the Correspondenceshd be carried on in a liberal Manner; but it was apprehended that theSentiments of the G C might be mistaken by the Come & the Delegatesthereby misled & so the Idea was drop'd & nothing material was left forthe Court to do but to forward such Letters or papers as shd be fromtime to time orderd by the Court. Had the Come pursued the firstproposal, I could have had no Share in the Correspondence having beenexceedingly sick the greatest part of the Time from June to January. This I hope will apologize for my not having written to you & my otherFriends in Congress; which I mention because, not receiving yourfavors, I have been affraid you imputed my Omission to Neglect. In theSeptember Session the Court thought fit to direct the Delegatesofficially to write to the Govr once a fortnight which of Coursedissolved the Corresponding Come, & since that time no Letters from theDelegates have been laid before the G C. Your Letter of Sept 11 directed to the Come was through mereforgetfulness omitted to be communicated in Season. This was attributedby some Persons of illiberal Minds & Party Spirit to an abominableDesign to withhold from the Court the Sentiments of the Delegatesrespecting the Expediency of refusing to yield Supplys to theContinental Treasury till Justice should be done us with Regard to theOld money now in our publick Treasury & private hands. I could not helpdiverting my self with the Ebullitions of apparent Zeal for the publickGood on this Occasion, and upon its being said by a Gentn in Senatethat it was the Subject of warm Conversation among the people withoutDoors I observed the Clamour wd undoubtedly subside on the Afternoon ofthe first Monday in April next. Your Letter has since been veryprudently published by an unknown Person in Edes' Paper. Inclosd is a Letter to your Self from Colo Scar Gridley. It seems heapplied to this G C some time ago for Depretion of his pay while in theService, upon which the Govr was requested to write to G W to makeknown to him the Rank held by Mr Gridley & . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . But the Letter has never been written. I advisdhim to write you on the Subject, & hope you will excuse my giving youthe Trouble. As you are now near the Place of Residence of GeneralWashington, perhaps it may not be inconvenient to you to write to him, in doing which you will gratify & oblige Mr Gridley. I shall esteem a Letter from you one of the greatest favors being yourvery affectionate Friend, 1 General Court. 2 Commonwealth. TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS. , Adams Papers, Quincy; a draft is in the Lenox Library. ] BOSTON April 16 1784 MY DEAR SIR I have not receivd a Letter from you of a later Date than the 10th ofSeptr last. Extracts of yours to D G of the same Date have been handedabout, with a View, as I conceivd, of giving the Sanction of yourOpinion to that of others respecting the Tories. It is ofteninconvenient, perhaps unsafe, to trust ones Confidential Letters toindiscrete, however honest, Friends. Detachd Parts of them being givenout, they may be made to bear a different Construction from what wasintended, and answer the Purpose of interrested & designing Men. Whenthe Recommendations of Congress in Pursuance of the 5th Article of theTreaty were receivd here, they were treated with great Decency & veryseriously considerd. They were construed differently by Men of Sense, who were above the Influence of old Prejudices or of Party or FamilyConnections. This Difference, I supposed, was owing to certainAmbiguities in the Treaty, which I afterwards found had beenacknowledgd in a joynt Letter to Congress of the 18th July, in which itappeard that our Negociators had studiously avoided any Expressions inthe Articles of the Treaty which shd amount to absolute Stipulations inFavor of the Tories. From the first Sight I had of the Articles, I havebeen of opinion that no such Construction could fairly be put uponthem, but that it would finally lie with the several Legislatures ofthe States, how far it would be proper to show Lenity to them, and Iwas happy in being confirmd in this Opinion by an Expression in yourjoynt Letter to Congress Septr 10th--"it is much to be wishd that theLegislators may not involve all the Tories in Banishment and Ruin, butthat such Discrimination may be made as to intitle the Decisions to theApprobation of disinterested Men and dispassionate Posterity. " In thisView I early inculcated Moderation and Liberality towards them, as faras could be consistent with that leading Principle of Nature whichought to govern Nations as it does Individuals, Self Preservation. Icannot think that all can be admitted consistently with the Safety ofthe Commonwealth. I gave you my Reasons in my Letter of Nov. 4th. Norcan I believe you intended to be understood universally in your privateLetter above referrd to. Some of them would be useful & good Citizens;others, I believe highly dangerous. Our Act passed in the late Sessionof the General Court declares them all Aliens, and excludes those ofthem who in a former Act were called Conspirators from residing amongus. It restores the Estates of others which have not been confiscatedand refers their coming to reside within the Commonwealth in the firstInstance to the Governor with Advice of Council. The Licenses he maygive are to be valid if approvd of by the General Court at the Sessionnext after such License shall be given. It is thought that this will bea difficult Task for the Governor & Council, but a constant Attentionto the publick Safety without Respect to Persons will preventDifficulties. "Much, says your joynt Letter, will depend upon ourNegociations with England. " The sooner a Commercial Treaty is settledwith that Nation the better, as it appears to me. Our General Court, inthe late Session, thought of making Retaliation on England for herprohibiting Importations from America into her West India Islands butin British Bottoms. They were sensible of the Difficulty in the Way ofthe United States coming into general Regulations of this Kind, & havewritten to their Delegates on the Subject. Should the States agree togive Congress a more extensive Power, it may yet be a great whilebefore it is compleated; and Britain in the mean time seeing our Tradedaily reverting to its old Channel, may think it needless andimpolitick to enter into express Stipulations in favor of any Part ofit while she promises her self the whole without them. I am fully in the Sentiment expressd in your joynt Letter Sept 10th, that now we have regular & constitutional Governments, popularCommittees and County Conventions are not only useless but dangerous. They served an excellent Purpose & were highly necessary when they wereset up. I shall not repent the small Share I then took in them. Butwhat think you of the District & State Conventions of the Cincinnati, &of the Cincinnati in Congress assembled? Do not these Assembliesconvene expressly to deliberate & adopt Measures on great and NationalConcerns proper only for the Cognizance of the United States inCongress assembled, and the different Legislators & Officers ofGovernment? And will they not, being an Order of Military Men, too soonproceed to enforce their Resolutions, not only to the lessening theDignity of the States in the Eye of Europe, but the putting an End totheir free Existence! The Order is very unpopular here. By the inclosdyou will see the Sentiments of our Gen1 Court. The Governor of Sdeg. Carolina in a late Speech to his Assembly inveighs against them withthe Vehemence of Luther. Adieu TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS. , Adams Papers, Quincy; a draft is in the Lenox Library. ] BOSTON April 17 1784 DEAR SIR Several of my Fellow Citizens have desired me to mention to you certainDifficulties they labour under & to request that you would inform mewhether it is probable they can obtain Reliefe, among whom are Dr Nath1Noyes & Capt Saml Dashwood. Both of them I believe you knew. I incloseMr Noyess Questions as he has stated them himself. --Capt Dashwoods Goodswere taken from him by order of the Commanding officer of the BritishTroops when they left this Town in 1776. I need not trouble you toexplain as I doubt not you well remember the Circumstances of theseMatters. It will be hard for such Persons to pay the British Creditorsfor the same Goods which the British Nation took from them for its ownnecessary Use & if I mistake not with a Promise to compensate them, unless the Promise is complied with. A few Lines on this Subject when you are at Leisure will very muchoblige them as well as Your Friend TO ELBRIDGE GERRY. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text is in J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. I. , pp. 422-424. ] BOSTON April 19th 1784 MY DEAR SIR, Mr Higginson was so obliging as to show me your Letter to him dated the4th of March. I was happy in having adopted an opinion of theCincinnati so similar to what I found yours to be. I think I am assensible as any Man ought to be of the important Services of our lateArmy, and am very desirous that their full Share of Merit may begratefully acknowledgd & rewarded by the Country. This would have beendone, (for the Prejudice of the People against the Gratuity of fiveyears pay began to subside) had they not adopted a Plan so disgustfullto the Common Feeling. It appears wonderful that they could imagine aPeople who had freely spent their Blood & Treasure in Support of theirequal rights & Liberties, could so soon be reconciled to the odioushereditary Distinction of Families. This Country must be humiliated &debased to a great Degree, before they will patiently bear to seeIndividuals stalking with their assumed honorary Badges, & proudlyboasting "These are the Distinctions of our Blood. " I cannot think thatmany of our Officers entertained such an Idea of haughty Pre-eminence;but the human Mind is so captivated with the Thought of being elevatedabove the ignoble Vulgar, that their Sons, if they should notthemselves, when they perceive the Multitude grown giddy with gazing, may assume more than the mere Pageantry of Nobility. When Men begin toapplaud themselves, they are not easily perswaded to believe they cantake a greater Share of Honor than justly belongs to them. They will bepleasd with the Adulatory Addresses of other Men & flatter themselvesthat they are intitled to Power and Authority as well as theostentatious Show of Superiority above their Equals. I confess I do notbarely dislike the order. With you I think it dangerous & look upon itwith the Eye of Jealousy. When the Pride of Family possesses the Mindsof Men it is threatning to the Community in Proportion to the Good theyhave done. The unsuspecting People, when they are in a Mood to begrateful, will cry up the Virtues of their Benefactors & be ready tosay, Surely those Men who have done such great things for us, willnever think of setting up a Tyranny over us. Even Patriots & Heroes maybecome different Men when new & different Prospects shall have alterdtheir Feelings & Views; and the undiscerning People may too late repentthat they have sufferd them to exalt themselves & their Family upon theRuins of the Common Liberty. The Cincinnati are very unpopular here;you will wonder then that one of the Order has had a Majority of theVotes of this Town for a Senator for the County. I am affraid theCitizens are not so vigilant as they used and ought still to be. It wasgiven out at the Moment of Election that he intended to withdrawhimself from the Society. If he does, it may weaken their Influence--ifnot, he will probably destroy his own. You have doubtless seen theSentiments of the General Court of the Order. The Reprobating Speech ofthe Governor of So Carolina has been publishd in our papers. I had the Pleasure of receiving by the same Post your several Lettersof the 15th, 20th and 24th Ulto. If I have a Seat in the General Courtthe ensuing year, (which is uncertain) I shall (tho very reluctantly)communicate your Intention to leave Congress, unless you will gratifythe earnest Wishes of your Friends by altering your Determination. Iassure you there is no Friend to our Country within my Circle who isnot anxiously solicitous for your continuing there longer. I was inhopes when you was prevailed upon again to take a Seat you would haveheld it at least two years. Let me entreat you to release me from theobligation of complying with your Request. I have written so much in Spite of my trembling hand, concerning theCini, that I can at present only fulfill a Promise I gave our Navyofficers, to inclose their Petition to Congress and to beg yourPatronage of it. They appear to me to be injurd or at least neglectedMen. It is certainly high time they should receive their Prize Moneyand Assurances of their Pay. I will write you by Mr Lowell (who setsoff for Phila in a few Days & intends making you a Visit) or by thePost speedily. Mrs A desires her Complts Adieu my Friend, TO ELBRIDGE GERRY. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text with modifications isin J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. I. , pp. 424-427. ] BOSTON April 23 1784 MY DEAR SIR, Mr Lowel thinks he shall not be able to make you a Visit at Annapolisas he intended, so I have not written by him. Is the Court of Appeals1of which he is a Member to continue now the War is over? I should thinkit a needless Expence. If ever there should be Occasion for it, a newCourt might at any time be constituted. I observe by the inclosd, thatthe Cincinnati in Congress assembled are to meet at Philadelphia on the5th of May & that General Washington is to preside. That Gentleman hasan idea of the Nature & Tendency of the Order very different from mine, otherwise I am certain he would never have given it his Sanction. Ilook upon it to be as rapid a Stride towards an hereditary MilitaryNobility as was ever made in so short a Time. My Fears may be illgrounded, but if they are not, it is impossible for me not to think ita very great Misfortune to these States that he is a Member; for theReputation he has justly acquired by his Conduct while Commander inChiefe of our Armies, and the Gratitude & warm Affection which hisCountrymen do & ought to feel towards him will give Weight to any thinghe patronizes, & Lustre to all who may be connected with him. It is aTribute due to the Man who has servd his Country well, to esteem himhighly & confide in him. We ought not however to think any Manincapable of Error. But so it is with the Bulk of Mankind & even in afree Country. They will reprobate the Idea of implicit Faith; and atthe same time, while the Impression of Gratitude is deep in theirMinds, they will not admit of a Benefactor, which must be said of everyMan, "aliquando dormitat. " I would never inculcate a mean & enviousSuspicion of any Man especially of those who have renderd signalServices to their Country. But there is a Degree of Watchfulness overall Men possessd of Power or Influence upon which the Liberties ofMankind much depend. It is necessary to guard against the Infirmitiesof the best as well as the Wickedness of the worst of Men. Such is theWeakness of human Nature that Tyranny has oftener sprang from that thanany other Source. It is this that unravels the Mystery of Millionsbeing enslavd by a few. What was it that indued the CincinnatiGentlemen who have undertaken to deliberate and act upon Matters whichmay essentially concern "the Happiness & future Dignity of the AmericanEmpire, " to admit foreign Military Subjects into their Society? Wasthere not Danger before that a foreign Influence might prevail inAmerica? Do not Foreigners wish to have Weight in our Councils? Cansuch a Junction of Subjects of different Nations (& those Nationswidely different in their principles of Government) to Deliberate uponthings which relate to the Union & national Honor, the Happiness &future Dignity of one consist with sound Policy? Are we sure that thoseforeign Nations will never have separate Views & very national &interrested ones too, because they once united in the same object & itwas accidentally their mutual Interest to fight Side by Side? If theCincinnati had a Right to erect themselves into an order for thenational Purposes of their Institution, had they a Right to call inforeign Aid for those Purposes? It appears to me as impolitic, preposterous & dangerous as it would be for the United States to invite& admit a Delegation from that foreign Power into their Congress. I take Notice that the Committee of Congress propose that the Govts ofthe ten new States to be formd shall be in Republican form & shalladmit no Person to be a Citizen who holds any hereditary Title. I hopeCongress will not fail to make this an indispensible Condition. Your Letter of the 2d relating to Colo Gridleys Affair came to hand. Iam obligd to you for the Care you have taken. Believe me to be yr sincere & affectionate Friend, 1 Cf. J. F. Jameson, Essays in Constitutional History, pp. 32 et seq. TO NOAH WEBSTER. [MS. , Ford Collection, Lenox Library; a draft is in the Samuel AdamsPapers, Lenox Library, ] BOSTON April 30th 1784 SIR I was favord with your Letter of 24th March, but by a Multiplicity ofAffairs, which, as it happened I was at that Time engaged in, I wasprevented returning an Answer so speedily as you desired. For thisReason I afterwards thought an Answer would be of no Importance. Decency alone should, however, have induced me to have acknowledgd theFavor. I hope you will excuse the Omission. Some time in the Month of September last, a Gentleman in Connecticuttrequested me to give him my Opinion of a Subject, perhaps too muchaltercated in that State as well as this, The Commutation of half Paygranted by Congress to the Officers of the late Army for Life for fullPay during the Term of five years. I did not hesitate to say in Return, that in my Opinion Congress was, in the Nature of their Appointment, the sole Judge of the necessary Means of supporting the late Armyraised for the Defence of our Common Rights against the Invasions ofGreat Britain; and if, upon their own deliberate Councils & therepeated Representations of the Commander in Chiefe of the Army, theyjudgd that the Grant of half Pay for Life was a Measure absolutelynecessary for the Support of a disciplined Army for the Purpose beforementiond, they had an undoubted Right to make it; and as it was made inbehalf of the United States by their Representative authorizd to do it, each State was bound in Justice & Honor to comply with it, even tho itshould seem to any to have been an ill judgd Measure; because States &Individual Persons are equally bound to fulfill their Obligations, andit is given as Characteristick of an honest Man, that "though hesweareth (or promiseth) to his own hurt he changeth not. " I moreoveracquainted him, that although I was never pleasd with the Idea of halfPay for Life, for Reasons which appeard satisfactory to myself, some ofwhich I freely explaind to him, yet I had always thought, that as theOpportunities of the Officers of the Army of acquiring moderateFortunes or making such Provision for their Families as Men generallywish to make, were not equal to those of their Fellow Citizens at home, it would be but just & reasonable, that an adequate Compensation shouldbe made to them at, or as soon as conveniently might be after, the Endof the War; and that he might therefore conclude, that the Commutation, if it be an adequate Compensation had fully coincided with my Ideas ofJustice & Policy. Nothing was mentiond in his Letter to me, of the Nature or theProceedings of County Conventions, & therefore I made no Observationupon them. I hope it will not be in the Power of any designing Men, byimposing upon credulous tho' well meaning Persons long to keep thisCountry, who may be happy if they will, long in a State of Discord &Animosity. We may see, from the present State of Great Britain, howrapidly such a Spirit will drive a Nation to destruction. It is prudentfor the People to keep a watchful Eye over the Conduct of all those whoare entrusted with Publick Affairs. Such Attention is the Peoples greatSecurity. 1 But there is Decency & Respect due to ConstitutionalAuthority, and those Men, who under any Pretence or by any Meanswhatever, would lessen the Weight of Government lawfully exercised, must be Enemies to our happy Revolution & the Common Liberty. CountyConventions & popular Committees servd an excellent Purpose when theywere first in Practice. No one therefore needs to regret the Share hemay then have had in them. But I candidly own it is my Opinion, withDeferrence to the Opinions of other Men, that as we now haveconstitutional & regular Governments and all our Men in Authoritydepend upon the annual & free Elections of the People, we are safewithout them. To say the least, they are become useless. Bodies of Men, under any Denomination whatever, who convene themselves for the Purposeof deliberating upon & adopting Measures which are cognizable byLegislatures only will, if continued, bring Legislatures to Contempt &Dissolution. If the publick Affairs are illy conducted, if dishonest orincapable Men have crept unawares into Government, it is happy for us, that under our American Constitutions the Remedy is at hand, & in thePower of the great Body of the People. Due Circumspection & Wisdom atthe next Elections will set all right, without the Aid of any selfCreated Conventions or Societies of Men whatever. 2 While we retainthose simple Democracies in all our Towns which are the Basis of ourState Constitutions, and make a good Use of them, it appears to me wecannot be enslaved or materially injured. It must however be confessd, that Imperfection attends all human affairs. I am Sir your very humble Servant 1 At this point the draft included the words: "for the wisest & best ofMen are liable to Error & Misconduct. " 2 At this point the draft included the words "The whole People will notprobably mistake their own true Interests, nor err in their Judgment ofthe Men to whom they may safely commit the Care of them. " TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS, Adams Papers, Quincy] BOSTON June 20 1784 DEAR SIR The Hurry of the General Court which is now sitting prevents my writinga Letter at this Time. Your amiable Lady who with her Daughter embarks this day will, I hope, deliver you this Note, which is only to express a fervent Wish thatthey may be favord in their Passage & shortly have a joyful Meetingwith you. It is a long time since I receivd a Letter from you. Adieu--Believe me Your affectionate friend & humble servt TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS. , Adams Papers, 1 Quincy. ] BOSTON 2d Decr 1784. MY DEAR SIR I received several of your Letters with Pleasure, particularly that ofMay, which I will answer at a Time of more Leisure. Captn Dashwood ofthis Town is going to London, to sollicit Payment of the British Crown, for Goods taken from him when the Troops left the Town, not asforfeited, but under the Apprehension that they would be of Use to ourArmy, & with an Express Promise that they should be paid for. Itappears to me to be among the bona Fide Debts mention'd in the Treaty, and if there may be on the Part of the Crown itself a Failure of aCompliance with a positive stipulated Article, it will be difficult forthe Governments in America to prevail with their Citizens to think itreasonable that they should pay the just Debts owing from them toBritish Subjects. Dashwood has my Promise to write to you again on theSubject & I must fulfill it. It is with reluctance that I give you thisrepeated Trouble, especially as I know you must be press'd with Affairsof greater National Importance. You are best able to say whether youcan afford him Aid or not. I have ventured to assure him, that if it bein your Power consistantly to interpose your Influence, you willundoubtedly be disposd to do it. What aggravates the Misfortune of thisCitizen if he should not obtain Justice in England is that his BritishCrediter now demands the Payment of his Debt with Interest, & tho' thisSum is very small in Comparison with the Value of the Goods taken fromhim, the Payment, as he says & I suppose truly, will compleatly ruinhim. your affectionate 1 Although the copy actually transmitted, no part of this letter is inthe autograph of Adams except the subscription and signature. TO RICHARD HENRY LEE. [MS. , Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society; a draft is in theSamuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text is in W. V. Wells, Life ofSamuel Adams, vol. Iii. , pp. 214-217. ] BOSTON Decr 23 1784 MY DEAR SIR I congratulate our Country on the Choice Congress has lately made of aPresident. He who fills that Chair is the most respected Citizen, andwhile he performs his Duty well, he adorns the most dignified Stationin our Confederated Republick. You observe in your Letter to me, that "at this Moment, Moderation, Wisdom, Firmness & Attention are the Principles proper for ourAdoption. " I agree with you, and devoutly wish that every Man who has aShare in the Administration of publick Affairs may possess a largePortion of those & other great Qualities. They are in a particularManner necessary to him who presides in the important Councils of theAmerican Amphyction. Congress has need to watch, lest the Commonwealth suffer Harm. I doubtnot they will be assiduous in their Labours for the publick Wellfare;and I pray God they may be His honord Instruments in exalting to thehighest Pitch of human Happiness that People, who have testified to theoppressed World, that by Patience, Fortitude & Perseverance the ironRod can be wrested from the Arm of a Tyrant, and that all Nations maybe free, if they will magnanimously contend for their Liberty. By Gods Blessing on the Councils & the Arms of our Country, we are nowrank'd with Nations. May He keep us from exulting beyond Measure! GreatPains are yet to be taken & much Wisdom is requisite that we may standas a Nation in a respectable Character. Better it would have been forus to have fallen in our highly famed Struggle for our Rights, or evento have remaind in our ignoble State of Bondage hoping for betterTimes, than now to become a contemptible Nation. The World have givenus an exalted Character, & thus have laid on us a heavy Tax! They haveraised Expectations from us! HOW shall we meet those Expectations? Theyhave attributed to us Wisdom! HOW shall we confirm them in theirOpinion of us? Inexperiencd as we are in the Refinements of Nations, Can we expect to shine in the World as able Politicians? Shall we thenbe hacknied in the Path of Deception because some others famed fortheir Dexterity in Politicks have long trod that Path & thought theyhave gaind Advantage by it? Or, because it is said All Nations areselfinterested & that No Friendship in Treaties and NationalTransactions is almost as proverbial as No Friendship in Trade, shallwe depart from that excellent Rule of Equity, the Observance of whichshould be characteristick of all Nations especially Republicks, as itis of all good Men, to do to others as we would have them do to us?Could we be indued thus to prostitute ourselves, HOW should we appearin the Eyes of the Virtuous & Wise? Should there be found a Citizen ofthe United States so unprincipled as to ask, What will become of us ifwe do not follow the corrupt Maxims of the World? I should tell him, that the Strength of a Republick is consolidated by its Virtues, & thatRighteousness will exalt a Nation. Was it true as some affirm, that the old World is absorbd in all kindsof Vice, unhumanizd & enslavd, it would indeed be a melancholly Subjectto contemplate, and I should think that common Prudence would dictateto a Nation situated as we are, to have as little to do with them aspossible. Such indiscriminate Censure, however, may spring fromIgnorance of the World or unreasonable Prejudice. Nations as well asIndividuals have different Characters. We should not forget theFriendship & Kindness of One because we have experiencd the Injustice &Cruelty of Another. But the Inconstancy of Friendship & even Infidelityhas been seen often enough among Individuals to lead wise men tosuppose it may happen in any Case & to exercise a kind ofCircumspection, different from base Suspicion, consistent with thegenerous Sentiments of Friendship and, considering the Weakness of thehuman Mind, a necessary Guard. Does not the true Policy, the Honor & Safety of our Country greatlydepend upon a National Character consisting, among other Particulars, in Simplicity & Candor in all her Publick Transactions; shewing herselfin reality friendly to those to whom she professes to be a Friend--Aconstant Regard to mutual Benefit in Commercial Treaties; suspectingthe Honesty of those who will not deal with her on equitablePrinciples, & guarding her Trade against their selfish Designs by wiseCommercial Laws--An exact & punctilious Fullfillment of Obligations on herPart to be performd by Virtue of all Treaties-- and, An unalterableDetermination to discharge her National Debts with all possibleSpeed. --If, my honord Friend, the leading Men in the United States wouldby Precept & Example disseminate thro' the lower Classes of People thePrinciples of Piety to God, Love to our Country & universalBenevolence, should we not secure the Favor of Heaven & the Honor &Esteem of the wise and virtuous Part of the World. Great Britain, tho' she has concluded a Treaty of Peace with us, appears to be not a cordial Friend. She cannot forget her unparralledInjustice towards us & naturally supposes there can be no Forgivenesson our Part. She seems to have meant Nothing more than a Truce. Asensible Gentleman very lately from Canada informs me, that GeneralHaldiman who is going to England, has orderd those Posts to bereinforcd, which by Treaty were to be deliverd to us. Encroachments aremade, as I apprehend, on our Eastern Territories. Our Fishery may, under some frivolous Pretence be next interrupted. Should we not guardourselves against British Intrigues & Factions. Her Emissaries, underthe Guise of Merchants, Repenting Refugees, Schoolmasters, and otherCharacters, unless Care is taken, may effect another & fatalRevolution. The Commonwealth of England lasted twelve years, and thenthe exiled King was restored with all the Rage & Madness of Royalty!--ACaution to the Citizens of the United States zealously to counteractthe Hopes our Enemies entertain of "Discord, Disunion, & Apathy on ourPart, " to watch over the publick Liberty & Safety with a jealous Eye, and to practice the moral and political Virtues upon which the veryExistence of a Commonwealth depends. Mrs. Adams desires me to present her respectful Compliments to you &your Connections. I am with great Esteem Your affectionate Friend 1785 TO RICHARD HENRY LEE. [MS. , Lenox Library. ] BOSTON March 24 17851 MY HONORD FRIEND Could I be perswaded to believe that by your long Silence you wouldintimate to me a Desire on your Part to put an End to our EpistolaryCorrespondence, you should never again be troubled with my Letters. Butas I am not disposd to entertain unfavorable Thoughts of one whom Ihave valued as an unchanging Friend, I will now sollicit you in Behalfof two Persons both of whom I believe you will recollect, and whoseServices to the United States, in their different Way, have in myOpinion been meritorious. Mr Kirkland has for many years been a Missionary to the Indians of thesix Nations under the Society in Scotland for promoting ChristianKnowledge. He was recognizd by Congress & in 1779 was appointed by thatBody to be Chaplain at Fort Stanwix; for this Cause that CharitableSociety forbore to continue his usual Stipend. He had Influencesufficient to keep the Indians steadily attachd to the United Statesduring the War, and you will judge Sir, of the Policy of engaging souseful a Man in the same Mission under Congress, lest another should beemployed by that Society under the Pretext of promoting Christianknowledge among the Indians, [who] may be secretly instructed toinstill into their Minds Prejudices in favor of Great Britain anddangerous to our Interest. Mr Kirkland is or soon will be in New Yorkto state his Case to Congress. Colo John Allan left a valueable Estate and powerful family Connectionsin Hallifax in the Beginning of the late War & took a decided Part withthe United States. He had the Happiness of your Friendship whenCongress sat in Baltimore; and was there appointed Superintendant ofthe Indians in the Eastern Department. I do not fear I shall dishonormyself by assuring you, that in my Opinion he has been a faithful &successful Servant of the Publick. He is gone to Congress to settle hisAffairs. If it shall appear to you that I have not mistaken his trueCharacter, your Sense of Justice will prevent the Necessity of anySollicitation in his Behalf from, My dear Sir, your unfeigned & affectionate friend, 1 A letter by Adams to Elbridge Gerry, dated February 24, 1785, is inMagazine of American History, vol. Xii. , pp. 177, 178. TO RICHARD HENRY LEE. [MS. , Lenox Library] BOSTON April 14 1785 MY DEAR SIR Give me Leave to introduce to you Mr Graham1 the Bearer of this Letter& his Lady, Mrs Macauley Graham, who have honord this Town & highlygratified the virtuous Citizens by a residence of some Months past. Wesometimes meet with genuine republican Sentiments in Persons born underMonarchy. It is truly mortifying when one meets with the reverseCharacter. I firmly believe that the benevolent Creator designd therepublican Form of Government for Man. Will you venture so far as tosay that all other Institutions that we know of are unnatural & tendmore or less to distress human Societies? Will the Lion ever associatewith the Lamb or the Leopard with the Kid till our favorite principlesshall be universally establishd? I am with Truth & sincerity, your affectiont friend, 1 On the same date Adams wrote to Washington, introducing Graham; amanuscript is in the Lenox Library and also in the Library of Congress. TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS. , Adams Papers, Quincy. ] BOSTON July 2 1785 DEAR SIR I cannot omit the Opportunity of writing by Monsr de la Etombe who isgoing to France & will take the Care of this Letter. You must notexpect it to be a long one. There are many Things which I wish to sayto you, but the Tremor of my Hand is so increasd that I am put toDifficulty to guide my Pen. Our Merchants are complaining bitterly that Great Britain is ruiningtheir Trade, and there is great Reason to complain; but I think muchgreater, to complain of too many of the Citizens thro' the Commonwealth who are imitating the Britons in every idle Amusement &expensive Foppery which it is in their Power to invent for theDestruction of a young Country. Can our People expect to indulgethemselves in the unbounded Use of every unmeaning & fantastickExtravagance because they would follow the Lead of Europeans, & notspend all their Money? You would be surprizd to see the Equipage, theFurniture & expensive Living of too many, the Pride & Vanity of Dresswhich pervades thro every Class, confounding every Distinction betweenthe Poor & the Rich and evincing the Want both of Example & AEconomy. Before this reaches you, you will have heard of the Change in ourchiefe Magistrate. I confess it is what I have long wishd for. Our newGovernor1 has issued his Proclamation for the Encouragement of PietyVirtue Education & Manners and for the Suppressing of Vice. This withthe good Example of a first Magistrate & others may perhaps restore ourVirtue. Monsieur le Etomb's true Decency of Manners has done honor to yourLetter of Recommendation. Mrs A joins in sincere Respects to your Lady & Family. Adieu my dear sir 1 James Bowdoin, who had succeeded John Hancock. TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS. , Adams Papers, Quincy; a draft, dated 1784, is in the Samuel AdamsPapers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON 16th Augt 1785 MY DEAR SIR The Governour of this Commonwealth will transmit to you Copies ofLetters which lately passed between him and Capt Stanhope Commander ofthe British Ship of War Mercury. This is the same Person, as I am told, who, when a Prisoner here in the early time of the War, was not toodelicate in Point of Honor to break his Parole. The Governor howeverhad treated him from the Time of his Arrival with the Civilities andRespect due to a Foreigner in his Station, without personal or nationalDistinction. The occasion of this Epistolary Correspondence which theGovernor was necessarily carried into by the Petulance of Stanhope, wasa Fricas which happened on the Evening of the 31st Ulto, between the[latter] and a young Sailor who alledges that he and a Number ofAmerican Prisoners on board the Mercury had been flogged by Stanhopesorder for refusing to do the Duty of Seamen. The Altercation caused thePeople near to collect, and the Captain, either really or pretending tobe, apprehensive of Danger, hast'ned away, a Number following excitedby common Curiosity, till his Fears were quieted in the House of one ofhis Friends and the Scene ended. This gave rise to Stanhopes Letter thefollowing Day. Whatever his Opinion might be of his own Importance, theGovernor considerd him entitled only to the Common Protection of theLaw, nor could he see any Obstacle in the Captains Way to obtain legalSatisfaction if he had receivd Injury, which required the extraordinaryInterposition of Government; for Stanhope was the same Day abroad inthe Town without the least Molestation or appearing to be apprehensiveof any Affront. Perhaps this Gentleman's Ideas of Propriety of Conductin the Governor might have led him to expect he would take the Part ofa Grand Juryman or a Justice of the Peace, to enquire intoMisdemeanours, or decide on little Controversies which frequentlyhappen among Persons who know not how to keep upon Terms with eachother. I should not have troubled you with this Detail, had it not seemed tome somewhat necessary. You know it was formerly usual for such kind ofMen as Stanhope appears to be, to fly to their Ships from pretendedDanger, and by false representations impose on their too credulousGovernment. Adieu my friend, & believe me Yours TO RICHARD HENRY LEE. [Historical Magazine, 2d ser. , vol. I. , pp. 167, 168. ] BOSTON Decr. 17, 1785. MY DEAR SIR. It gave much Pleasure to find that your Countrymen had again honour'dyou with their Confidence in Congress. My most earnest wish is, thatthe Seats in that Sacred Hall may ever be filled with Men of trueWisdom. This Wish, I know, cannot be gratified when the United Statesshall become debased in Principles and Manners. HOW much then dependsupon the Exertions of the present members to perpetuate the Honour andHappiness of our Country by guarding its Virtue! I beg leave once more to trespass upon your Time by calling yourattention to my Friend Captn Landais. You and I patronized him when hefirst came into this Country: and I have never for a Moment repented ofthe small share I had in his Promotion in the American Navy, althoughhe has met with the Fate which sometimes has been the Lot of honestMen, through the errors, to say the least, of Courts. He had longsuffered as other virtuous Men had, by a Faction on the other side ofthe Atlantick, which found means to extend itself to this Country, andas you well remember, to the very Doors of Congress!--But enough ofthis--Your kind Assistance was greatly beneficial to him in his lateApplication to Congress, and he and I gratefully acknowledged it. Buthe remains still embarrassed, and as I conceive, not without Reason--HisPay as Commander of the Alliance is offered to him in a Certificate. But what is such a Piece of Paper worth. If it be said, all our braveSea Officers & Men are thus to be paid, should it not be remembered, that those who continued in the service to the end of the War areallowed a Gratuity. This Allowance was Established several years afterhe left the Service, and cannot include him, nor does he desire it--But hewas broke by a Court Martial--True. And if a private Gentleman dischargeshis domestick servant even for a Fault, does he not in Justice pay himhis due wages? And are not States bound by the Rules of Justice?Captain Landais has been obliged to pay an interest on money he hasborrowed for his support and other necessary expenses, more than theValue of his Pay, and the want of his just Dues has kept him out ofBusiness--He also suffers by a short Allowance of Interest on the Gratuitygranted to him for an important service. Congress ordered 12, 000 Livresto be paid him for that service, in France. The Payment there wouldhave been and it was intended to be an advantage to him. It was paid tohim in America, and not till the last year--Should not the interest onthat sum have commenced in 1777 when the service was performed insteadof 79 as it is now settled? But his greatest Grievance, in which indeedhe is a sufferer in common with others is the Detention of Prize Money--You recollect this mysterious Business and how often we were written to, and very pressingly by my worthy Friend your Brother. We have beenlately told that Capt. Paul Jones has received a large sum on thataccount. This Jones Captn. Landais looks upon as his inveterate Enemy &he has not the least Confidence in him--If you think as I do that he has aRight to authentick copies of Letters written by Jones to Congress orany of the Boards on an affair so interesting to him, on his properapplication, your Advice to him on this as well as his other concernswill add to the obligations I am already under to you. Will you be so kind as to transmit me the names of the present Membersof Congress and the States they severally represent, -- I am Your affectionate Friend1 1A letter by Adams to Rufus King, dated January 30, 1786, is in Lifeand Correspondence of Rufus King, vol. I. , pp. 153, 154. 1786 TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS. , Adams Papers, Quincy; a text is in John Adams, Works, vol. Ix. , p. 547. ] BOSTON April 13 1786 DEAR SIR Doctor Gordon is to deliver you this Letter. He is going to the Land ofhis Nativity, wishing for the best Happiness of his own Country & oursand hoping that mutual Affection will be at length restored, as theonly Means of the prosperity of both. As he determines to spend theRemainder of his Days in the Country where he was born, what rationalMan who considers the Ties of human Nature will wonder, if "Estoperpetua" is his most ardent Prayer for her! But the Attachments he hasmade here, his private Friendships and the Part he has taken in ourpublick Cause afford Reason to believe that his second Wish is for us. I am affraid however, that the Doctor builds too much upon the Hopes ofthe Return of mutual Affection; for Can this exist without Forgivnessof Injury, and Can his Country ever cordially forgive ours whom sheintended to injure so greatly? Her very Disappointment will perpetuallyirritate her own Feelings and in Spite of Reason or Religion preventher conceiving a Sentiment of Friendship for us. And besides, she willnever believe that there is a Possibility that we can forgive her. Wemust therefore be content, at least for a great While to come, to livewith her as a prudent Man will with one who indeed has professd aFriendship for him, but whose Sincerity he has Reason vehemently tosuspect; guarding against Injury from him by making it his Interest todo as little as possible. This is an arduous Task our Country hascommitted to you. Trade is a Matter I have had so little to do with, that it is not in my Power to aid you in this more than in any onething else. May He who has endued you with a Strength of Understandingwhich your Country confides in afford you all that Light which isnecessary for so great an Undertaking! The Child whom I led by the Hand with a particular Design, I find isnow become a promising youth. He brought me one of your Letters--God blessthe Lad! If I was instrumental at that Time of enkindling the Sparks ofPatriotism in his tender Heart, it will add to my Consolation in thelatest Hour. -- Adieu my Friend. Mrs Adams desires your Lady & Family maybe assured of her cordial Esteem & Love. Believe that I am very affectionately Your Friend & humble Servant TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS. , Adams Papers, Quincy, a draft, dated July 20, is in the SamuelAdams Papers, Lenox Library] BOSTON July 21 1786 MY DEAR SIR There are two great Objects which I think should engage the Attentionof Patriots here, & which appear to me to involve every thing else--topreserve entire our political Liberties, & to support our NationalFaith. To effect either of these Capital Ends, we must counterwork theDesigns of Great Britain, who to say the least does not appear to beour most cordial Friend, by her Emissaries amongst us, to ruin both. The internal Enemies of this Country ridiculed our early Ideas ofOpposition, embarrassd our Measures through the whole Conflict andprolonged the War. They had nearly broke up our Army in 1782, and theyare now practicing the same Arts, by influencing many weak Men towithhold the necessary Aid of Taxes, to destroy the publick Faith. Ishould therefore think it very impolitick to increase their Number byadmitting the Tory Refugees without Discrimination. JonathanPhilanthrop whom you well knew, with many others took a very activePart, & they were very successful in promoting the Designs of theBritish Government before the War, There are some among them who wouldbe the fittest Instruments to be employed by that Court in tearing up, or rather undermining the Foundations of our newly erected Fabrick. --Ifyou ask, What has thrown me into this Fit of Zeal against the Refugees?I answer, they already have or soon will in my opinion form a dangerousFaction. But I will be more explicit in my next. This Letter I commit to the care of Mr Benj Austin junr whose Fatherand Connexions you are not unacquainted with. Adieu & believe me your affectionate Friend 1787 TO RICHARD HENRY LEE [MS, Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society, a draft is in theSamuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library, a text is in W. V Wells, Life ofSamuel Adams, vol. In, pp. 251-253] BOSTON Decr 3d 1787 MY DEAR SIR I am to acknowledge your several Favours of the 5th and 27 of October, the one by the Post and the other by our worthy Friend Mr Gerry. TheSession of our General Court which lasted six Weeks, and my Stationthere requiring my punctual & constant Attendance, prevented myconsidering the new Constitution as it is already called, so closely aswas necessary for me before I should venture an Opinion. I confess, asI enter the Building I stumble at the Threshold. I meet with a NationalGovernment, instead of a Federal Union of Sovereign States. I am notable to conceive why the Wisdom of the Convention led them to give thePreference to the former before the latter. If the several States inthe Union are to become one entire Nation, under one Legislature, thePowers of which shall extend to every Subject of Legislation, and itsLaws be supreme & controul the whole, the Idea of Sovereignty in theseStates must be lost. Indeed I think, upon such a Supposition, thoseSovereignties ought to be eradicated from the Mind; for they would beImperia in Imperio justly deemd a Solecism in Politicks, & they wouldbe highly dangerous, and destructive of the Peace Union and Safety ofthe Nation. And can this National Legislature be competent to make Lawsfor the free internal Government of one People, living in Climates soremote and whose "Habits & particular Interests" are and probablyalways will be so different. Is it to be expected that General Laws canbe adapted to the Feelings of the more Eastern and the more SouthernParts of so extensive a Nation? It appears to me difficult ifpracticable. Hence then may we not look for Discontent, Mistrust, Disaffection to Government and frequent Insurrections, which willrequire standing Armies to suppress them in one Place & another wherethey may happen to arise. Or if Laws could be made, adapted to thelocal Habits, Feelings, Views & Interests of those distant Parts, wouldthey not cause Jealousies of Partiality in Government which wouldexcite Envy and other malignant Passions productive of Wars andfighting. But should we continue distinct sovereign States, confederated for the Purposes of mutual Safety and Happiness, eachcontributing to the federal Head such a Part of its Sovereignty aswould render the Government fully adequate to those Purposes and nomore, the People would govern themselves more easily, the Laws of eachState being well adapted to its own Genius & Circumstances, and theLiberties of the United States would be more secure than they can be, as I humbly conceive, under the proposed new Constitution. You aresensible, Sir, that the Seeds of Aristocracy began to spring evenbefore the Conclusion of our Struggle for the natural Rights of Men, Seeds which like a Canker Worm lie at the Root of free Governments. Sogreat is the Wickedness of some Men, & the stupid Servility of others, that one would be almost inclined to conclude that Communities cannotbe free. The few haughty Families, think They must govern. The Body ofthe People tamely consent & submit to be their Slaves. This unravelsthe Mystery of Millions being enslaved by the few! But I must desist--Myweak hand prevents my proceeding further at present. I will send you mypoor Opinion of the political Structure at another Time. In the Interimoblige me with your Letters; & present mine and Mrs A's best Regards toyour Lady & Family, Colo Francis, Mr A. L. If with you, & otherFriends, & be assured that I am very affectionately yours As I thought it a Piece of Justice I have venturd to say that I hadoften heard from the best Patriots from Virginia that Mr G Mason was anearly active & able Advocate for the Liberties of America. 1789 TO RICHARD HENRY LEE. [MS. , Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society; a draft is in theSamuel, Adams Papers, Lenox Library] BOSTON April 22d, 1789. MY DEAR FRIEND You must not expect lengthy Letters from me for a Reason which I haveheretofore given you. Possibly, however, I may trouble you with morefrequent Letters. I hope the federal Congress is vested with Powersadequate to all the great purposes of the federal Union; and if theyhave such adequate Powers, no true and understanding Federalist wouldconsent that they should be trusted with more--for more would discover theFolly of the People in their wanton Grant of Power, because it might, and considering the Disposition of the human Mind, without Doubt wouldbe wantonly [exercised to] their Injury and Ruin. The Powers vested inGovernment by the People, the only just Source of such Powers, ought tobe critically defined and well understood; lest by a Misconstruction ofambiguous Expressions, and by interested Judges too, more Power mightbe assumed by the Government than the People ever intended they shouldpossess. Few men are contented with less Power than they have a Rightto exercise, the Ambition of the human Heart grasps at more. This isevinced by the Experience of all Ages. Will you give me Leave to mention to you the Name of Leonard Jarvis, Esqr; a Gentleman to whose agreable Acquaintance, tho he is a native ofthis Town, I introduced myself by the Request of our worthy FriendGeneral Whipple now deceased. Mr. Jarvis is a very sensible Republican, and an honest Man. He holds the Place of Comptroller General in thisCommonwealth. I believe Mr. Dalton can shew you a Specimen of hisIndustry and Accuracy in Business. It is not by his Solicitation, oreven knowledge that I write this. I am induced to it, because I thinkthat good Men living at a Distance from the Seat of the federalGovernment, and capable of serving the United States should be madeknown. Adieu my dear Sir. TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS. [W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. Iii. , pp. 284, 285; the textis also in the pamphlet Resolutions of the General Court (Boston, 1789), p. 7. ] May 27, 1789. 1 MR. PRESIDENT, -- I have been politely notified by a joint committee of the two branchesof the General Court that, having examined the returns of the votes fora Lieutenant-Governor of the Commonwealth, it appears that a majorityof the electors have seen fit to give me their suffrages. I am impressed with a warm sense of the honor done me, and it is apleasing reflection, in my own mind, that I have this testimonial ofthe confidence of my countrymen, without my solicitation orinterference in any manner to obtain it. I rejoice in the freedom of our elections; and it affords me particularsatisfaction to be invited to take a share in government by citizenspossessed of the most lively feelings of natural and civil liberty, andenlightened with the knowledge and true ends of civil government, who, in conjunction with their sister States, have gloriously contended forthe rights of mankind, and given the world another lesson, drawn fromexperience, that all countries may be free, since it has pleased therighteous Governor of the universe to smile upon their virtuousexertions, and crown them with independence and liberty. If it be not improper on this occasion, may I beg leave to express adevout and fervent wish that gracious Heaven may guide the publiccouncils of the great confederated commonwealth, and the several freeand independent republics which compose it, so that the people may behighly respected and prosperous in their affairs abroad, and enjoy athome that tranquillity which results from a well-grounded confidencethat their personal and domestic rights are secure. I feel, sir, a diffidence of my own abilities, and am anxious but incertain events they may be found inadequate to the importance of theduties I may be called to perform; but relying on the aid of Divinegrace, and hoping for the justice, candor, and liberal sentiments ofthe General Court and of my fellow-citizens at large, I venture toaccept the trust, and am now ready to be qualified in the modeprescribed by the Constitution. 1 Upon taking the oath as Lieutenant-Governor of Massachusetts. TO RICHARD HENRY LEE. [MS. , Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society. ] BOSTON July 14th, 1789 DEAR SIR I have not lately received a Line from you, and am ready to impute itto the Multiplicity of Affairs in which your Mind is employed. You mustnot expect that I shall be even with you upon the epistolary Score, forthe Reason which I have heretofore given you. I wish to know from youthe State of federal Affairs as often as your Leisure may admit. 1 Weorganize our State Governments, and I heartily wish that theirAuthority and Dignity may be preserved within their severalJurisdictions, as far as may be consistent with the Purposes for whichthe federal Government is designed. They are in my opinion petitPoliticians who would wish to lessen the due Weight of the StateGovernments; for I think the federal must depend upon the Influence ofthese to carry their Laws into Effect; and while those Laws have fortheir sole Object the promoting the purposes of the federal Union, there is Reason to expect they will have the due Support of the StateAuthorities. Places are now become the Object of Multitudes; Imentioned to you in a former Letter the name of Leonard Jarvis, Esqrwhom I hope you will not forget. Israel Keith, Esqr wishes to have thePlace of Marshall within this District. He is a Gentleman of the Law, and was during the War Aid de Camp to General Heath, who I understandhas recommended him to the President. You will gratify the wishes of MrKeith as far as shall consist with your own Ideas of Propriety; and beassured, that I am sincerely Your Friend, P. S. I have been informed that Mr Edward Church a Native of this Town, but now an Inhabitant of Georgia is in the City of New York. I take himto have been a steady Friend to the Liberties of our Country, and a manof Sense and Integrity. If it will not weary you with Applications Iwill beg your Notice of him, and after your own Inquiries afford himyour Influence, if you shall think it proper, in promoting him to asuitable Employment under Congress in the State of Georgia. This Imention without his Sollicitation, or even Knowledge. 1 Lee was at this time in the United States Senate. TO ELBRIDGE GERRY. [MS. , Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library] BOSTON Augt 22 1789 MY DEAR SIR I wrote to you hastily two days ago, & as hastily venturd an Opinionconcerning the Right of Congress to controul a Light-house erected onLand belonging to this sovereign & independent State for its own Use &at its own Expence. I say sovereign & independent, because I think theState retains all the Rights of Sovereignty which it has not expresslyparted with to the Congress of the United States--a federal Powerinstituted solely for the Support of the federal Union. The Sovereignty of the State extends over every part of its Territory. The federal Constitution expresses the same Idea in Sec. 8, Art. 1. APower is therein given to Congress "to exercise like Authority, " thatis to exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, "over allplaces purchased by the Consent of the Legislature in which the sameshall be, for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, and other needfulBuildings, " among which Light-houses may be included. Is it not theplain Conclusion from this Clause in the Compact, that Congress havenot the Right to exercise exclusive Legislation in all Caseswhatsoever, nor even to purchase or controul any part of the Territorywithin a State for the Erection of needful Buildings unless it has theConsent of its Legislature. If there are any such Buildings alreadyerected, which operate to the General Welfare of the U S, and Congressby Virtue of the Power vested in them have taken from a State for thegeneral Use, the necessary Means of supporting such Buildings itappears to be reasonable & just that the U S should maintain them; butI think that it follows not from hence, that Congress have a right toexercise any Authority over those buildings even to make Appointmentsof officers for the immediate Care of them or furnishing them withnecessary Supplies. I wish to have your Opinion if you can find Leisure. I hope Congress, before they adjourn, will take into very seriousConsideration the necessary Amendments of the Constitution. Those whomI call the best--the most judicious & disinterested Federalists, who wishfor the perpetual Union, Liberty & Happiness of the States & theirrespective Citizens, many of them if not all are anxiously expectingthem. They wish to see a Line drawn as clearly as may be, between thefederal Powers vested in Congress and the distinct Sovereignty of theseveral States upon which the private & personal Rights of the Citizensdepend. Without such Distinction there will be Danger of theConstitution issuing imperceptibly and gradually into a consolidatedGovernment over all the States; which, altho it may be wished for bysome was reprobated in the Idea by the highest Advocates for theConstitution as it stood without Amendmts. I am fully persuaded thatthe population of the U S livg in different Climates, of differentEducation and Manners, and possest of different Habits & feelings underone consolidated Governt can not long remain free, or indeed remainunder any kind of Governt but despotism. You will not forget our old Friend Devens, and if you please mentionhim to Mr R H Lee. Adieu my dear Friend and believe me to be sincerely your, P. S. The joint regards of Mrs A & myself to Mrs Gerry. TO RICHARD HENRY LEE. [MS. , Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society; a draft is in theSamuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON August 24th 1789. MY DEAR SIR Your very acceptable Letter of the 8th Current came to me by the Post. You flatter me very much when you tell me that any sentiment of minecan please you. I have always been apprehensive that through theweakness of the human Mind often discovered even in the wisest and bestof Men, or the perverseness of the interested, and designing, in aswell as out of Government; Misconstructions would be given to thefederal constitution, which would disappoint the Views, andexpectations of the honest among those who acceded to it, and hazardthe Liberty, Independence and Happiness of the People. I wasparticularly affraid that unless great care should be taken to preventit, the Constitution in the Administration of it would gradually, butswiftly and imperceptably run into a consolidated Government pervadingand legislating through all the States, not for federal purposes onlyas it professes, but in all cases whatsoever: such a Government wouldsoon totally annihilate the Sovereignty of the several States sonecessary to the Support of the confederated Commonwealth, and sinkboth in despotism. I know these have been called vulgar opinions, andprejudices: be it so--I think it is Lord Shaftsbury who tells us, that itis folly to despise the opinions of the Vulgar; this Aphorism, ifindeed it is his, I eagerly catched from a Nobleman many years ago, whose writings on some accounts, I never much admired. Should a strongFederalist as some call themselves see what has now dropt from my Pen, he would say that I am an Antifed, an Amendment Monger &c; those aretruly vulgar terms, invented and used by some whose feelings would besorely wounded to be ranked among such kind of Men, and invented andused for the mean purpose of deceiving, and entrapping others whom theycall the Vulgar; but in this "enlightned" Age one should think therewas no such Vulgar to be thus amused, and ensnared. I mean, my friend, to let you know how deeply, I am impressed with a sense of theImportance of Amendments; that the good People may clearly see thedistinction, for there is a distinction, between the federal Powersvested in Congress, and the sovereign Authority belonging to theseveral States, which is the Palladium of the private, and personalrights of the Citizens. I freely protest to you that I earnestly wishsome Amendments may be judiciously, and deliberately made withoutpartial or local considerations--that there may be no uncomfortableJarrings among the several Powers; that the whole People may in everyState contemplate their own safety on solid grounds, and the Union ofthe States be perpetual. I hope that you have recovered your health, sovaluable to our Country. Your Letter requires a further Consideration. I will at present only express my astonishment at the strange andabsurd Opinion of our former republican Connecticut friend. Temporamutantur, et hic mutatur in illis. Your friend, TO RICHARD HENRY LEE. [MS. , Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society, a draft is in theSamuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON Augt 29th. 1789. MY DEAR SIR The Power of removing federal Officers at the Pleasure of the Presidentis to be found the Constitution or it is not. If it is, What Need wasthere of an Act or Decision of Congress to authorize it? But if it isnot, could Congress give so important a Power? What have the UnitedStates been contending for? Liberty. This is the great Object of theirState Governments, and has not the federal Constitution the same Objectin View? If therefore a Doubt arises respecting the Exercise of anyPower, no Construction, I conceive, should militate with the mainDesign, or Object of the Charter. If there is a total Silence in theConstitution, is it not natural to conclude that an Officer holdingduring Pleasure is removable by the same Power which appointed him, whether vested in a single Person, or a joint Number? I am sensible, itis said, that a single Person, being amenable for his Exercise of Powerwill use the utmost Circumspection. This may be true, but may not thisIdea be carried too far in Practice? May not some Powers vested in asingle Man give him such Weight and Influence as to render anyRestraint from his feeling himself amenable of little, or no Effect. Ifthis Power lodged in the Discretion of a single Person will afford agreater Security against Corruption because of his Amenability, whyshould not the Power of appointing as well as removing Officers begiven to him? In the one Case the gracious Hand may be held forth, inthe other, the threatning Rod; and both may be used for improperPurposes. In England, "the King can do no wrong" is a Maxim. HisMinisters are made accountable for him; and how often have corruptMinisters and Councellors been brought to the Block for Follies andCrimes committed by their Royal Masters who can do no Wrong? And it mayalso be asked, how often such Ministers and Councellors have foundMeans to get themselves screened from Punishment through the Influenceof their Masters, by procuring Parliamentary Sanctions to such Crimesand Follies? But in the Removal of Officers the President has not aConstitutional Council. He must therefore be solely accountable. I neednot tell you who have known so thoroughly the Sentiments of my Heart, that I have always had a very high Esteem for the late Commander inChief of our Armies; and I now most sincerely believe that whilePresident Washington continues in the Chair he will be able to give toall good Men a satisfactory Reason for every Instance of his publicConduct. I feel myself constrained contrary to my usual Manner to makeProfessions of Sincerity on this Occasion because Dr Gordon in hisHistory of the Revolution, among many other Anecdotes innocent andtriffling enough, has gravely said, that I was concerned in an Attemptto remove General Washington from Command; and mentions an anonymousLetter written to your late Governor Henry which I affirm I never sawnor heard of till I lately met with it in reading the History1--This is aDigression to which a Man of my years is liable. Who will succeed thepresent President for it is the Lot of Man to die? Perhaps the next andthe next may inherit his Virtues. But my Friend, I fear the Time willcome, when a Bribe shall remove the most excellent Man from Office forthe Purpose of making Room for the worst. It will be called an Error inJudgment. The Bribe will be concealed. It may however be vehementlysuspected & who, in Times of great Degeneracy will venture to searchout and detect the corrupt Practices of great Men? Unless a sufficientCheck is provided and clearly ascertained for every Power given, willnot the Constitution and the Liberties of the Citizens for want of suchChecks be finally subverted. A Gentleman of this Place who has suffered much for his Attachment toour Cause I conceive has Documents in his Hands which would be ofImportance in the Settlement of the Eastern Boundary of the UnitedStates which appears to have been encroached upon by the British. Iwrote so long ago as last April to Mr Dalton respecting this Gentleman;but have never received an Answer. He I suppose is able to give you anAccount of Mr Boyd the Name of the Gentleman referred to. I wish youwould converse with Mr Dalton upon the Subject. The Vice Presidenthowever is probably able, and undoubtedly disposed to give you thefullest Account. I am sincerely yours P. S. Pray write to me and let me know the State of your Health, & paymy affectionate Regards to your Brother the Doctor. 1 William Gordon, History of the American Revolution, (3rd Amer. Edit. )vol. Ii. , p. 306. 1790 TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS. MAY 28, 1790. 1 [W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. In. , pp. 288, 289; a text isin the Massachusetts Archives. ] MR. PRESIDENT, -- Having been regularly informed that a majority of the late electors inthe several towns and districts within this Commonwealth have honoredme with their suffrages for the office of Lieutenant-Governor, I nowpresent myself before the two branches of the General Court to bequalified as the Constitution directs. I do the more readily obey thisrepeated call, because I cannot help flattering myself that it hasproceeded from a persuasion in the minds of my fellow-citizens of theattachment of my heart to their rights and liberties, and my earnestdesires that they may be perpetuated. My fellow-citizens may be assuredthat I feel that attachment and the strength of those desires. Thefirst of my wishes, as they respect this life, is for our country; andthe best of my feeble abilities shall be ever employed for herprosperity. I shall presently be called upon by you, sir, as it is enjoined by theConstitution, to make a declaration upon oath (and shall do it withcheerfulness, because the injunction accords with my own judgment andconscience) that the Commonwealth of Massachusetts is, and of rightought to be, a free, sovereign, and independent State. I shall also becalled upon to make another declaration, with the same solemnity, tosupport the Constitution of the United States. I see the consistency ofthis, for it cannot have been intended but that these Constitutionsshould mutually aid and support each other. It is my humble opinionthat, while the Commonwealth of Massachusetts maintains her own justauthority, weight, and dignity, she will be among the firmest pillarsof the Federal Union. May the administration of the Federal government, and those of theseveral States in the Union, be guided by the unerring finger ofHeaven! Each of them and all of them united will then, if the peopleare wise, be as prosperous as the wisdom of human institutions and thecircumstances of human society will admit. 1 Upon taking office as Lieutenant-Governor, to which office he wasalso elected in 1791 and 1792. TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS. , Adams Papers, Quincy. 1] BOSTON Septemr 2d 1790 SR I have not written a single line to any friend in, or out of Congressduring the late session, having been prevented by my old nervousdisorder, and am now dictating this to a confidential friend, whom youwell know. Capn Nathaniel Byfield Lyde who commanded the Ship in which your Ladysailed to England has informed me that a number of Vessells are to bebuilt, and employed to guard the coast for a preventing of breaches ofthe act of trade; and he requests me to ask the favour of you tomention his Name to the President of the United States for a command. Inow gratify his request, which is my apology. I hope you, and your connections are in good health, and spirits. MrsAdams joins me in due Regards to yourself, and Lady. I am, dear sir, with much Esteem, and respect, Your affectionate friend, 1 The body of this letter, like several in the later years, was not inthe autograph of Adams. TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS. , Adams Papers, Quincy; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; the text is in John Adams, Works, vol. Vi. , pp. 412-414, W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. Iii. , pp. 300-302; cf. Department of State, Bureau of Rolls and Library, Bulletin No. 8, p. 15. ] BOSTON Octr 4th 1790 DEAR SIR With pleasure I received your Letter of Septr 12th; and as our goodfriend, to whom I dictated our last is yet in Town, I have requested ofhim a second favour. You ask what the World is about to become? and, Is the Milleniumcommencing? I have not studied the Prophesies, and cannot evenconjecture. The Golden Age so finely pictured by Poets, I believe hasnever yet existed; but in their own imaginations. In the earliestperiods, when for the honor of human nature, one should have thought, that man had not learnt to be cruel; what Scenes of horror have beenexhibited in families of some of the best instructors in Piety andmorals! Even the heart of our first father was grievously wounded atthe sight of the murder of one of his Sons, perpetrated by the hand ofthe other. Has Mankind since seen the happy Age? No, my friend. Thesame Tragedys have been acted on the Theatre of the World, the sameArts of tormenting have been studied, and practiced to this day; andtrue religion, and reason united have never succeeded to establish thepermanent foundations of political freedom, and happiness in the mostenlightened Countries on the Earth. After a compliment to Boston Townmeetings, and our Harvard College as having "set the universe inMotion"; you tell me Every Thing will be pulled down; I think with you, "So much seems certain, " but what say you, will be built up? Hay, woodand stubble, may probably be the materials, till Men shall be yet moreenlightened, and more friendly to each other. "Are there any Principlesof Political Architecture?" Undoubtedly. "What are they?" Philosophersancient, and modern, have laid down different plans, and all havethought themselves, masters of the true Principles. Their Discipleshave followed them, probably with a blind prejudice, which is always anEnemy to truth, and have thereby added fresh fuel to the fire ofContention, and increased the political disorder. Kings have beendeposed by aspiring Nobles, whose pride could not brook restraint. These have waged everlasting War, against the common rights of Men. TheLove of Liberty is interwoven in the soul of Man, and can never betotally extinguished; and there are certain periods when human patiencecan no longer endure indignity, and oppression. The spark of libertythen kindles into a flame; when the injured people attentive to thefeelings of their just rights magnanimously contend for their compleatrestoration. But such contests have too often ended in nothing morethan "a change of Impostures, and impositions". The Patriots of Romeput an End to the Life of Caesar; and Rome submitted to a Race ofTyrants in his stead. Were the People of England free, after they hadobliged King John to concede to them their ancient rights, andLibertys, and promise to govern them according to the Old Law of theLand? Were they free, after they had wantonly deposed their Henrys, Edwards, and Richards to gratify family pride? Or, after they hadbrought their first Charles to the block, and banished his family? Theywere not. The Nation was then governed by Kings, Lords, and Commons, and its Libertys were lost by a strife among three Powers, soberlyintended to check each other, and keep the scales even. But while wedaily see the violence of the human passions controuling the Laws ofReason and religion, and stifling the very feelings of humanity; can wewonder, that in such tumults little or no regard is had to PoliticalChecks and Ballances? And such tumults have always happened within aswell as without doors. The best formed constitutions that have yet beencontrived by the wit of Man have, and will come to an End--because "theKingdoms of the Earth have not been governed by Reason. " The Pride ofKings, of Nobles, and leaders of the People who have all governed intheir turns, have disadjusted the delicate frame, and thrown all intoconfusion. What then is to be done?--Let Divines, and Philosophers, Statesmen and Patriots unite their endeavours to renovate the Age, byimpressing the Minds of Men with the importance of educating theirlittle boys, and girls--of inculcating in the Minds of youth the fear, andLove of the Deity, and universal Phylanthropy; and in subordination tothese great principles, the Love of their Country--of instructing them inthe Art of self government, without which they never can act a wisepart in the Government of Societys great, or small--in short of leadingthem in the Study, and Practice of the exalted Virtues of the Christiansystem, which will happily tend to subdue the turbulent passions ofMen, and introduce that Golden Age beautifully described in figurativelanguage; when the Wolf shall dwell with the Lamb, and the Leopard liedown with the Kid--the Cow, and the bear shall feed; their young onesshall lie down together, and the Lyon shall eat straw like the Ox--noneshall then hurt, or destroy; for the Earth shall be full of theKnowledge of the Lord. When this Millenium shall commence, if thereshall be any need of Civil Government, indulge me in the fancy that itwill be in the republican form, or something better. I thank you for your Countenance to our friend Lyde. Mrs Adams tells meto remember her to yourself, Lady, and connections; And be assured thatI am sincerely your friend, TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS. , Adams Papers, Quincy; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; the text with variations is in John Adams, Works, vol. Vi. , pp. 420-426, W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. Iii. , pp. 308-314; cf. Department of State, Bureau of Rolls and Library, BulletinNo. 8, p. 16. Certain texts give the date as November 20. ] BOSTON Novemr 25th 1790 MY DEAR SIR I lately received your Letter of the 18th of October. --The Sentiment, andobservations contained in it demand my attention. A Republic, you tell me, is a Government in which "the People have anessential share in the sovereignty;" Is not the whole sovereignty, myfriend, essentially in the People? Is not Government designed for theWelfare and happiness of all the People? and is it not theuncontroulable essential right of the People to amend, and alter, orannul their Constitution, and frame a new one, whenever they shallthink it will better promote their own welfare, and happiness to do it?That the Sovereignty resides in the People is a political doctrinewhich I have never heard an American Politician seriously deny. TheConstitutions of the American States reserve to the People the exerciseof the rights of Sovereignty; by the annual, or biennial elections oftheir Governours, Senators, & Representatives; and by empowering theirown Representatives to impeach the greatest officers of the State, before the Senators who are also chosen by themselves. We the people is the stile of the federal Constitution. They adoptedit; and conformably to it, they delegate the exercise of the Powers ofGovernment to particular persons, who, after short intervals resigntheir Powers to the People, and they will re-elect them, or appointothers, as1 they think fit. The American Legislatures are nicely balanced: They consist of twobranches, each having a check upon the determinations of the other:they sit in different chambers, and probably often reason differentlyin their respective chambers, on the same question-- if they disagree intheir decisions, by a conference their reasons, and Arguments aremutually communicated to each other: Candid explanations tend to bringthem to agreement; and then according to the Massachusettsconstitution, the matter is laid before the first Magistrate for hisrevision. He states objections, if he has any, with his Reasons, andreturns them to the Legislators, who by larger Majorities ultimatelydecide. Here is a mixture of three Powers founded in the Nature of Man;calculated to call forth the rational Faculties in the great points ofLegislation, into exertion; to cultivate mutual Friendship, and goodhumour; and finally to enable them to decide, not by the impulse ofpassion, or party prejudice, but the calm Voice of Reason, which is theVoice of God:--In this mixture you may see your "natural, and actualAristocracy among mankind, " operating among the several Powers inLegislation, and producing the most happy Effects. But the Son of anexcellent Man may never inherit the great qualities of his father; thisis common observation, and there are many instances of its truth:Should we not therefore conclude that hereditary Nobility is a solecismin Government? Their Lordships Sons, or Grandsons may be destitute ofthe faintest feelings of honor, or honesty; and yet retain an essentialshare in the Government by right of inheritance from Ancestors, who mayhave been the Minions of ministers--the favourites of Mistresses, or Menof real, and distinguished Merit. The same may be said of hereditaryKings; Their Successors may also become so degenerated, and corrupt, asto have neither inclination, nor capacity to know the extent, andLimits of their own Powers, nor consequently those of others. Such kindof Political Beings, Nobles, or Kings, possessing hereditary right toessential shares in an equipoized Government are very unfit persons tohold the scales; Having no just conception of the Principles of theGovernment, nor of the part which they, and their copartners bear inthe administration; they run a wild career, destroy the checks, andballances, by interfering in each others departments, till the Nationis involved in confusion, and reduced to the danger, at least, ofBloodshed to remove a Tyranny, which may ensue. Much safer is it, andmuch more does it tend to promote the Welfare and happiness of Societyto fill up the offices of Government after the mode prescribed in theAmerican Constitution, by frequent Elections of the People. They mayindeed be deceived in their choice; they sometimes are; but the Evil isnot incurable; the Remedy is always near; they will feel theirmistakes, and correct them. I am very willing to agree with you in thinking, that improvement inKnowledge, and Benevolence receive much assistance from the principles, and Systems of good Government: But is it not as true that withoutknowledge, and benevolence Men would neither have been capable ordisposed to search for the principles, or form the System--Should we not, my friend, bear a gratefull remembrance of our pious and benevolentAncestors, who early laid plans of Education; by which means Wisdom, Knowledge, and Virtue have been generally diffused among the body ofthe people, and they have been enabled to form and establish a civilconstitution calculated for the preservation of their rights, andliberties. This Constitution was evidently founded in the expectationof the further progress, and "extraordinary degrees" of virtue. Itinjoyns the encouragement of all Seminaries of Literature, which arethe nurseries of Virtue depending upon these for the support ofGovernment, rather than Titles, Splendor, or Force. Mr Hume may callthis a "Chimerical Project. " I am far from thinking the People can bedeceived by urging upon them a dependance on the more generalprevalence of Knowledge, and Virtue: It is one of the most essentialmeans of further, and still further improvements in Society, and ofcorrecting, and amending moral sentiments, and habits, and politicalinstitutions; till "by human means" directed by divine influence, Menshall be prepared for that "happy, and holy State" when the Messiah isto reign. "It is a fixed Principle that all good Government is, and must beRepublican. " You have my hearty concurrence; and I believe we are wellenough acquainted with each others Ideas to understand what werespectively mean when we "use the Word with approbation. " The Body ofthe People in this Country are not so ignorant as those of England werein the Time of the Interregnum Parliament. They are better educated:they will not easily be prevailed upon to believe that a Republican is"as unamiable as a Witch, a Blasphemer, a Rebel, or a Tyrant. " They arecharmed with their forms of Government, in which is admitted a mixtureof Powers to check the human passions, and controul them from rushinginto exorbitances. So well assured are they, that their liberties arebest secured, by their own frequent, and free Election of fit personsto be the essential sharers in the administration of their Government, and that this form of Government is truly Republic, that the body ofthe People will not be perswaded nor compelled to "renounce, detest, and execrate the very Word Republican as the English do. " TheirEducation has "confirmed them in the opinion of the necessity ofpreserving, and strengthening the Dykes against the Ocean, its Tydes, and Storms, " and I think they have made more safe, and more durableDykes, than the English have done. We agree in the Utility of universal Education, but "will nations agreein it as fully, and extensively as we do"? Why should they not? Itwould not be fair to conclude, that because they have not yet beendisposed to agree in it, they never will. It is allowed, that thepresent age is more enlightened than former ones. Freedom of enquiry iscertainly more encouraged: The feelings of humanity have softned theheart: The true principles of civil, and religious Liberty are betterunderstood: Tyranny in all its shapes, is more detested, and bigotry, if not still blind, must be mortified to see that she is despised. Suchan age may afford at least a flattering Expectation that Nations, aswell as individuals, will view the utility of universal Education in sostrong a light as to induce sufficient national Patronage, and Support. Future Ages will probably be more enlightned than this. The Love of Liberty is interwoven in the Soul of Man. "So it is in thatof a Wolf;" However irrational, ungenerous, and unsocial the love ofliberty may be in a rude Savage, he is capable of being enlightned byExperience, Reflection, Education, and civil, and PoliticalInstitutions. But the Nature of the Wolf is, and ever will be confinedto running in the forest to satisfy his hunger, and his brutalappetites; the Dog is inclined in a more easy way to seek his living, and fattens his sides with what comes from his masters kitchen. TheComparison of La Fontaine is in my opinion ungenerous, unnatural, andunjust. Among the Numbers of Men, my friend, are to be found not only those whohave "preferred ease, slumber, and good chear to liberty"; but others, who have eagerly sought after Thrones, and Sceptres, hereditary sharesin Sovereignty Riches, and Splendor, Titles, Stars, Garters, Crosses, Eagles, and many other childish play things, at the expence of realNobility, without one thought, or care for the liberty, and happinessof the rest of Mankind. "The People, who have no property feel thePower of governing by a majority; and even attack those who haveproperty. " "The injured Men of Property recur to finess, trick, andStratagem, " to outwit them: True; These may proceed from a Lust ofdomination in some of both parties. Be this as it may; It has beenknown, that such deceitful tricks have been practiced by some of therich upon their unsuspecting fellow Citizens; to turn the determinationof Questions, so as to answer their own selfish purposes. To plunder orfilch the rights of Men are crimes equally immoral, and nefarious;though committed in a different manner: Neither of them is confined tothe Rich, or the Poor; they are too common among both. The Lords aswell as the commons of Great Brittain by continued large majoritiesendeavoured by Finess, Tricks, and Stratagems, as well as threats toprevail on the American Colonies to surrender their Liberty andProperty to their disposal. These failing, they attempted to plunderour rights by force of Arms. We feared their Arts more than their Arms. Did the Members of that hereditary House of Lords, who constitutedthose repeated majorities, then possess the spirit of Nobility? Not so, I think: That Spirit resided in the illustrious Minorities in bothHouses. But "by Nobles" who have prevented "one hideous Despotism ashorrid as that of Turkey from falling to the lot of every Nation ofEurope"; you mean not peculiarly an hereditary Nobility, or anyparticular Modification, but "the natural, and actual Aristocracy amongMankind;" The existence of which, I am not disposed to deny. Where isthis Aristocracy to be found? Among Men of all Ranks and Conditions. The Cottager may beget a wise Son; the Noble, a Fool: The one iscapable of great Improvement--the other not. Education is within the Powerof Men, and Societys of Men. Wise, and judicious Modes of Education, patronized, and supported by communities, will draw together the Sonsof the rich, and the poor, among whom it makes no distinction; it willcultivate the natural Genius, elevate the Soul, excite laudableEmulation to excel in Knowledge, Piety, and Benevolence, and finally itwill reward its Patrons, and Benefactors by sheding its benignInfluence on the Public Mind. Education inures Men to thinking andreflection, to reasoning and demonstration. It discovers to them themoral and religious duties they owe to God, their Country and to allMankind. Even Savages might, by the means of Education, be instructedto frame the best civil, and political Institutions with as much skilland ingenuity, as they now shape their Arrows. Education leads youth to"the Study of human nature, society, and universal History" from whencethey may "draw all the Principles" of Political Architecture, whichought to be regarded. All Men are "interested in the truth. " Educationby showing them "the End of all its consequences" would induce, atleast, the greatest numbers to inlist on its side. The Man of goodunderstanding who has been well educated, and improves these advantagesas far as his circumstances will allow, in promoting the happiness ofMankind, in my opinion, and I am inclined to think in yours is indeed"well born. " It may be "puerile, and unworthy of Statesmen" to declameagainst Family Pride; but there is and always has been such aridiculous kind of Vanity among Men. "Statesmen know the evil, anddanger is too serious to be sported with. " I am content they should beput into one hole; as you propose, but I have some fears that yourWatchmen on each side will not well agree. When a Man can recollect theVirtues of his Ancestors; he certainly has abundantly more solidsatisfaction than another who boasts that he sprang from those, whowere rich, or noble; but never discovers the least degree of Virtue, ortrue worth of any kind. "Family Popularity, " if I mistake not, has itssource in family pride; It is by all means sought after that hommagemay be paid to the name of the Title or Estate, to supply the want, inthe possessor, of any great, or good quality whatsoever. There areindividuals among Men, who study the art of making themselves popular, for the purpose of getting into Places of Honour, and Emoluments, andby these means of gratifying hereafter the noble Passion--Family Pride. Others are so inchanted with the Musick of the sound, that theyconceive it to be supreme felicity. This is indeed Vanity of Vanities, and if such deluded Men ever come to their Senses, they will find it tobe vexation of Spirit. When they reflect on their own folly, andinjustice in having received the breath of Applause with avidity, andgreat delight, for Merrit which they are conscious they never had; andthat many who have been the loudest in sounding their praises, hadnothing in view, but their own private, and selfish interests, it willexcite in them the feelings of shame, remorse, and self contempt. The truly virtuous Man, and real Patriot, is satisfied with theapprobation of the wise, and discerning; he rejoices in thecontemplation of the Purity of his Intentions, and waits in humble hopefor the Plaudit of his final Judge. I shall hardly venture again to trespass on the Benevolence of ourConfidential Friend--you will not be sorry; it will afford you Reliefe, for in common Civility you must be at the Trouble of reading onesEpistles. I hope there will be a Time when we shall have "sweetCommunion" together. In the mean Time let me not lose the Benefit ofyour valueable Letters. Adieu. Believe me Your sincere Friend 1 The draft at this point reads: "as in their own enlightened Judgmentsshall best serve the great End of Government the good of the wholePeople. " 1794 TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS. JANUARY 17, 1794. [Independent Chronicle, January 20, 1794; the text is in W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. Iii. , pp. 324-328, and in the MassachusettsArchives. ] FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE TWO BRANCHES OF THE LEGISLATURE, IT having pleased the Supreme Being, since your last meeting, in Hisholy providence to remove from this transitory life, our late excellentGovernour Hancock, the multitude of his surviving fellow-citizens, whohave often given strong testimonials of their approbation of hisimportant services, while they drop a tear, may certainly profit by therecollection of his virtuous and patriotic example. You are sensible, that on this melancholly event, our Constitutiondirects that the Lieutenant Governour, 1 for the time being, shallperform all the duties which were incumbent on him, and exercise allthe powers and authorities, during the vacancy of the chair, which bythe Constitution, he was vested with when personally present. Diffidentas I am of my abilities, I have yet felt myself constrained, toundertake the performance of those duties, and the exercise of thosepowers and authorities, in consequence of a sovereign act of God. ToHim I look for that wisdom which is profitable to direct. TheConstitution must be my rule, and the true interest of my Constituents, whose agent I am, my invariable object. The people of this Commonwealth, have heretofore been possessed of theintire sovereignty within and over their own territories. They were"not controul-able by any other laws than those to which theirconstituted representative body gave their consent. " This, I presume, was the case in every other State of the Union. --But, after the memorabledeclaration of their Independence was by solemn treaty, agreed to andratified by the British King, the only power that could have anypretence to dispute it, they considered themselves decidedly free andindependent of all other people. Having taken rank among nations, itwas judged that their great affairs could not well be conducted underthe direction of a number of distinct sovereignties. They thereforeformed and adopted a Federal Constitution; by which certain powers ofsovereignty are delegated and entrusted to such persons as they shalljudge proper from time to time to elect; to be exercised conformablyto, and within the restrictions of the said Constitution, for thepurposes of strengthening and confirming the Union, and promoting thesafety and happiness of the confederate Commonwealth. All powers notvested in Congress, remain in the separate States to be exercisedaccording to their respective Constitutions. --Should not unremittingcaution be used, least any degree of interference or infringement mighttake place, either on the rights of the Federal Government on the oneside, or those of the several States on the other. Instances of thiskind may happen; for infallibility is not the lot of any man or body ofmen, even the best of them on earth. The human mind in its presentstate, being very imperfect, is liable to a multitude of errors. Prejudice, that great source of error, often creeps in and takespossession of the hearts of honest men, without even their perceivingit themselves. Honest men will not feel themselves disgusted, whenmistakes are pointed out to them with decency, candor and friendship, nor will they, when convinced of truth, think their own dignitydegraded by correcting their own errors. Among the objects of theConstitution of this Commonwealth, Liberty and Equality stand in aconspicuous light. It is the first article in our Declaration ofrights, "all men are born free and equal, and have certain natural, essential and unalienable rights. " In the supposed state of nature, allmen are equally bound by the laws of nature, or to speak more properly, the laws of the Creator:--They are imprinted by the finger of God on theheart of man. Thou shall do no injury to thy neighbour, is the voice ofnature and reason, and it is confirmed by written revelation. In thestate of nature, every man hath an equal right by honest means toacquire property, and to enjoy it; in general, to pursue his ownhappiness, and none can consistently controul or interrupt him in thepursuit. But, so turbulent are the passions of some, and so selfish thefeelings of others, that in such a state, there being no socialcompact, the weak cannot always be protected from the violence of thestrong, nor the honest and unsuspecting from the arts and intrigues ofthe selfish and cunning. Hence it is easy to conceive, that men, naturally formed for society, were inclined to enter into mutualcompact for the better security of their natural rights. In this stateof society, the unalienable rights of nature are held sacred:--And eachmember is intitled to an equal share of all the social rights. No mancan of right become possessed of a greater share: If any one usurps it, he so far becomes a tyrant; and when he can obtain sufficient strength, the people will feel the rod of a tyrant. Or, if this exclusiveprivilege can be supposed to be held in virtue of compact, it argues avery capital defect; and the people, when more enlightened, will altertheir compact, and extinguish the very idea. These opinions, I conceive to be conformable to the sentiments held upin our State Constitution. It is therein declared, that Government isinstituted for the common good; not for the profit, honor or privateinterest of any one man, family, or class of men. And further, all theinhabitants of this Commonwealth, having such qualifications, as shallbe established by their Constitution, have an equal right to elect orbe elected for the public employments. Before the formation of this Constitution, it had been affirmed as aself evident truth, in the declaration of Independence, verydeliberately made by the Representatives of the United States ofAmerica in Congress assembled that, "all men are created equal, and areendowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights. " Thisdeclaration of Independence was received and ratified by all the Statesin the Union, and has never been disannulled. May we not from henceconclude, that the doctrine of Liberty and Equality is an article inthe political creed of the United States. Our Federal Constitution ordains that, no title of nobility shall begranted by the United States. The framers of that Constitution probablyforesaw that such titles, vain and insignificant in themselves, mightbe in time, as they generally, and I believe always have been, theintroductory to the absurd and unnatural claims of hereditary andexclusive privileges. The Republic of France have also adopted the same principle, and laidit as the foundation of their Constitution. That nation having for manyages groaned under the exercise of the pretended right claimed by theirKings and Nobles, until their very feelings as men were become torpid, at length suddenly awoke, from their long slumber, abolished theusurpation, and placed every man upon the footing of equal rights. "Allmen are born free and equal in rights, " if I mistake not, is theirlanguage. >From the quotations I have made, I think it appears, that theConstitutions referred to, different as they may be in forms, agreealtogether in the most essential principles upon which legitimategovernments are founded. I have said essential principles, because Iconceive that without Liberty and Equality, there cannot exist thattranquillity of mind, which results from the assurance of everycitizen, that his own personal safety and rights are secure:--This, Ithink is a sentiment of the celebrated Montesquieu; and it is the endand design of all free and lawful Governments. Such assurance, impressed upon the heart of each, would lead to the peace, order andhappiness of all. For I should think, no man, in the exercise of hisreason would be inclined in any instance to trespass upon the equalrights of citizens, knowing that if he should do it, he would weakenand risque the security of his own. Even different nations, havinggrounded their respective Constitutions upon the afore-mentionedprinciples, will shortly feel the happy effects of mutual friendship, mutual confidence and united strength. Indeed I cannot but be ofopinion, that when those principles shall be rightly understood anduniversally established, the whole family and brotherhood of man willthen nearly approach to, if not fully enjoy that state of peace andprosperity, which ancient Prophets and Sages have foretold. I fear I have dwelt too long upon this subject. Another presents itselfto my mind, which I think is indeed great and important; I mean theeducation of our children and youth. Perhaps the minds even of infantsmay receive impressions, good or bad, at an earlier period than manyimagine. It has been observed, that "education has a greater influenceon manners, than human laws can have. " Human laws excite fears andapprehensions, least crimes committed may be detected and punished: Buta virtuous education is calculated to reach and influence the heart, and to prevent crimes. A very judicious writer, has quoted Plato, whoin shewing what care for the security of States ought to be taken ofthe education of youth, speaks of it as almost sufficient to supply theplace both of Legislation and Administration. Such an education, whichleads the youth beyond mere outside shew, will impress their minds witha profound reverence of the Deity, universal benevolence, and a warmattachment and affection towards their country. It will excite in thema just regard to Divine Revelation, which informs them of the originalcharacter and dignity of Man; and it will inspire them with a sense oftrue honor, which consists in conforming as much as possible, theirprinciples, habits, and manners to that original character. It willenlarge their powers of mind, and prompt them impartially to search fortruth in the consideration of every subject that may employ theirthoughts; and among other branches of knowledge, it will instruct themin the skill of political architecture and jurisprudence; and qualifythem to discover any error, if there should be such, in the forms andadministration of Governments, and point out the method of correctingthem. But I need not press this subject, being persuaded, that thisLegislature from the inclination of their minds, as well as in regardto the duty enjoined by the Constitution, will cherish "the interest ofLiterature, the Sciences and all their Seminaries. " Fellow-Citizens, Legislation is within your department; yet the Constitution assigns apart to be taken by the Governor when Bills, and Resolves intended tooperate as Laws, shall be presented to him, which is, merely to stateobjections if he has any, of which the Legislature will judge andfinally determine. Let me in treat you to dispatch the weightierbusiness, so early in the session, as to afford me opportunity toperform my duty, with due consideration and care. I have communications to make, such as the state of the Treasury--of themilitary stores belonging to the Commonwealth, and others, which I willtransmit to you by the Secretary. SAMUEL ADAMS. 1 Hancock died October 8, 1793, and Adams became Governor; he wasthereafter elected to that office in the years 1794, 1795, and 1796. PROCLAMATION. FEBRUARY 19, 1794 [Independent Chronicle, March 6, 1794, No. 3764 of the Leffingwellsale appears to have been a manuscript of this text. ] Commonwealth of Massachusetts [Seal] BY HIS HONOR SAMUEL ADAMS, ESQ, LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR AND COMMANDER INCHIEF OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS A PROCLAMATION FOR A DAY OF PUBLIC FASTING, HUMILIATION, AND PRAYER. IT having been the invariable practice from time to time when our piousand renowned ancestors took possession of this land, at the approachingseason of the year, to set apart a day publickly to acknowledge anentire dependence on the Father of all Mercies for every needfulblessing, and to express sorrow and repenntace for the manifoldtransgressions of His Holy Laws: And the Practice being highly becomingall people, especially those who profess the Christian Religion: I HAVE thought fit, by, and with the advice of the Council to appointTHURSDAY, the Seventeenth day of APRIL next, to be observed throughoutthis Commonwealth, as a day of PUBLIC FASTING, HUMILIATION and PRAYER;earnestly exhorting the Ministers of Religion to assemble with theirrespective Congregations on the same day--that deeply lamenting ouringratitude to our Heavenly Father, to whom we are under all possibleobligations, and our many deviations from those right and safe Paths, into which, as our Supreme Governor, HE hath plainly directed us, wemay with one heart and voice humbly implore His gracious and freepardon, thro' JESUS CHRIST, supplicating His Divine aid that we maybecome a reformed and happy people. At the same time humbly beseechingHIM, mercifully to regard our lives and health, so that no infectiousand mortal distemper may prevail amongst us: To favour our land withthe alternate benefits of rain and warmth of the Sun; and that ourhopes of a plentiful harvest may not be disappointed by devouringinsects, or any other calamity:--To prosper our trade and fishery, and thelabor of our hands:--To protect our navigation from the rapacious hands ofinvaders and robbers on the seas, and graciously to open a door ofdeliverance to our fellow-citizens in cruel captivity in a land ofBarbarians:--To continue and confirm our civil and religious liberties;and for that great purpose to bless and direct our great University, and all Seminaries and Schools of education:-- To guide and succeed theCouncils of our Federal Government, as well as those of the severalStates in the Union, that under their respective Constitutions they maybe led to such decisions as will establish the liberty, peace, safety, and honor of our country:-- To inspire our friends and allies, theRepublic of France, with a spirit of wisdom and true religion, thatrelying on the strength of HIS Almighty Arm, they may still go onprosperously till their arduous conflict for a government of their own, founded on the just and equal rights of men, shall be finally crownedwith success:--And above all, to cause the Religion of JESUS CHRIST, inits true spirit, to spread far and wide, till the whole earth shall befilled with HIS glory. And I do earnestly commend that all unnecessary labor and recreation besuspended on said day. GIVEN at the Council-Chamber, in Boston, the Nineteenth day of Februaryin the year of our LORD, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Ninety-Four, and in the Eighteenth Year of the Independence of the United States ofAmerica. SAMUEL ADAMS. By His Honor's command, with the advice and consent of the Council, JOHN AVERY, jun. Secry. GOD save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS. MAY 31, 1794. [Independent Chronicle, June 2, 1794; a draft is in the Samuel AdamsPapers, Lenox Library, and two manuscript texts (those sent to theSenate and House respectively) are in the Massachusetts Archives. ] FELLOW-CITIZENS! While I attempt a short, but very respectful address to the twoBranches of this new General Court, I cannot help expressing a greatsatisfaction in the continuance of the right which the citizens of theCommonwealth at large enjoy, of exercising their own sovereignty. Inpursuance of the direction of our Constitution, which is expressive oftheir will, they have again in their anniversary meetings, made theirfree elections of such persons as they have judged meet to administertheir public affairs. In this great transaction, they must surely havefelt their own dignity; and however different their sentiments may havebeen with regard to the men of their choice, each elector having givenhis suffrage according to the dictates of his own conscience, mustenjoy the consoling reflection of having honestly done his duty. Thosein whom the people have placed their confidence, it is presumed willfaithfully watch over, and guard their general interests, and take carethat the liberties and the sovereignty of right belonging to thisCommonwealth, shall suffer no diminution. Fellow-Citizens! We are met at a very critical period--The baneful influence of war inEurope, has already too far extended itself into this remote region. Awar of Kings and Nobles, against the equal Rights of Men. Their firstobject was to controul the common right of all civil societies, byfrustrating the attempt of a magnanimous nation, to establish aConstitution of government for themselves, according to their own mind:More lately the nefarious design has been to crush the new formedRepublic in its infancy:--But the GOD of Armies, who favors the brave in arighteous cause, has hitherto appeared for its protection, and crownedthe astonishing efforts of its defenders with astonishing victories. Great Britain takes an active part with the mighty combination ofKings. Indeed it does not appear that she has yet made a demand on ourconfederate Republic to join the league. A demand which we are wellinformed she has made upon some of the neutral Republics of Europe. But, whilst we have preserved the most strict neutrality towards thebelligerent powers of Europe, in observance of treaties made under theauthority of the United States, which are the supreme law of the land, she, for the sake of aiding the cause in which she is so deeplyengaged, has employed her naval force in committing depredations on ourlawful and unprotected commerce. Thus in fact, she has commencedhostilities. The Federal Government, although very solicitous ifpossible, to prevent the calamities of war, have meditated measurespreparatory for the event. The papers and communications which I havereceived on this subject, shall be laid before you. It was a declared intention of the people of the United States, whenthey adopted our present constitution, "to form a more perfect union"--animportant object indeed. The deliberate voice of the people is commonlythe voice of reason--the voice of the people ought therefore to beattended to. Union, formed upon the genuine republican principles andviews of our political institutions, by combining our strength, willhave a powerful tendency in a time of war to reduce an unreasonableenemy to terms of Justice, and the re-establishment of tranquility; andin peace to secure the blessings of equal liberty to the present andfuture generations. Fellow-Citizens! It is my sincere and ardent wish, and I have a strong persuasion in myown mind, that wisdom and public spirit will guide you in all yourdeliberations and decisions. I will endeavor seasonably to dispatchsuch business as you shall lay before me during this session, and atall times, to support the true dignity of this Commonwealth in thestation in which I have the honor of being placed, by a vigilantattention to its essential duties. SAMUEL ADAMS. TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS. JUNE 4, 1794. [Independent Chronicle, June 5, 1794; a text is in the MassachusettsArchives. ] GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, By an Act of the Legislature passed on the fourteenth of March, 1785, intitled "An Act1 providing a place of confinement for thieves, andother convicts to hard labor;" it is provided "that the Island withinthe harbor of Boston, commonly called Castle-Island, shall be a placefor the reception, and secure confinement of all such persons as shallbe sentenced for confinement and hard labor, for the term of theirnatural lives, or for any shorter space pursuant to the laws of theCommonwealth. " According to this, and subsequent laws, a great number of persons havebeen sentenced to confinement and hard labor; there are a number ofthem at this time under sentences, some for the term of their lives, and others for a shorter space of time. --There are particular regulationsprovided by the Legislature of the Commonwealth, and particular modesof discipline instituted for the government of such convicts. This mode of punishment has been found by experience to be of greatutility in the preservation of good order, and the producing of safetyin the Commonwealth, and has a manifest tendency to render unnecessarythose sanguinary punishments which are too frequently inflicted inother Governments. The situation of our country now calls for fortifications on ourseacoasts; and the President of the United States has communicated theAct of Congress for erecting forts in the harbor of Boston, which nowlies before you. The fortification on Castle Island is very ancient, and has always been supported by this Government. It is a prison forcertain purposes, by an act of the legislature of the Commonwealth, which puts it out of my power, if I was disposed to do it, to deliverthe controul over to any other hands. Should that place, by act of theGeneral Court, be given over to the controul of the military departmentof the general Government, the convicts under sentence, must bedischarged, or another place of confinement be provided for them. Nogovernment can assign the execution of sentences passed by it to theofficers of another government, because such officers would be under noobligation to execute the laws of a government of which they aretotally independent, nor can they be held amenable to it for anyexcesses, or oppressions in their conduct. That fortification beingthus appropriated by the Legislature, and yet being convenient as aplace of defence, I submit it to you, gentlemen, to determine, whetherit will not be for the interest of the Commonwealth in particular, andthe United States in general, to have it repaired at the ex-pence ofthis government. The expence will not be great, and the utility, if notthe indispensible necessity of holding it under the controul of thisstate, in the same manner, and for the same purposes for which it hasbeen held for several years last past, is very obvious. SAMUEL ADAMS. 1 Chapter 32. PROCLAMATION. NOVEMBER 3, 1794. [Independent Chronicle, November 6, 1794. ] By Authority [Seal] Commonwealth of Massachusetts. BY THE GOVERNOR. A PROCLAMATION. IT being provided by the Seventeenth Article of the Treaty of Amity andCommerce, now subsisting between the United States of America and theFrench Republic, "That no shelter or refuge shall be given in the portsof either of said nations to such as shall have made prize of thesubjects, people or property of either of the parties; but if suchshall come in, being forced by stress of weather, or the dangers of thesea, all proper measures shall be vigorously used, that they go out andretire from thence as soon as possible. "1 And the Secretary of Statefor the Government of the said United States, having by his letter ofthe 10th of October last, informed me that "M. Fauchet, the Minister ofthe French Republic, near the United States, apprehends fromcircumstances which have been experienced that unless prompt anddecisive measures are adopted in the several ports in regard to vesselshostile to the French Nation, and bringing in French prizes, the branchbefore recited, of the Treaty, will become null:" And the saidSecretary having requested that measures may be taken to preserve thatbranch of the Treaty inviolate, by Vessels hostile to the French Nationreceiving comfort in the out-ports of the Commonwealth: I HAVE THEREFORE, in compliance, with the request of the Government ofthe United States, thought fit to issue this Proclamation, requiringall Officers, Civil and Military, within this Commonwealth, to take alllegal and proper measures, and to use and practice all diligence, forthe effectual support of the above recited Article in the said Treaty. AND I do hereby enjoin it upon them to prevent any breach thereof, ifsuch should be attempted in any, and especially those ports distantfrom the Capital, and immediately to give information of the same, withtheir proceedings thereon, to the Governor and Commander in Chief ofthe Commonwealth, that such further measures may be taken, if any shallbe necessary, as may be suited to the faith of Nations, and thesolemnity of National Treaties--And I have reason to expect that the goodpeople of the Commonwealth will cheerfully afford their aid in supportof the Laws of the land. Given at Boston, in the said Commonwealth, the third day of November, in the Year of our Lord, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Ninety-four, and in the Nineteenth Year of the Independence of the United States ofAmerica. SAMUEL ADAMS. Attest, JOHN AVERY, jun. Sec'y. 1 The quotation is not exact, although substantially correct. 1795 TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS. JANUARY 16, 1795. [Independent Chronicle, January 19, 1795; the copies sent to the twohouses are in the Massachusetts Archives. ] I am happy, fellow citizens, to meet you in General Court assembled, onthe day to which, according to your request, you have stood adjourned. By the Constitution, the Governor, with the advice of Council, duringthe session of the General Court, hath full authority to adjourn themto such times as the two branches may judge most convenient. The people of this Commonwealth, in their declaration of rights, haverecorded their own opinion, that the Legislature ought frequently toassemble for the redress of grievances, correcting, strengthening andconfirming the Laws, and making new Laws, as the common good mayrequire. --The Laws of the Commonwealth are intended to secure to each andall the Citizens, their own rights and liberties, and the propertywhich they honestly possess. If there are any instances wherein theLaws in being, are inadequate to these great and capital ends, your eyewill discern the evil, and your wisdom will provide a suitable remedy. It shall be my endeavour, as indeed it is my duty, carefully to reviseand readily approve your Bills and Resolves, which may be calculatedfor the public good. By the late returns of the votes for Representatives to serve theCommonwealth in Congress, there were several districts in which nochoice had been effected. I immediately issued precepts according tolaw, requiring the several towns within those Districts to meet on aday now past, in order to complete their elections. I cannot butrecommend to your consideration, whether it may not be necessary moreeffectually to guard the elections of public agents and officersagainst illegal practices. All elections ought to be free, and everyqualified elector who feels his own independence as he ought, will acthis part according to his best, and most enlightened judgment. Elections are the immediate acts of the people's sovereignty, in whichno foreigners should be allowed to intermeddle. Upon free and unbiassedelections, the purity of the government, and consequently the safetyand welfare of the citizens, may I not say altogether depend. If we continue to be a happy people, that happiness must be assured bythe enacting and executing of reasonable and wise laws, expressed inthe plainest language, and by establishing such modes of education astend to inculcate in the minds of youth, the feelings and habits of"piety, religion and morality, " and to lead them to the knowledge andlove of those truly Republican principles upon which our civilinstitutions are founded. We have solemnly engaged ourselves, fellowcitizens, to support the Constitution of the United States, and theConstitution of this Commonwealth. This must be reconcileable in themind of any man, who judiciously considers the sovereign rights of theone as limited to federal purposes, and the sovereign rights of theother, as acting upon and directing the internal concerns of our ownRepublic. We have been under apprehensions of being made a party in thedissolating contest in Europe. Permit me just to observe, that thefirst and main principle which urged the Combined Powers to enter intothe contest, is in my own opinion unsupportable by reason and nature, and in violation of the most essential right of nations and of men. Therepeated acts of violence which have been committed on the property ofAmerican citizens, might in the opinion of some, have justifiedreprisals; but the policy of the Federal Government has directed toother measures. The wisdom of our own Councils, with the unexampledsuccesses of our magnanimous Ally, the Republic of France, afford thestrongest ground of hope, that under the continued smiles of DivineProvidence, peace and tranquility, so interesting to a rising Republic, will in the end be firmly established. The business of fortifying certain harbors within this Commonwealth, according to an act of Congress, was left unfinished in your lastsession. It is indeed probable, that the danger which produced thatmeasure, has nearly subsided; but the law still exists, and in myopinion it cannot be carried into constitutional effect in thisCommonwealth, without the aid of the Legislature of the same. I am ledto this opinion by contemplating the first article of the Constitutionof the United States, which establishes the powers of Congress andwhich particularly authorises them to exercise exclusive legislation inall cases whatever, over all places purchased by the consent of theLegislature of the States, in which the same shall be for the erectionof Forts Magazines, and other public buildings. Those who wish to persuade the world to believe, that a freerepresentative Republic cannot be supported, will no doubt make use ofevery art to injure, and by degrees to alter, and finally to eradicatethe principles of our free Constitutions: But the virtuous andenlightened citizens of this Commonwealth, and of all united America, have understanding and firmness, sufficient to support thoseConstitutions of Civil Government which they have themselves formed, and which have done them so much honor in the estimation of the world. It is with pain that I mention the insurrection which has lately takenplace in a sister state. 1 It was pointed more immediately at an act ofthe Federal Government. An act of that government, as well as of thegovernments in the Union, is constitutionally an act of the people, andour Constitutions provide a safe and easy method to redress any realgrievances. No people can be more free under a Constitution establishedby their own voluntary compact, and exercised by men appointed by theirown frequent suffrages. What excuse then can there be for forcibleopposition to the laws? If any law shall prove oppressive in itsoperation, the future deliberations of a freely electiveRepresentative, will afford a constitutional remedy. But the measuresadopted by The President of the United States, supported by the virtueof citizens of every description, in that, and the adjacent states, have prevailed, and there is an end of the insurrection. Let the glorybe given to Him, who alone governs all events, while we express thejust feelings of respect and gratitude due to all those, whom Hehonours as instruments to carry into effect his gracious designs. I congratulate you on the success which the forces of the UnitedStates, have lately had against the hostile Indians. It is my heartywish that by the blessing of Heaven, an end may be put to thisexpensive war, by an agreement between the parties, upon the permanentprinciples of justice, honor, good neighborhood, & true friendship. The Constitution of this Commonwealth, having provided that the GeneralCourt which shall be in the year of our Lord, one thousand sevenhundred and ninety five, shall issue precepts for collecting thesentiments of the people in regard to its revision. -- And as this Court iswithin the year mentioned, you will be pleased to decide, whether itwas intended by the people that this business should be done by theGeneral Court which shall be elected within that year, or whether it isyour duty to attend to it. I will lay before you several papers transmitted to me by the Treasurerand other matters which may occur during the Session by subsequentmessages. SAMUEL ADAMS. 1 The "whisky insurrection, " in Pennsylvania. TO JEREMY BELKNAP. [Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, 1st ser. , vol. Iv. , p. 83; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON, March 30, 1795. SIR, I received your note, stating what Dr. Kippis had asserted, respectinga recommendation of Dr. Franklin, minister from America in France, inthe year 1779, to the American cruisers, to treat Capt. Cook, on hisexpected return from a voyage of discoveries, as a friend, and not anenemy; assuring them, that in so doing, they would obtain theapprobation of Congress. But that the Doctor was mistaken, for thatassembly, at least the greater part of them, instantly reversed theorder of Dr. Franklin, and directed, that a special order should betaken, to seize Capt. Cook, if an opportunity for doing it occurred. You request me to give you a certificate respecting the matter, and toexpress the years when I was in Congress. --I was a member from the firstsitting of Congress, in the year 1774, until the Spring of the year1781. It was my constant practice, once in twelve or fifteen months, tomake a short visit to my constituents. In the year 1779, I was detainedin Boston a much longer time than usual, by a fit of sickness; in whichtime, I constantly received from Mr. Lowell, and my other colleagues, information of the most material transactions of Congress. I do nowdeclare to you, that I do not recollect, either while I was present inCongress, or from any of my colleagues, while I was absent, that theorders he (Dr. Franklin) had given to the American cruisers wereinstantly or ever reversed, or that it was directed by Congress, that aspecial order should be taken to seize Capt. Cook, if an opportunityfor so doing it occurred. It appears to me that Dr. Kippis must have been misinformed. I am, withrespect, your friend and humble servant, TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS. JUNE 3, 1795. [Independent Chronicle, June4, 1795; a text is in the MassachusettsArchives. ] FELLOW CITIZENS, The honor which the people have again conferred on me, by a majority oftheir votes for a Governor of this respectable Commonwealth, while itexcites the warm feelings of gratitude in my heart, it reminds me ofthe arduous task I am called to undertake, and the many attentionswhich are requisite for a performance of the great duties of thestation. Having already been qualified agreeable to the Constitutionand Laws, next to a dependence upon Him who is the Fountain of allWisdom, I must rely upon your candor, and that of my Fellow Citizens atlarge. The sovereignty of a nation, always of right, resides in the body ofthe People; and while they have delegated to their freely electedLegislative, the power of exercising that sovereignty in their behalf, the Executive department, as well as the Magistrates who are appointedto render the Constitution efficient by carrying the laws into effect, are no less important to the people. For what avails the making of goodand wholesome laws, unless they are duly executed. As the happiness ofcivil society may in a great measure depend upon a wise and aconsistent harmony between the various branches of the Government; afree communication may have a tendency to cultivate and extend theblessings of friendship and good humor. Indeed our constituents, underwhose authority and for whose benefit we are to exercise the functionsof our different departments, have a right to expect from us, as theirpublic agents, to avow our principles and intentions, and make themacquainted with the true situation of their public affairs. In the addresses from the Chair, while it was filled by Royalappointment, uniform attempts were made to strengthen the prerogativesof the Crown, and to bring the people obsequiously at the foot of theThrone, for privileges holden by sufferance: Surely it becomes us, inour happy state of Independence, to turn our attentive minds to thegreat objects of securing the equal rights of the citizens, andrendering those constitutions which they have voluntarily established, respectable and efficacious. Our ancestors, when under the greatest hardships and perils, theyopened to us the wilderness, they took possession of, and left for usan inheritance, one of the best countries under the sun. Amidst theirtoil, and fatigue they extended their views, and early laid thefoundation of Civil Liberty. Although they had in prospect, theinstruction of future youth in all literary science, they consideredmorality and real goodness of heart, as the great basis upon which thebest interests of a nation could be safely laid. Under this idea, theyalso provided for the institutions of Public Worship, and the supportof teachers in Piety, Religion and Morality. The great increase of ournumbers & happiness, is a standing witness to the world, of the wisdomof their measures. Oppressed as they were by the supercilioushaughtiness of royal prerogative, and considered as a contemptiblepeople at a distance from the favors of the Crown, and the flatteringsmiles of courtiers, their perseverance has in effect raised us, by theblessing of Providence, to an exalted degree of prosperity and glory. Fellow Citizens, we have a regular exercise of our Federal and StateGovernments; and we owe our unceasing gratitude to the Supreme Ruler ofthe Universe, who safely carried us through our arduous struggle forfreedom, for which other nations are now contending, at the expence oftheir blood and treasure. We cannot but rejoice that the principles forwhich we contended, and which are constitutionally established inUnited America, are irresistibly spreading themselves through twomighty nations in Europe. We are now able to embrace those powerfulsister Republics; and what adds much to our joy on this occasion is, that those nations became allied to us in an hour, when we were engagedin our hard conflict with an oppressive tyranny. We ardently wish that the nations of the earth may sheath the sword ofwar, and we as ardently pray, that the equal rights of men may go handin hand with peace. If our Federal Government shall with magnanimityand firmness, support the principles of a free elective RepresentativeGovernment, and our honour and faith with our allies, and yet maintainpeace with all nations upon the principles of sound policy, and termshonourable and safe to our country, it will be an acknowledgedapproximation to that perfection in practical politics, which allpeople should most earnestly covet. It is with satisfaction that I have observed the patriotic exertions ofworthy citizens, to establish Academies in various parts of thisCommonwealth. It discovers a zeal highly to be commended. But while itis acknowledged, that great advantages have been derived from theseinstitutions, perhaps it may be justly apprehended, that multiplyingthem, may have a tendency to injure the ancient and beneficial mode ofEducation in Town Grammar Schools. The peculiar advantage of suchschools is, that the poor and the rich may derive equal benefit fromthem; but none excepting the more wealthy, generally speaking, canavail themselves of the benefits of the Academies. Should theseinstitutions detach the attention and influence of the wealthy, fromthe generous support of town Schools, is it not to be feared thatuseful learning, instruction and social feelings in the early parts oflife, may cease to be so equally and universally disseminated, as ithas heretofore been. I have thrown out these hints with a degree ofdiffidence in my own mind. You will take them into your candidconsideration, if you shall think them worthy of it. In support of thepublic Schools, from whence have flowed so many great benefits, ourUniversity has from its infancy furnished them with well educated andfit persons to fill the places of Instructors; and they, in return, have yearly brought forward fit pupils for the further instruction ofthe University. --The University therefore claims a place among the firstattentions of the public. The citizens of the Commonwealth have lately had before them a questionof the expediency of revising, at this period, the form of our presentConstitution. The conduct of the citizens on this occasion, has givenfull proof, that an enlightened, free and virtuous people, can as abody, be the keepers of their own Liberties, and the guardians of theirown rights. On which side soever the question may have been decided, Ihave the pleasure of being informed that it has been discussed withpropriety, calmness and deliberation. If the event should be in favourof a Convention, a future revision may be made at such period as may bemost fit and convenient, and there may be opportunity, in the meantime, for the citizens at their leisure, to make their own remarks uponthe Constitution, in its operation, and thus prepare themselves forcool deliberation, at another revision. Should the determination beotherwise, I think it will clearly follow, that the citizens are happyunder the present Constitution, and that they feel themselves wellassured, that if there should be a future necessity for it, they can, in a peaceable and orderly manner, revise, alter and amend it at theirpleasure. A compleat, perfect and permanent system of jurisprudence, is one ofthe greatest blessings which our country can possess. To have justiceadministered promptly and without delay, is to gather the best fruitsof a free and regular Government. Uncorrupted Juries are an effectualguard against the violations of our rights and property. Having anExecutive annually elected, and the Legislative elected as often, theone branch of which is the grand inquest of the Commonwealth, and theother branch to be constituted a Court, as there may be occasion, totry and determine upon impeachments, we may be secured againstimpartiality in the fountain, and corruption in the streams of justice. The Legislative will examine all the machinery by which the Governmentacts: TOO frequent speculative experiments may tend to render themotions unsteady, and to annex insecurity to property. Where there areno radical defects, a long exercise of Judicial Authority, in anyparticular mode, brings the feelings of the people in unison with it, and fixes habits to which they have been accustomed. While we expect from our Judges and Magistrates and other civilofficers that justice be administered with alacrity and impartiality, should we not be careful that ample justice be done to them. Theadministration of justice should indeed be without oppressive orunnecessary expences on the people; but the Ministers of justice shouldhave an equitable reward for their services. If therefore from accidentor peculiar or temporary circumstances, the established rewards areinadequate, I doubt not but you will determine, that what is fit andproper, will be done. The Executive should be enabled to find men ofsuperior knowledge and integrity, who may be inclined to fill theimportant places in the Civil Departments, as they shall become vacant. On such appointments, the dignity and just authority of the Governmentvery materially depends. The Legislative will no doubt continue to guard the public credit, byadequate provisions for discharging the interest and finally sinkingthe principal of our public debt. The sale of our vacant Lands, and thedebts due to the Treasury, will contribute to ease the people from toogreat a burthen of direct taxes. The Treasurer's statements willascertain the demands necessary for the ensuing year. I must intreat you to give me opportunity to revise such Bills andResolves as you may think proper to lay before me, to which I shallcheerfully attend, and do all within my power to dispatch the publicbusiness, and render the session agreeable to you, and beneficial tothe Commonwealth. Let us, Fellow Citizens, cultivate a due observance of the Laws whichare constitutionally made by the authority of this Government, as wellas those of the Federal Government, agreeable to the Constitution ofthe United States. Let us transmit our Liberties, our Equal Rights, ourLaws and our free Republican Constitutions, with their variousconcomitant blessings, to those who are coming upon the stage ofaction, and hope in God, that they will be handed down, in purity andenergy, to the latest posterity. SAMUEL ADAMS. ADDRESS JULY 4, 1795. [Independent Chronicle, July 6, 1795. ] FELLOW CITIZENS, The Representatives of the people in the General Court assembled didsolemnly Resolve, that an Edifice be erected upon this spot of groundfor the purpose of holding the Public Council of the Commonwealth ofMassachusetts. By the request of their Agents and Commissioners, I donow lay the Corner Stone. May the Superstructure be raised even to the top Stone without anyuntoward accident, and remain permanent as the everlasting mountains. --Maythe principles of our excellent Constitution, founded in nature and inthe Rights of Man be ably defended here: And may the same principles bedeeply engraven on the hearts of all citizens, and thereby fixedunimpaired and in full vigor till time shall be no more. PROCLAMATION. OCTOBER 14, 1795. [Independent Chronicle, October 19, 1795. ] Published by Authority [Seal] Commonwealth of Massachusetts, BY THE GOVERNOR. A PROCLAMATION FOR A DAY OF PUBLIC THANKSGIVING AND PRAISE. FORASMUCH as the occasional meeting of a People for the exercise ofPiety and Devotion towards God, more especially of those who enjoy theLight of Divine Revelation, has a strong tendency to impress theirminds with a sense of Dependence upon HIM and their Obligations to HIM. I have thought fit, according to the ancient and laudable Practice ofour renowned ancestors, to appoint a day of Public Thanksgiving to God, for the great benefits which HE has been pleased to bestow upon us, inthe Year past. And I do by advice and consent of the Council, appointTHURSDAY the Nineteenth day of November next, to be observed as a DAYof PUBLIC THANKSGIVING and PRAISE throughout this Commonwealth: Callingupon the Ministers of the Gospel of all Denominations, with theirrespective Congregations to assemble on that Day to offer to God, theirunfained Gratitude, for his great Goodness to the People of the UnitedStates in general, and of this Commonwealth in particular. More especially in that he hath in his Good Providence united theseveral States under a National Compact formed by themselves, wherebythey may defend themselves against external Enemies, and maintain Peaceand Harmony with each other. That internal tranquillity has been continued within this Commonwealth;and that the voice of Health is so generally heard in the habitationsof the People. That the Earth has yielded her increase, so that the labours of ourindustrious Husbandmen have been abundantly crowned with Plenty. That our Fisheries have been so far prospered. --Our Trade notwithstandingobstructions it has met with, has yet been profitable to us, and theworks of our Hands have been established. That while other nations have been involved in War, attended with anuncommon profusion of Human Blood, we in the course of DivineProvidence, have been preserved from so grievous a Calamity, and haveenjoyed so great a measure of the Blessing of Peace. And I do recommend that together with our Thanksgiving, humble Prayermay be offered to God, that we may be enabled, by the subsequentobedience of our Hearts and Manners, to testify the sincerity of ourprofessions of Gratitude, in the sight of God and Man; and thus beprepared for the Reception of future Divine Blessings. That GOD would be pleased to Guide and Direct the Administration of theFederal Government, and those of the several States, in Union, so thatthe whole People may continue to be safe and happy in theConstitutional enjoyment of their Rights, Liberties and Privileges, andour Governments be greatly respected at Home and Abroad. And while we rejoice in the Blessing of Health bestowed upon us, wewould sympathize with those of our Sister States, who are visited witha Contagious and Mortal Disease; and fervently supplicate the FATHER ofMercies that they may speedily be restored to a state of Health andProsperity. That HE would in HIS abundant Mercy regard our fellow Citizens andothers, who are groaning under abject Slavery, in Algiers, and directthe most effectual measures for their speedy Relief. That HE would graciously be pleased to put an end to all Tyranny andUsurpation, that the People who are under the Yoke of Oppression, maybe made free; and that the Nations who are contending for freedom maystill be secured by HIS Almighty Aid, and enabled under His influenceto complete wise systems of Civil Government, founded in the equalRights of Men and calculated to establish their permanent Security andWelfare. And Finally, that the Peaceful and Glorious Reign of our DivineRedeemer may be known and enjoyed throughout the whole Family ofMankind. And I do recommend to the People of this Commonwealth, to abstain fromall such Labour and Recreation, as may not be consistent with theSolemnity of the said Day. Given at the Council-Chamber, in Boston, the fourteenth Day of Octoberin the Year of our LORD, One Thousand seven Hundred and Ninety-five, and in the Twentieth Year of the Independence of the United States ofAmerica. SAMUEL ADAMS. True Copy--Attest, JOHN AVERY, jun. Sec'ry. God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts! 1796 TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS. JANUARY 19, 1796. [Independent Chronicle, January 21, 1796, two texts are in theMassachusetts Archives. ] FELLOW CITIZENS, I CANNOT but congratulate you upon the many blessings which thebountiful hand of Providence has bestowed upon us since youradjournment. We with our Fellow Citizens at large have observed a day solemnly torecognize these blessings; and if sincere obedience to our graciousBenefactor, shall accompany the gratitude which we then professed, wemay humbly rely upon him that he will continue his divine favors to thecitizens at large, and direct the public councils of our Nation andCommonwealth to such measures as shall be productive of the safety andwelfare of all. In my former address to this General Court I mentioned the dutyrequired by the Constitution, frequently to revise the laws, and amendsuch of them as may still be necessary to secure the lives, liberty andproperty of the citizens--The importance of civil commutative justice andthe good policy of making adequate compensations to those whoadminister well --and the great advantages of cherishing the interests ofliterature and the sciences, and all seminaries of them among the bodyof the people. Upon these I shall not now enlarge. Agriculture and Commerce mutually depend upon each other. As foreignmarkets are supplied from our fields, it is an object of importance, that the transportation of heavy articles, and means of communicationfrom one part of the State to another, may be rendered as easy andcheap as the nature of the country will admit. By the spirit ofenterprize, which so remarkably animates the citizens, countenanced bythe Legislature, much has been done and is still doing in various partsof the Commonwealth. The improvement of Arts and Manufactures is of interesting moment. Theencouragement of such manufactures in particular, as will diminish theconsumption of Foreign Articles and exhibit a real balance in ourfavor, is the common concern of the whole Union--Such encouragement aswill spread the spirit of Industry individually through the body of thepeople, will tend to increase their happy feelings of Independence, andgive them an exalted idea of the truly noble character of FreeCitizens. Industry naturally leads to sobriety of sentiment, rectitudeof manners, a due observance of wise and constitutional laws, and ofcourse to public and private virtue. Fellow Citizens, IT is wisdom often to recur to first principles. The people of thisCommonwealth, as well as those of the United States, have voluntarilyformed such constitutions of government, as they have judged welladapted to secure their own political safety. --These Constitutions arefounded upon the same principles; and they avow the great andfundamental political truth that all power is derived from the people. As these and all new forms of Government which recognize principles, never reduced to practice until the period of our illustriousRevolution must be in their nature experiments, the provision of apeaceable and constitutional remedy for such defects as experience maypoint out, is with great propriety established in our State andNational Governments. --The citizens of this Commonwealth, have latelydiscovered their acquiescence under their Constitution as it nowstands. But it still remains recorded in our declaration of rights, that the people alone have an incontestible, unalienable andindefeasible right to institute government; & to reform, alter, ortotally change the same when their protection, safety, prosperity andhappiness require it. And the Federal Constitution, according to themode prescribed therein has already undergone such amendments inseveral parts of it, as from experience has been judged necessary. The Government of the United States is entrusted solely with suchpowers as regard our safety as a nation; and all powers not given toCongress by the Constitution remain in the individual States and thepeople. In all good Governments the Legislative, Executive andJudiciary powers are confined within the limits of their respectiveDepartments. If therefore it should be found that the Constitutionalrights of our federal and local Governments should on either side beinfringed, or that either of the Departments aforesaid should interferewith another, it will, if continued, essentially alter theConstitution, and may in time, I hope far distant, be productive ofsuch convulsions as may shake the political ground upon which we nowhappily stand. Under these impressions, I cannot forbear to mention to you a subjectwhich has lately arrested the public attention and employed the pens ofingenious men of different sentiments concerning it. In discussing asubject so exceedingly momentous as a national Treaty, no personalattachment or prejudice, no private or selfish feelings, no arts ofdeception should be suffered to intermingle: Truth should be theobject, and reason the guide. By the Constitution of the United States, it is provided, that allLegislative powers therein granted, shall be vested in a Congress, toconsist of a Senate and a House of Representatives. These severalbranches have, and exercise a positive negative upon each other: NoLegislative act, therefore, can pass without their joint concurrence. But in another part of the Constitution, under the head of Executive, the President has the power with the advice and consent of the Senate, provided two thirds of the Senate present, concur, to make Treaties;and all Treaties which are made or shall be made under the authority ofthe United States, shall be among the Supreme Laws of the Land: TheSenate therefore partakes with the Executive, so far as to advise andconsent; but the most popular branch of Congress has no concerntherein. I do earnestly recommend to you to turn your attention tothose parts of the Constitution, at least, which relate to theLegislative and Executive powers, and judge for yourself, whether theymay not be construed to militate with each other and lead to an absurdconclusion--that there actually exists in the Government of the UnitedStates, two distinct and decisive Legislatives. I am far from being desirous that unnecessary alterations of ourConstitution, should be proposed: but it is of great consequence to theliberties of a nation, to review its civil Constitution and compare thepractice of its administrators with the essential principles upon whichit is founded. We, fellow-citizens, are under the strongestobligations, from the solemnity of our mutual compacts, and even oursacred oaths, with a watchful eye at every point to defend and supportour Constitutions; and to strengthen the essential principles uponwhich they are founded, when it shall be needful, falls in my opinionwithin those solemn obligations. I hope, fellow-citizens, that what I am now about to say will not bedeemed improper. I have been accustomed to speak my mind upon matters of great moment toour common country with freedom; and every citizen of the United Stateshas the same right that I have. I may never hereafter have anopportunity of publicly expressing my opinion on the Treaty made withthe Court of London: I am therefore constrained with all due respect toour Constituted Authority to declare, that the Treaty appears to me tobe pregnant with evil. It controuls some of the powers specially vestedin Congress for the security of the people; and I fear that it mayrestore to Great Britain such an influence over the Government andpeople of this country as may not be consistent with the generalwelfare. This subject however it is expected will come before theCongress whose immediate province it is to discuss it, and todetermine, so far as it may be in their power, as they shall think, forthe safety and welfare of the people. I shall use my best endeavor to dispatch the business which you shalllay before me. And it is my cordial wish that all your decisions maytend to the prosperity of the Commonwealth, and afford to you the mostagreeable reflections. SAMUEL ADAMS. TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS. MAY 31, 1796. [Independent Chronicle, June 2, 1796; two texts are in theMassachusetts Archives. ] FELLOW CITIZENS, It is not my intention to interrupt your business by a lengthy Address. I have requested a meeting with you at this time, principally with aview of familiarizing the several branches of government with eachother, of cultivating harmony in sentiment upon constitutionalprinciples, and cherishing that mutual friendship which always invitesa free discussion in matters of important concern. The Union of the States is not less important than that of the severaldepartments of each of them. We have all of us recently laid ourselvesunder a sacred obligation to defend and support our Federal and StateConstitutions: A principal object in the establishment of the former, as it is expressed in the preamble, was "to form a more perfect Union:"To preserve this Union entire, and transmit it unbroken to posterity, is the duty of the People of United America, and it is for theirlasting interest, their public safety and welfare. Let us then bewatchful for the preservation of the Union, attentive to thefundamental principles of our free Constitutions, and careful in theapplication of those principles in the formation of our laws, lest thatgreat object which the people had in view in establishing theindependence of our country, may be imperceptibly lost. The Members of the General Court, coming from all parts of theCommonwealth, must be well acquainted with the local circumstances andwants of the citizens; to alleviate and provide for which, it ispresumed you will diligently enquire into the state of theCommonwealth, and render such Legislative aid as may be foundnecessary, for the promoting of useful improvements, and theadvancement of those kinds of industry among the people, whichcontribute to their individual happiness, as well as that of thepublic. --Honest industry, tends to the increase of sobriety, temperanceand all the moral and political virtues--I trust also that you will attendto the general police of the Commonwealth, by revising and making suchlaws and ordinances, conformably to our Constitution, as in your wisdomyou may think further necessary to secure as far as possible, thesafety and prosperity of the people at large. It is yours, Fellow Citizens, to legislate, and mine only to reviseyour bills, under limited and qualified powers; and I rejoice, thatthey are thus limited:-- These are features which belong to a freegovernment alone. I do not, I ought not to forget that there are other important dutiesconstitutionally attached to the Supreme Executive--I hope I shall beenabled within my department, with the continued advice of a wise andfaithful Council, so to act my part, as that a future retrospect of myconduct may afford me consoling reflections; and that my administrationmay be satisfactory to reasonable and candid men, and finally meet withthe approbation of God, the Judge of all. --May his wisdom preside in allour Councils and deliberations, and lead to such decisions as may behappily adapted to confirm and perpetuate the public liberty, andsecure the private and personal rights of the citizens from sufferingany injury. I shall further communicate to you by subsequent message as occasionmay offer. SAMUEL ADAMS. PROCLAMATION. OCTOBER 6, 1796 [Independent Chronicle, October 17, 1796. ] Published by Authority [Seal] Commonwealth of Massachusetts. BY THE GOVERNOR. A PROCLAMATION FOR A DAY OF PUBLIC THANKSGIVING. WHEREAS it has pleased God, the Father of all Mercies, to bestow uponus innumerable unmerited favours in the course of the year past; ithighly becomes us duly to recollect his goodness, and in a public andsolemn manner to express the greatful feelings of our hearts: I have therefore thought fit, with the advice and consent of theCouncil, to appoint THURSDAY the 15th day of December next, to beobserved as a Day of PUBLIC THANKSGIVING and PRAISE to our DivineBENEFACTOR throughout this Commonwealth--Calling upon the Ministers of theGospel, with their respective Congregations, and the whole body of thePeople, religiously to observe the said Day by celebrating the Praisesof that all-gracious Being, of whose Bounty we have experienced solarge a share. He hath prevented Epidemical Diseases from spreading, and afforded us ageneral state of Health. He hath regarded our Pastures and Fields withan Eye of the most indulgent Parent, and rewarded the Industry of ourHusbandmen with a plentiful Harvest. Notwithstanding the unreasonable obstructions to our trade on the seas, it has generally been prosperous and our fisheries successful. Our civil Constitutions of Government, formed by ourselves, andadministered by Men of our own free Election, are by His Gracecontinued to us. And we still enjoy the inestimable Blessings of theGospel and right of worshipping God according to His own Institutionsand the honest dictates of our Consciences. And, together with our thanksgiving, earnest Supplication to God ishereby recommended for the forgiveness of our Sins which have renderedus unworthy of the least of his Mercies; and that by the sanctifyinginfluence of his Spirit, our hearts and manners may be corrected, andwe become a reformed and happy People--That he would direct and prosperthe Administration of the Government of the United States, and of thisand the other States in the Union. That he would still afford hisBlessings on our Trade, Agriculture, Fisheries and all the labours ofour hands. That he would smile upon our University, and all Seminariesof Learning--That Tyranny and Usurpation may everywhere come to an end--Thatthe Nations who are contending for true liberty may still be succeededby his Almighty aid--That every Nation and Society of Men may be inspiredwith the knowledge and feeling of their natural and just rights, andenabled to form such systems of Civil Government as shall be fullyadopted to promote and establish their Social Security and Happiness--And, finally, that in the course of God's Holy Providence, the great Familyof Mankind may bow to the sceptre of the Prince of Peace so that mutualFriendship and Harmony may universally prevail. And I do recommend to the People of this Commonwealth to abstain fromall such Labours and Recreations as may not be consistent with theSolemnity of the said Day. Given at the Council Chamber in Boston, this sixth day of October, inthe year of our Lord, one Thousand seven Hundred and Ninety-six, and inthe twenty-first Year of the Independence of the United States ofAmerica. SAMUEL ADAMS. Attest JOHN AVERY, Sec'ry GOD save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts! TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS. NOVEMBER 17, 1796. [Independent Chronicle, November 21, 1796; two texts are in theMassachusetts Archives. ] You are sensible, Fellow Citizens, that the principal motive whichinduced your adjournment to the 16th current, was to transact thebusiness prescribed by law, respecting the Electors of a President andVice-President of the United States of America. Not being able to determine in my own mind, whether you would probablybe inclined to begin the business of a winter session at this season, or not, I did, by the advice of the Council, appoint a later day for aPublic Thanksgiving, than has been usual; intending thereby, to affordyou an opportunity to finish the business above mentioned, and, if youshould then think it proper, keep the festival in your respectivefamilies. This matter, however, it becomes me to leave to your owndiscretion. Which ever, you may determine upon, while you continue thissession, I will endeavour to finish the business which you may laybefore me, with all convenient dispatch, always considering, thatharmony and union among the several branches and governmental powers, consistent with their respective Constitutional rights and duties, tobe essential to the security and welfare of our constituents at large. SAMUEL ADAMS. TO THE SENATE OF MASSACHUSETTS. NOVEMBER 23, 1796. [Independent Chronicle, November 28, 1796. ] GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE, HAVING had before me a Resolve of the 22d inst. Providing for fillingup any vacancies in the Electors of President and Vice President of theUnited States, which may be occasioned by death or resignation beforethe time of their meeting for the purpose of giving their suffrages, have prematurely approved the same; since which, having more fullyconsidered the subject, I find a strong objection operating upon mymind, and I have erased my name: That the Electors chosen by the Peopleand their Representatives for the great and important purpose ofelecting a President and Vice-President of the United States, shouldhave the power of filling up vacancies in their own body, under anycircumstances whatever, appears to be dangerous to the Liberties of thePeople, and ought not to form a precedent in a free government. If uponfurther deliberation you should be of my opinion, I shall be happy toconcur with you, in a mode more consonant to the spirit of ourgovernment. SAMUEL ADAMS. TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS. NOVEMBER 24, 1796. [Independent Chronicle, November 28, 1796, a text is in theMassachusetts Archives, and a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives. BY a Message, which I yesterday laid before the Senate, I gave a full, free and candid account of my proceedings respecting a Resolve of thetwo Houses, for filling up vacancies which may possibly happen in theElectors of President and Vice-President of the United States. My mode of conduct on this occasion, I know is, and I flatter myself, will be considered, to be as well the result of an ardent wish topreserve free, important and secure the Elections of those veryimportant Officers, as a desire to dispatch the business at thisjuncture before the Legislature. --I wish to promote the true interest ofmy country--I have no other object in view; and therefore, it can be of noconsequence to me, in what mode this question is discussed nor in whatform your opinions shall be expressed. I am not, at present, forsupporting the idea that after the Resolve had been signed by me, anddelivered to the Secretary, that it was not a formal act of government. Be that as it may--the question is now properly before the General Court, and if the Resolve, to which I have made an objection, was, under allconsiderations an Act of the Government upon my signing the same, theonly question now is whether it ought to be repealed, and anotherprovision made for the same object? My objection to the Resolve, or my reason why it should be repealed, (if it is one) is, that a delegation by the Legislature to the Electorsappointed by the Citizens in their individual capacity for the Electionof President and Vice President, to fill up vacancies in their ownnumber, by death or resignation, is a dangerous power, and tends to theestablishing a dangerous Precedent; but should my fellow citizens ofthe Senate and House, think differently from me, while I shall feelquite contented with your decision, I shall be happy, that I havecandidly acknowledged an error in signing that Resolve, and yet done, with firmness, what has appeared to me as the true interest of theState of which I am a Member, and of a Nation of which I am a Citizen. SAMUEL ADAMS. 1797 TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS. JANUARY 27, 1797. [Independent Chronicle, January 30, 1797; a text is in theMassachusetts Archives]. FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS, SINCE your last adjournment, the President of the United States hasofficially announced to the Legislature of the Union his determinationto retire from the cares of public life. --When a citizen so distinguishedby his country withdraws himself from the Councils of the Nation, andretires to peaceful repose, it must afford very pleasurable feelings inhis own mind, to be conscious of the good will of the people towardshim--how much more consoling must his feelings be, in reflecting that hehas served them many years with purity of intention and disinterestedzeal. We sincerely wish him tranquility in his retirement and strongconsolation in the latter stage of life. In pursuance of the provision in the Constitution, the people haverecently exercised their own sovereign power in the election of anotherPresident. Elections to offices, even in the smallest Corporations, areand ought to be deemed highly important; of how much more importance isit, that elections to the highest offices in our extensive Republic, should be conducted in a manner and with a spirit becoming a free, virtuous and enlightened people, who justly estimate the value of theirsacred rights. In the late elections, the people have turned theirattention to several citizens, who have rendered eminent services toour federal Commonwealth in exalted stations. Upon which ever of theCandidates the lot may have fallen, the people have reason to expect, that his administration will be strictly conformable to the letter andtrue intent of the Constitution, that it may long continue to be theguarantee of our freely elective Republican Government. --On fair anduncontrouled elections, depend, under God, the whole superstructure ofour government--should corruption ever insert itself in our elections, there would be great danger of corruption in our governments. --Although itis not long since the subject of elections was under the considerationof the Legislature, and a law passed for the purpose of furthersecurity to the people in the free exercise of this invaluable right;yet give me leave to suggest for your consideration, whether stillfurther securities may not be provided, so that the rightful electorsmay not be frustrated in their honest intentions. That elections maynot be contaminated by strangers, or unqualified persons, may it not benecessary that every man may be known, as far as possible, when hepresents himself to give his vote; this may be more especiallyimportant in our seaports and other populous towns, in which manyforeigners of all sorts frequently reside. I would be far fromdictating to you, but I would submit to your judgment whether, considering the liberality of this country to foreigners, and thefrequency of their naturalizations, it may not be eligible that suchforeigners should be required when they offer their votes to theSelectmen of the towns, to produce authentic certificates from theCourts, by which they were endowed with so high a privilege, as a testof their citizenship. As Piety, Religion and Morality have a happyinfluence on the minds of men, in their public as well as privatetransactions, you will not think it unseasonable, although I havefrequently done it, to bring to your remembrance the great importanceof encouraging our University, town schools, and other seminaries ofeducation, that our children and youth while they are engaged in thepursuit of useful science, may have their minds impressed with a strongsense of the duties they owe to their God, their instructors and eachother, so that when they arrive to a state of manhood, and take a partin any public transactions, their hearts having been deeply impressedin the course of their education with the moral feelings--such feelingsmay continue and have their due weight through the whole of theirfuture lives. Permit me to call your attention to the subject of the Militia of theCommonwealth. --A well regulated militia "held in an exact subordination tothe civil authority and governed by it, " is the most safe de fence of aRepublic. --In our Declaration of Rights, which expresses the sentiments ofthe people, the people have a right to keep and bear arms for thecommon defence. The more generally therefore they are called out to bedisciplined, the stronger is our security. No man I should think, whopossesses a true republican spirit, would decline to rank with hisfellow-citizens, on the fancied idea of a superiority in circumstances:This might tend to introduce fatal distinctions in our country. We canall remember the time when our militia, far from being disciplined, asthey are at present, kept a well appointed hostile army for aconsiderable time confined to the capital; and when they ventured out, indeed they took possession of the ground they aimed at, yet theyventured to their cost, and never forgot the battle of Bunker Hill. Thesame undisciplined militia under the command and good conduct ofGeneral Washington, continued that army confined in or near thecapital, until they thought proper to change their position andretreated with haste to Halifax. --If the Militia of the Commonwealth canbe made still more effective, I am confident that you will not delay ameasure of so great magnitude. I beg leave to refer you to theseventeenth article in our Declaration of Rights, which respects thedanger of standing armies in time of peace. I hope we shall ever havevirtue enough to guard against their introduction. --But may we not hazardthe safety of our Republic should we ever constitute, under the name ofa select militia, a small body to be disciplined in a camp with all thepomp & splendor of a regular army? Would such an institution be likelyto be much less dangerous to our free government and to the morals ofour youth, than if they were actually enlisted for permanent service?And would they not as usual in standing armies feel a distinct interestfrom that of our fellow-citizens at large? The great principles of ourpresent militia system are undoubtedly good, constituting one simplebody, and embracing so great a proportion of the citizens as willprevent a separate interest among them, inconsistent with the welfareof the whole. --Those principles, however, I conceive should equally applyto all the active citizens, within the age prescribed by law. --All aredeeply interested in the general security; and where there are noinvidious exemptions, partial distinctions or privileged bands, everyMan, it is presumed, would pride himself in the right of bearing arms, and affording his personal appearance in common with hisfellow-citizens. If upon examination you shall find, that the dutiesincident to our present system bear harder on one class of citizens, than on another, you will undoubtedly endeavour, as far as possible, toequalize its burthens. FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS, I THINK it a duty incumbent upon me to acquaint you, and ourfellow-citizens at large, that having arrived to a stage of life, marked in holy writ, and verified by constant experience, as a time oflabour and sorrow; it is highly proper both upon my own account, aswell as that of the public, to decline the future suffrages of myfellow-citizens for the office I have now the honor to sustain. 1 I havehad this in contemplation near a twelve month past. The infirmities ofage render me an unfit person in my own opinion, and very probably inthe opinion of others, to continue in this station; and I mention itnow, that those of the electors who may probably be too warmly attachedto me, may not nullify their own votes by giving them for me. I havealways been convinced that many others might have been found to fill myplace with greater advantage to the Commonwealth than is now or everhas been in my power. --In the Civil Department during the times of War andof Peace, I have served her in various stations to the best of myability, and I hope with general approbation; and I can say with truth, that I have not enriched myself in her service. --My warmest thanks arejustly due to my constituents for the confidence they have repeatedlyplaced in me. --When I shall be released from the burthens of my publicstation, I shall not forget my country. -- Her welfare and happiness, herpeace and prosperity, her liberty and independence will always have agreat share in the best wishes of my heart. I will endeavour to consider the business you may lay before me withfidelity and dispatch. SAMUEL ADAMS. 2 1 In May, 1797, Adams was succeeded as governor by Increase Sumner. 2 There are in the Massachusetts Archives additional papers by Adamswhich have here been omitted, but certain of which may well be noted, as follows: 1782, October 15, statement as to funds for South Carolinaand Georgia; 1790, May 28, letter accepting office of LieutenantGovernor; 1794, February 3, veto message; 1795, February 18, vetomessage; 1795, June 12, message on the resignation of Major GeneralLithgow; 1795, June 17, message upon the election of an additionalmajor general; 1795, June 22, message as to suspicious vessel in BostonHarbor; 1796, February 2, message on petition of Willard Griffith;1796, February 24, message as to suit on bond of S. Ely; 1796, February27, message as to vacancies in excise offices; 1796, June I, message asto the Massachusetts-Connecticut boundary; 1796, June I, message as totroubles in Hancock County; 1796, November 22, message as to vacanciesin Council; 1797, February 1, message on the militia system; 1797, February 13, message on the Nantucket Bank. The Independent Chronicle contains the following papers which have notbeen used: 1794, June 27, proclamation upon rioting in Boston; 1795, June 21, proclamation as to the burning of the "Betsey"; 1795, June 26, proclamation offering a reward in connection with the "Betsey. " The Life of Samuel Adams, by W. V. Wells, vol. Iii. , pp. 379-381, contains the will of Samuel Adams, dated December 29, 1790, and also anumber of letters printed only in part, which have not been used. There have also been omitted a number of relatively unimportant papers, such as a brief committee report of November 30, 1785 (ManuscriptDocuments, 1785, Boston City Clerk's office); a brief letter toElbridge Gerry, recommending Thomas Melville, February 20, 1789 (EmmetPapers, Lenox Library); a note of introduction to John Adams, June 18, 1782 (Washburn Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society); two lettersto Thomas McKean, November 7, 1781, and June 7, 1782, and one toWoodbury Langdon, September 1, 1784 (Library of the Historical Societyof Pennsylvania); a note of introduction to Richard Henry Lee, December9, 1784 (Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society); and a brief noteto Rochambeau, May, 17, 1794 (Library of Congress). A few originalmanuscripts, such as a letter of November 8, 1784, to John Avery and aletter of January 22, 1794, to George Clinton, have passed into privatehands at auction sales. Certain manuscripts have been withheld by theirowners; but in most instances the entire text of the same has beenavailable, so that it is believed that all the important existingmaterials of Adams have been comprised in these volumes. PROCLAMATION. MARCH 20, 1797. [Independent Chronicle, March 30, 1797; the text is in W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. Iii. , pp. 365, 366. ] By Authority. Commonwealth of Massachusetts. BY THE GOVERNOR, A PROCLAMATION FOR A DAY OF SOLEMN FASTING AND PRAYER. IT having been the invariable practice derived from the days of ourrenowned ancestors, at this season of the year to set apart a Day ofPublic Fasting and Prayer: And the practice appearing to be in itselfproductive, if well improved, of happy effects on the public mind-- I have therefore thought fit, by & with the advice and consent of theCouncil, to appoint Thursday, the FOURTH day of May next ensuing, to beobserved and improved throughout this Commonwealth for the purpose ofPUBLIC FASTING AND PRAYER: Earnestly recommending to the Ministers ofthe Gospel with their respective Congregations then to assembletogether and seriously to consider, and with one united voice confessour past sins and transgressions, with holy resolutions, by the Graceof God, to turn our feet into the path of His Law-- Humbly beseeching himto endue us with all the Christian Spirit of Piety, Benevolence and theLove of our Country; and that in all our public deliberations we may bepossessed of a sacred regard to the fundamental principles of our freeelective civil Constitutions--That we may be preserved from consumingFires and all other desolating Judgments. And as at this season the general business of the year commences, itseems highly proper humbly to implore the divine blessing on ourHusbandry, Trade, and Fishery, and all the labour of our hands--On ourUniversity and Schools of Education--On the Administration of theGovernment of the United States and of this and the other States of theUnion --On the foreign relations of the United States; and in a particularmanner that all misunderstanding between them and a Sister Republic maybe happily, so adjusted as to prevent an open Rupture, and establishPeace. And as it is our duty to extend our wishes to the happiness of thegreat Family of Man, I concede we cannot better express ourselves thanby humbly supplicating the Supreme Ruler of the World--That the rod oftyrants may be broken into pieces, and the oppressed made Free--That warsmay cease in all the Earth, and that the confusions that are and havebeen among the Nations may be overruled for the promoting and speedilybringing on that holy and happy period, when the Kingdom of our Lordand Saviour Jesus Christ may be everywhere established, and all thepeople willingly bow to the Sceptre of Him who is the Prince of Peace. And I do hereby recommend that all unnecessary labour and recreationmay be suspended on the said day. Given at the Council Chamber in Boston, this 20th day of March, in theYear of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and Ninety seven, and inthe twenty first Year of the Independence of the United States ofAmerica. SAMUEL ADAMS. Attest, JOHN AVERY, Secretary. GOD SAVE THE COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS! TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS. , Adams Papers, Quincy. ] BOSTON April 17th 1797 SIR I am loth to trespass one moment upon your time, which at present mustbe very precious. But I am induced even to offer Mr Wyllys thisrecommendatory Letter to you. He is a native of our Commonwealth, andlately a traveller in Europe. Tho his travels have been merely onMercantile Business, he appears to be very intelligent, observing, andimpartial. He has seen Italy; and conversed among others with GenlBuonoparte and the Pope. He has visited a number of the Italian States, also Algiers and France. --I flatter myself you will be pleased with hisconversation and hope you will find it usefull to you. This is the onlymotive for my addressing a Letter to you at this Time. I congratulateyou as the first Citizen of the United States--I may add of the World. Iam my dear Sir, notwithstanding I have been otherwise represented inparty papers. Your Old and unvaried Friend, 1801 TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. [MS. , Library of Congress; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, LenoxLibrary. ] BOSTON, April 24th, 1801 MY VERY DEAR FRIEND Your Letter of the 29th of March came duly to my hand. I sincerelycongratulate our Country on the arrival of the day of Glory which hascalled you to the first office in the administration of our federalGovernment. Your warm feeling of friendship must certainly have carriedyou to a higher tone of expression than my utmost merits will bear. IfI have at any time been avoided or frowned upon, your kind ejaculationin the language of the most perfect friend of Man, surpasses everyinjury. The Storm is now over, and we are in port, and I dare say, theship will be rigged for her proper service; she must also be well man'dand very carefully officered. No man can be fit to sustain an officewho cannot consent to the principles by which he must be governed. Withyou, I hope, we shall once more see harmony restored; but after sosevere and long a storm, it will take a proportionate time to still theraging of the waves. The World has been governed by prejudice andpassion, which never can be friendly to truth; and while you noblyresolve to retain the principles of candour and of justice, resultingfrom a free elective Representative Government, such as they have beentaught to hate and despise; you must depend upon being hated yourself, because they hate your principles, not a man of them dare openly todespise you; your inaugural speech, to say nothing of your eminentservices to the acceptance of our Country, will secure you fromcontempt. It may require some time before the great body of our fellowcitizens will settle in harmony good humour and peace. When deepprejudices shall be removed in some, the self interestedness of othersshall cease and many honest Men, whose minds for want of betterinformation have been clouded, shall return to the use of their ownunderstanding, the happy and wished for time will come. The Eyes of thepeople have too generally been fast closed from the view of their ownhappiness, such alass has been always the lot of Man! but Providence, who rules the World, seems now to be rapidly changing the sentiments ofMankind in Europe and America. May Heaven grant that the principles ofLiberty and virtue, truth and justice may pervade the whole Earth. Ihave a small circle of intimate friends, among whom Doctr CharlesJarvis is one; he is a man of much information and great integrity. Iheartily wish there may be an epistolary correspondence between him andyou. I should have written this Letter before, had not my faithfullfriend and amanuensis John Avery, who is your friend as well as mine, been occupied in the business of his office of Secretary of thisCommonwealth, which he attends with great punctuality and integrity. Itis not in my power my dear friend, to give you council; an Old Man isapt to flatter himself, that he stands upon an equal footing withyounger Men; he indeed cannot help feeling that the powers of his Mind, as well as his body are weakened; but he relies upon his memory, andfondly wishes his young friends to think that he can instruct them byhis Experience, when in all probability he has forgot every trace ofit, that was worth his memory. Be assured, that my esteem for you is ascordial, if possible, as yours is to me. Though an Old Man cannotadvise you, he can give you his Blessing. You have devoutly my Blessingand my Prayers. My dear Mrs. Adams will not suffer me to close this Letter, till I letyou know, that she recollects the pleasure and entertainment youafforded us, when you was about to embark for France, and hopes thatyour administration may be happy to yourself and prosperous to ourCountry. TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. [MS. , Library of Congress, a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library. ] BOSTON Novemr 18th 1801 MY DEAR FRIEND Doctr Eustis will be so kind as to deliver you this Letter. --I ampersuaded you will find him a man of a candid and fair Mind and liberalsentiments. I congratulate you on the return of Peace. The War both in America andEurope was designed by Tyrant Kings to exterminate those rights andliberties which the Gracious Creator has granted to Man, and to sinkthe happiness resulting therefrom in ruin and oblivion. --Is there not, myfriend, reason to believe, that the principles of DemocraticRepublicanism are already better understood than they were before; andthat by the continued efforts of Men of Science and Virtue, they willextend more and more till the turbulent and destructive Spirit of Warshall cease?--The proud oppressors over the Earth shall be totally brokendown and those classes of Men who have hitherto been the victims oftheir rage and cruelty shall perpetually enjoy perfect Peace and Safetytill time shall be no more. I am Your cordial friend 1802 TO THOMAS PAINE [W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol iii, pp 372, 373] BOSTON, November 30, 1802. SIR, -- I have frequently with pleasure reflected on your services to my nativeand your adopted country. Your Common Sense, and your Crisis, unquestionably awakened the public mind, and led the people loudly tocall for a declaration of our national independence. I thereforeesteemed you as a warm friend to the liberty and lasting welfare of thehuman race. But when I heard you had turned your mind to a defence ofinfidelity, I felt myself much astonished and more grieved, that youhad attempted a measure so injurious to the feelings and so repugnantto the true interest of so great a part of the citizens of the UnitedStates. The people of New England, if you will allow me to use aScripture phrase, are fast returning to their first love. Will youexcite among them the spirit of angry controversy at a time when theyare hastening to amity and peace? I am told that some of our newspapershave announced your intention to publish an additional pamphlet uponthe principles of your Age of Reason. Do you think that your pen, orthe pen of any other man, can unchristianize the mass of our citizens, or have you hopes of converting a few of them to assist you in so bad acause? We ought to think ourselves happy in the enjoyment of opinion, without the danger of persecution by civil or ecclesiastical law. Ourfriend, the President of the United States, has been calumniated forhis liberal sentiments by men who have attributed that liberality to alatent design to promote the cause of infidelity. This, and all otherslanders, have been made without the least shadow of proof. Neitherreligion nor liberty can long subsist in the tumult of altercation, andamidst the noise and violence of faction. Felix qui cautus. Adieu.