THREE YEARSIN THESIXTH CORPS. 

A CONCISE NARRATIVE OF EVENTS IN THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC, FROM 1861 TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION, APRIL, 1865. 

By GEORGE T. STEVENS, SURGEON OF THE 77TH REGIMENT NEW YORK VOLUNTEERS. 

ALBANY:S. R. GRAY, PUBLISHER. 

1866. 

Entered according to act of Congress, in the year eighteen hundred andsixty-six, By GEORGE T. STEVENS, in the Clerk's office of the District Court of the United States for theNorthern District of New York. 

WEED, PARSONS AND COMPANY, PRINTERS, STEREOTYPERS AND BOOKBINDERS, ALBANY, N. Y. 

[Illustration: MAJ. -GEN. JOHN SEDGWICK]

PREFACE. 

The following pages are offered to my old comrades of the Sixth Corps, with the hope that they may pleasantly recall the many variedexperiences of that unparalleled body of men. If much has been omittedwhich should have been written, or if anything has been said whichshould have been left out, I rely upon the generosity of brave men totreat with leniency the failings they may detect. 

I have endeavored to present without exaggeration or embellishment ofimagination, a truthful picture of army life in all its vicissitudes;its marches, its battles, its camps, and the sad scenes when the victimsof war languish in hospitals. The story is written mostly from extensivenotes taken by myself amid the scenes described; but official reportsand letters from officers have been used freely in correcting thesenotes, and gathering fresh material. The narrative commences with theexperiences of my own regiment; then when that regiment became a part ofSmith's division, its incidents and history includes the whole. From theorganization of the Sixth Corps to the close of the rebellion, I haveendeavored without partiality to give the story of the Corps. If I havefailed to do justice to any of the noble troops of the Corps, it hasbeen from no want of desire to give to each regiment the praise due toit. 

I cannot close without acknowledging my many obligations to the numerousfriends, officers and soldiers of the Corps, and others who have favoredme with their assistance. I take especial pleasure in acknowledging thekindness of Miss Emily Sedgwick, sister of our lamented commander;Vermont's honored son, Major-General L. A. Grant, Major-General ThomasH. Neill, Colonel James B. McKean, Colonel W. B. French, Chaplain NormanFox, and Mr. Henry M. Myers. I am also indebted to the friends of SamuelS. Craig for the use of his diary, extending from the early history ofthe Army of the Potomac, to the death of the talented young soldier inthe Wilderness. 

The engravings are nearly all from sketches taken by myself on theground, the others are from the pencil of the well known artist, CaptainJ. Hope, and all have been submitted to his finishing touch. Mr. Ferguson has executed the wood cuts in a style creditable to his art. 

The typographical portion of the work has been done in a style of beautyand finish for which the work of Weed, Parsons and Company is so wellknown. 

18 North Pearl Street, Albany, N. Y. 

_September 5, 1866. _

[Illustration]

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 

 1. Portrait of General Sedgwick. 

 2. Illustrated Title Page. 

 3. The Old Church at Hampton. 

 4. The Quaker at Newport News. 

 5. Charge of the Vermonters at Lee's Mills. 

 6. Charge of Hancock's Brigade at Williamsburgh. 

 7. Charge of the Seventy-seventh New York at Mechanicsville. 

 8. Portrait of Colonel James B. McKean. 

 9. Charge of the Sixth Corps at Burkettsville. 

10. White Oak Church, Va. 

11. Storming Fredericksburgh Heights by Howe's Division. 

12. "What'll Ole Missus do Now?"

13. Church Call. 

14. Battle of Fort Stevens. 

15. "Why Don't he Come?"

16. "Going Norf. "

17. Diagram of the Charge of the Sixth Corps, April 2, 1865. 

CONTENTS. 

Chapter I. 

A New Regiment goes to the War. 

Organization of the Seventy-seventh N. Y. V. --Departure fromSaratoga--Greetings by the way--New emotions--The noble dead--On boardthe Knickerbocker--At New York--Presentation of flags--Beauties ofmonopoly--Hospitality of Philadelphia--Incidents on the route--Arrivalat Washington--In camp. 

Chapter II. 

Army Life at Washington. 

Meridian Hill--Neighboring scenery--First Sunday incamp--Drills--Sickness--The Hospital--General Casey--"Why don't the armymove?"--Washington blockaded--Burnside's heroes--Orders tomove--Something of a train--Smith's division--Our first reconnoissance. 

Chapter III. 

The Manassas Campaign. 

Orders to march--A grand spectacle--Bivouac near Fairfax CourtHouse--The camps at night--Visits to Manassas and Centreville--Dissatisfaction in the army--A deserted country--Lawlesssoldiers--Fairfax Court House--A representative Southerner--Review byGen. McClellan--March to Alexandria--"Camp Misery. "

Chapter IV. 

The Army Transferred to the Peninsula. 

The advance to Yorktown--A thunder storm--"Reliable contrabands"--Facingthe enemy--A strong position--The Union line--A rebel welcome--Digging--On picket--A dreary country--An enterprising planter--Activework--Battle of Lee's Mills--Charge of the Vermont brigade--Progress ofthe siege--Ravages of disease--A front seat--Short supplies--The rebelswithdraw--Entering the strongholds--Infernal machines--March toWilliamsburgh--Victims of disease. 

Chapter V. 

Yorktown. 

The advance to Yorktown--A thunder storm--"Reliable contrabands"--Facingthe enemy--A strong position--The Union line--A rebel welcome--Digging--On picket--A dreary country--An enterprising planter--Activework--Battle of Lee's Mills--Charge of the Vermont brigade--Progress ofthe siege--Ravages of disease--A front seat--Short supplies--The rebelswithdraw--Entering the strongholds--Infernal machines--March toWilliamsburgh--Victims of disease. 

Chapter VI. 

Williamsburgh. 

Battle of Williamsburgh--The army not organized--The medicaldepartment--Hooker's gallant fight--Hancock's charge--McClellan atYorktown--Night on the battle-field. 

Chapter VII. 

The March up the Peninsula and the Organization of the Sixth Corps. 

March up the Peninsula--Joy of the contrabands--Cumberland Landing--TheSixth Corps organized--At White House--On the Chickahominy--Fight atMechanicsville--Battle of Hanover Court House. 

Chapter VIII. 

On the Chickahominy. 

Gaines' Farm--The line of battle--Battle of Seven Pines--Sedgwick andKearney to the rescue--Hooker's charge--A lost opportunity--Golden'sFarm--Ditching--Malaria--Chickahominy fevers--A German regiment--Stuart's raid. 

Chapter IX. 

The Seven Days' Battles. 

The army united--Plans and counter plans--Battle of Fair Oaks--Lee'splan--The situation--Stonewall Jackson on the flank--Battle ofMechanicsville--Joy in camp--Porter's corps retreats--An astonishedarmy--Battle of Gaines' Farm--Slocum's division at Games' Farm--Retreatto the river--Battle of Golden's Farm--A young hero--A Unionvictory--Our right exposed--The sick abandoned--A night of sorrow--Thegrand retreat commenced--Sad scenes at Savage's Station--A meteorrailroad train. 

Chapter X. 

The Grand Retreat. 

Lee's army in pursuit--Sumner and Smith at Bay--Battle of Savage'sStation--The Vermont Brigade--Sick and wounded abandoned--Retreat toWhite Oak Swamp--Battle of White Oak Swamp--An astonished division--Anight march--A mystery--In sight of the James--Battle of MalvernHill--Departure of the princes--Gloom and anxiety--Lee's attack--Therebels demoralized. 

Chapter XI. 

Harrison's Landing. 

March to Harrison's Bar--A scene of confusion--A beautifullandscape--Fourth of July in camp--Gloom at the north--Cause of thedisasters--Prevalence of disease--Review by the President--A nightdemonstration by the enemy--Reconnoissance to Malvern Hill--Departure ofGeneral Davidson--A retrospect. 

Chapter XII. 

Retreat from the Peninsula, and General Pope's Bull Run Campaign. 

Premonitions of a change of base--The transfer commenced--Marching downthe Peninsula--On board transports--A contrast--Arrival atAlexandria--Unaccountable delays--General Pope's campaign--An obstinategeneral--Causes of Pope's failure. 

Chapter XIII. 

The Maryland Campaign. 

General McClellan restored to command--March throughWashington--Leisurely campaigning--Battle of Crampton Pass--Death ofMathison--Battle of South Mountain Pass--Death of Reno--Surrender ofHarper's Ferry--March to Antietam. 

Chapter XIV. 

The Battle of Antietam. 

The Valley of the Antietam--Gathering of the hosts--Thebattle-field--The battle commenced--Splendid fighting of Hooker'sforces--Successes and reverses of Sumner's troops--Timely arrival of theSixth corps--A gallant charge--Losses of the corps--Burnside'sattack--Hours of suspense--The enemy defeated at all points--Retreat ofthe rebels--Scenes on the battle-field--At the hospitals--AtSharpsburgh--A division of militia--Couch's division joins the Sixthcorps--Visit of the President--Recruits--Energy at the north--Atrest--Want of clothing--Stuart's raid--Delays--Clear Spring--GeneralBrooks. 

Chapter XV. 

The Second Advance into Virginia, and the Battle of Fredericksburgh. 

Marching in Maryland--Arrival at New Baltimore--General McClellansuperseded by General Burnside--Thanksgiving in camp--The granddivisions organized--The march resumed--Fatal delays--In order ofbattle--The crossing--Fredericksburgh bombarded--Situation ofFredericksburgh--Scenes of activity--The Bernard house--Scenes at thehospital--The battle on the right--Charges of the Pennsylvaniareserves--The river recrossed--Reflections. 

Chapter XVI. 

The Winter at Falmouth. 

Camp at White Oak Church--"The mud march"--Return to camp--GeneralNeill--General Hooker supersedes General Burnside--Burnside'smagnanimity--General Hooker as a soldier--Reconstruction--The cavalryorganized--Business departments renovated--The medical department--Ambulance system--Quartermasters' and commissary departments--Life incamp--Snowball battles--In the Seventy-seventh--The Lightdivision--Review by General Hooker--General John Sedgwick--Scene athead-quarters--Review of the army by the President--Preparing for thecampaign. 

Chapter XVII. 

The Chancellorsville Campaign. 

Orders to move--The river crossed--Sedgwick's command--The First corpswithdrawn--Gallant conduct of the Light division--Advancing to theheights--The line of battle--The columns of attack--Attack of Howe'scolumns--Of Newton's column--Of Burnham's--Misfortune followingvictory--Fight of Bartlett's brigade--The First division at work--Acritical position--The Sixth corps surrounded--Savage fight of Neill'sbrigade--The corps withdraws to Banks' Ford--Recrosses theriver--Hooker's operations on the right--Position of the corps--Rout ofthe Eleventh corps--The rebels repulsed--Jackson renews the attack--Therebels again repulsed--Hooker recrosses the river. 

Chapter XVIII. 

Second Encampment at White Oak Church and the Pennsylvania Campaign. 

The army in its old position--A trip to Dixie--The wounded at thehospitals--Introduction of army badges--Adornments of the camps--The"Third crossing"--The Barnard mansion--Exchanging papers--A brokenlieutenant--The Pennsylvania campaign commenced--Restriction ofbaggage--A severe march--An army bathing--At Centreville--BristowStation--March to Maryland--General Hooker succeeded by GeneralMeade--Position of the army. 

Chapter XIX. 

The Gettysburgh Campaign. 

The rebels in Pennsylvania--Panic at Harrisburgh--Alarm at Baltimore andWashington--Sixth corps leaves Bristow Station--A surprise--GeneralMeade takes command--Position of the army--Marching throughPennsylvania--An unprecedented march--Exciting news--Battle ofGettysburgh--Death of Reynolds--First and Eleventh corps fall back--Second day's battle--The battle-field--Fighting at Round Top--On theright--The grand onset--The battle decided--Rebel and Union wounded. 

Chapter XX. 

Pursuit of Lee's Army. 

Scenes of the field of Gettysburgh--The rebel hospitals--The sightlessrebel soldier boy--The Sixth corps at Fairfield--"Hurrah for theUnion"--Kilpatrick's handiwork--At Waynesboro'--On picket--A division ofmilitia--The Vermonters at Funkstown--The army at Funkstown--Meade'sfailure to attack--New York riots--Return to Virginia. 

Chapter XXI. 

Camps at Warrenton, the Centreville Campaign and the Battle ofRappahannock Station. 

Camp at Hart's Mills--A ride to the Sulphur Springs--Contrabands goingnorth--The Vermonters go to New York--Jersey Brigade at Warrenton--TheSixth corps at Cedar Mountain--Retreat to Centreville--Battle of BristoeStation--Advance to Warrenton--Battle of Rappahannock Station--Flight ofLee's army. 

Chapter XXII. 

The Army at Brandy Station. 

Encampment at Brandy Station--The Mine Run campaign--Crossing theRapidan--Battle of Locust Grove--The army on Mine Run--The order ofbattle--The army withdraws--Back at Brandy Station--Reconnoissance toMadison Court House--Ladies in camp--Chapel tents. 

Chapter XXIII. 

The Wilderness Campaign. 

Preparing to leave camp--General Grant in command--The last advanceacross the Rapidan--The battle-ground--Battle of the Wilderness--Noblefight of Getty's division--Hancock's fight on the left--Rickett'sdivision driven back--The ground retaken--The wounded--Duties of thesurgeons--The noble dead. 

Chapter XXIV. 

Spottsylvania. 

Moving by the flank--The wounded abandoned--The Fifth Corps atSpottsylvania--Arrival of the Sixth Corps--Getting into line--Death ofSedgwick--General Wright in command--Battle of the 10th ofMay--Upton's splendid charge--Battle at "the angle"--Another flankmovement. 

Chapter XXV. 

The Hospitals at Fredericksburgh. 

The journey from the battle-field--Sufferings of the wounded--Asurgeon's letters--Rebel hatred--Assistance from the north--A father insearch of his boy--The wounded sent to Washington. 

Chapter XXVI. 

Coal Harbor. 

At Hanover Court House--The Eighteenth corps joins the Army of thePotomac--The armies meet at Coal Harbor--Battle of June 1st--Battle ofJune 3d--Terrible exposure--The army strikes for Petersburgh--CharlesCity Court House--A centenarian--Review of the overland campaign. 

Chapter XXVII. 

Petersburgh. 

The march to Petersburgh--Smith's successes--The battle of June18th--The Sixth and Second corps sent to the left--Rebels penetrate theline--Progress of the siege--Sixth corps proceeds to Reams'Station--Kautz's and Wilson's raids. 

Chapter XXVIII. 

Sixth Corps Transferred To Washington--Battle of Fort Stevens. 

The Shenandoah Valley--Hunter's advance to Lynchburgh--Theretreat--Rebels advance into Maryland--Battle of Monocacy--Sixth corpsgoes to Washington--Battle of Fort Stevens. 

Chapter XXIX. 

The Shenandoah Valley. 

The Sixth and Nineteenth corps follow the enemy--Crossing thePotomac--Averill's fight at Snicker's Gap--Return of the Sixth corps toWashington--March back to Harper's Ferry--Return to Maryland--Death ofMajor Ellis--General Sheridan assigned to command--Back in theValley--Charlestown--John Mosher--March to Fisher Hill--Return toCharlestown--Fight at Charlestown. 

Chapter XXX. 

Battle of Winchester. 

Encampment at Berryville--Leaving camp--The advance--Takingposition--Advance and retreat--Death of Russell--"I know they'llrun"--Reminiscences--At the hospitals--A regiment going home--"Why don'the come. "

Chapter XXXI. 

Fisher Hill. 

March up the valley--Strasburgh--The army confronting Fisher Hill--Theflank movement--Flight of Early--The pursuit--Guerrillawarfare--Southern refugees--Starting for Washington--Return to Cedarcreek. 

Chapter XXXII. 

Battle of Cedar Creek. 

Position of the Union forces on Cedar creek--Demonstrations byEarly--The morning of October 19th--Eighth corps straggling--Nineteenthcorps routed--The Sixth corps to the rescue--Death of GeneralBidwell--The Sixth corps holds the enemy--General Wright prepares foranother attack--Arrival of Sheridan--The charge--The rout--Guns, wagonsand prisoners--The victors in camp. 

Chapter XXXIII. 

The Final Campaign. 

Sixth corps returns to Petersburgh--Condition of the corps--Sheridanjoins the grand army--Capture of Fort Steadman--The last grandcharge--The pursuit of Lee's army--Tributes to the Sixthcorps--Disbanding. 

THREE YEARS IN THE SIXTH CORPS. 

CHAPTER I. 

A NEW REGIMENT GOES TO THE WAR. 

 Organization of the Seventy-seventh N. Y. V. --Departure from Saratoga--Greetings by the way--New emotions--The noble dead--On board the Knickerbocker--At New York--Presentation of flags--Beauties of monopoly--Hospitality of Philadelphia--Incidents on the route--Arrival at Washington--In camp. 

Our regiment was organized at Saratoga Springs, the historic scene ofthe battle of Bemis Heights and the surrender of Burgoyne--hence itsname, "The Bemis Heights Battalion. " Hon. Jas. B. McKean, then member ofcongress, a gentleman of well known patriotism, was made our Colonel. Weleft our rendezvous on the 26th of November, 1861, Thanksgiving day, having been mustered into the United States service three days before. 

As the long train of cars bore us from the station at Saratoga Springs, the thousands who had gathered to witness our departure united in cheerafter cheer until all the groves and vales of that charming resort rangwith the echoes of the tumultuous shouting. 

The thousand brave fellows, who were about to try the stern realities ofwar, were by no means backward in replying to these hearty expressionsof good wishes. Long after we had lost sight of the lovely village, theshouts of the multitude could be heard and the hills rang again with theresponding cheers of those in the cars. At each station, as we passed, crowds of people pressed to greet us, and loud and long were the cheersthat bade us "God speed. "

We were now fairly off for the war. We who had followed the variouspeaceful avocations of life, in the professions or in the workshops, intrade or in husbandry, had now turned away from the office, the desk, the shop and the plough, to join the Grand Army upon which the hopes ofthe nation were staked, and which we confidently believed was soon tosweep the rebellion to destruction. 

Emotions hitherto unknown to us filled our hearts. We were soldiers, wearing for the first time the army blue, and perhaps soon to be calledout to meet in deadly strife an enemy whose prestige for valor wasalready too well established. 

Were we to return to the friends from whom we had just parted, bearingthe chaplet of victory, or were we to find a last resting place on somefield of the south, never again to meet with wife or sister, father ormother? Four years have passed and those doubts have been solved. Manyof those brave men have gone to their long rest. 

 "Their graves are severed far and wide. "

Some sleep beneath the tall pines of Yorktown; and the bright azaliacasts its purple blossoms over the graves of many who lie in the swampsof the Chickahominy. The Antietam murmurs a requiem to those who rest onits banks, and green is the turf above the noble ones who fellgloriously at Fredericksburgh. Some rest amid the wild tangles of theWilderness, and upon the arid plain of Coal Harbor. Many of their gravesare upon the banks of the Ny and the Po. The marble monument at FortStevens tells the names of some who gave their lives in the defense ofthe Capital, while the simple headboards of pine tell where repose manyin the valley of the Shenandoah, and before Petersburgh. The remains ofsome have been brought back to the peaceful cemetery at home to restbeside the dust of loved ones. 

 "'Tis little; but it looks in truth As if the quiet bones were blest Among familiar names to rest, And in the places of their youth. "

Must it be said, many of the strongest yielded to the grim monsterstarvation in the rebel prison pens, and found relief from theirtortures in lowly graves at Andersonville and Salisbury. 

A little band, with bronzed faces and manly hearts, returned home. Theirglorious and unspotted record had preceded them. They needed no song ofvictory, and they desired no greater marks of honor than their simplesilver crosses, the badge of their corps. 

No incident worthy of note occurred until we reached Albany, where weleft the cars and embarked upon the steamer Knickerbocker, an olddismantled craft, unfit for any purpose but the transportation ofsoldiers; whose decks were covered with mud an inch in depth, and whosedoors having been thrown overboard, a free circulation of the roughNovember air was allowed in every part. The men had no rations, and someof them became clamorous; but order was soon restored, and rations ofbread and ham with coffee were distributed. They could not, however, allbe brought to a perfect state of quietude. Some were determined not tosubmit, and passed the night in carousal, while those soberly inclinedtried in vain to sleep. The officers found lodging in the after cabin, where some in berths and some on the floor, we passed a restless night. 

As we approached New York in the morning, the sky was hung with heavyclouds, and as we left our rickety old craft for _terra firma_, the rainpoured in fresh torrents upon us. We marched through 14th street andBroadway to the Park. We were to remain in New York until six o'clock inthe evening, and the Sons of Saratoga were to present us with a stand ofcolors and guidons. They commenced by presenting us with an excellentdinner, at which speeches were made by the committee, and responded toby Colonel McKean and others on our part. 

Dinner over, the regiment was drawn up in front of the City Hall, wherethe ceremony of presenting the flags took place. The banner was anexquisite piece of work, of the richest fabric; a blue ground withelegant designs in oil. On one side was represented an engagement inwhich the American soldiers, led by Washington, were fighting under theold flag--thirteen stripes and the union jack. On the reverse waspictured the surrender of Burgoyne, at Saratoga, under the new flag--thestars and stripes--first unfurled in the goodly city of Albany, andfirst baptized in blood at the decisive battle of Bemis Heights, whichresulted in the surrender of Burgoyne and the virtual success of theRevolution. 

We had already a beautiful national flag, the gift of the patrioticyoung ladies of Mr. Beecher's seminary, at Saratoga. 

The hour for departure arrived, and we crossed to Amboy by ferry. Wewere in New Jersey. We had heard disparaging things of the railroadmanagement of this State, but we were now to realize the beauties ofmonopoly. We learned afterwards to respect New Jersey's soldiers, manyof whom fought shoulder to shoulder with us, and were among the bravestof the brave, but we never forgave her railroads. The men were crowdedinto a number of shaky old cars, reeking with filth, and redolent ofmost noisome odors. It was in vain that we protested that these vehicleswere unfit for transporting men; we were offered by the agent of theroad the alternative to take these cars or remain where we were. Weconcluded to go on. 

At four o'clock we had passed over the whole of the Camden and Amboyroad. Another ferry crossed, and we were in Philadelphia. Glorious, generous, enlightened Philadelphia! Many of our men were sick when weleft Saratoga, and the unaccustomed hardships, with the cold and rainthus far on the route, had greatly prostrated them. Many others had alsobeen seized with violent illness, so that our single medical officer hadbeen taxed beyond his strength in looking after the wants of the sick, while the little case of medicines with which we started from Saratogawas exhausted. Among the first acts of kindness of these excellentpeople was the care of our sick. A gentleman, with countenance beamingwith benevolence, said to the doctor, "If you will get your sicktogether, we will conduct them to comfortable quarters, and see thatthey are well cared for. " The heart of the surgeon leaped with joy atfinding some one who could and would help to care for the poor fellows. 

The sick being collected, our friend mounted a barrel and called to thesoldiers to hear him a moment. "You are welcome, " said he, "toPhiladelphia, and to show you that we are glad to see you, it gives uspleasure to invite every man of you to partake of a warm breakfast whichwill be ready for you in a few minutes. " This speech was greeted bythree hearty cheers for Philadelphia. 

The doctor soon had his sick removed to the Soldiers' Retreat, a placefitted up by the noble-hearted people of Philadelphia for theentertainment of soldiers passing through their city. The upper part ofthe building was arranged with exquisite taste and order for a hospital. Here were many sick men left by the various regiments which had passedthrough the city. Our sick boys were placed in beds, with expressions ofgratitude that, notwithstanding their illness, their lot had fallen inpleasant places. 

Presently the men were marched into the long saloon, where all tooktheir places at the well spread tables. The repast being over, ColonelMcKean called upon the men for three cheers for the Philadelphians;remarking that there need be no fear of raising the roof, for evenshould such an accident occur he doubted not these generous people wouldwillingly replace it. Then came the cheers; and such cheers! only to besurpassed by the three more and then three more that followed. 

The long years of our campaignings never diminished the lively feelingsof gratitude we experienced that morning, and to this day our veteransnever speak of Philadelphia but with pleasing recollections of thefriendly reception given them by the goodly inhabitants of the Quakercity. 

The sun was up when we resumed our journey, and again we were met withsurprises. All along the track of the railroad, men, women and children, filling the windows of the houses and thronging the wayside, cheered uson our way, shouting and waving flags and handkerchiefs. Children in thearms of their nurses waved little flags from the windows in great glee, while gray haired old men in piping tones cried "God bless oursoldiers. " This unlooked for, and to us surprising ovation continueduntil we had passed the limits of the city, and indeed did not ceasetill we had left the station many miles behind. In the train, the menkept up a continuous cheering; tears stood in the eyes of many, and themost enthusiastic expressions passed from lip to lip. 

The experience of our regiment was only that of others who passedthrough this noble city, and often during our long campaigns, thesoldiers of different regiments would gather round their camp fires, andrelate to each other the kindnesses received by them in the City ofBrotherly Love. 

We were cordially welcomed in Delaware, the people waving banners andhandkerchiefs, and when those were not at hand, newspapers or evenarticles from the clothes lines answered to show their good will; andthe negroes in the fields swung their hats and their hoes with greatspirit. 

We reached Baltimore in the evening, where we were kindly received, furnished with supper and sent on our way. After many delays we reachedWashington at four o'clock Sunday morning, and were assigned totemporary quarters near the station. Who would have suspected that itwas the Sabbath? Now we began to see something of the circumstance ofwar. Horsemen were galloping in every direction; long trains of armywagons rattled over the pavements at every turn of the eye; squads ofsoldiers marched here and there; all was hurry, bustle and confusion. 

It was night when we reached the ground for our encampment on MeridianHill. The men had suffered much from cold, and what at that time washardship. Not less than a hundred of them were sick. It was not longbefore tents were up, and for the first time the regiment was undercanvas. 

Our camp was pleasantly located, commanding a fine view of Washington, the Potomac, Alexandria and other points of interest. We were surroundedby the camps of other regiments, some arriving and some departing almostdaily. We had not been two days here when we began to get a taste ofcamp rumors. One rumor declared that we were to have barracks erected, and we were to go into winter quarters, while another assured us that wewere to have an immediate taste of actual warfare. These proved quite asreliable as the thousands of rumors which during all our years ofservice were afloat throughout the army, and acquired the expressiveappellation of "Camp Yarns. "

CHAPTER II. 

ARMY LIFE AT WASHINGTON. 

 Meridian Hill--Neighboring scenery--First Sunday in camp--Drills--Sickness--The Hospital--General Casey--"Why don't the army move?"--Washington blockaded--Burnside's heroes--Orders to move--Something of a train--Smith's division--Our first reconnoissance. 

We encamped on Meridian Hill December 1st, 1861, with 960 men. 

Meridian Hill is the most delightful locality in the vicinity ofWashington. The plain on which the city stands, extends northward fromthe Potomac about two miles where it is abruptly terminated by a line ofhills. From the summit of these hills stretches back another plain, atan elevation of one or two hundred feet above the first. Along themargin of these eminences were some fine old suburban mansions. On ourright towards Georgetown, was Kalorama, a charming spot, once theresidence of Joel Barlow, the author of the famous poems "Hasty Pudding"and "The Columbiad. " Now the building was converted by the governmentinto a hospital. In close neighborhood to us was Columbia College, alsoused as a hospital, and to the east was the fine mansion of ColonelStone, and other superb places, all of which, like Kalorama and thecollege, were full of sick men. 

Meridian Hill was in the center of this line of once beautiful countryresidences, directly north of the President's house. It had been theresidence of Commodore Porter, and the house still bore the name of "thePorter Mansion. " The grounds had been elegantly laid out with box andjuniper, while the rich groves of oak and chestnut surrounding lentadditional charms to the locality. The hill was dotted with the whitetents of a dozen regiments, but none were so pleasantly located as ourown, under the shadow of those grand old trees. 

The mansion itself became our hospital, and for a time also served asour head-quarters. From its broad piazza we could look upon the busyscenes of the city, and watch the vessels passing up and down upon theriver. A week had passed before we were fairly established in ourquarters, but we rapidly learned the mysteries of the soldier's life. 

The weather was delightful; more like September than what we wereaccustomed to experience in December. Although heavy mists hung over usuntil nine or ten o'clock in the morning, they were dispelled by thewarm sunshine, and then all was bright as midsummer. This lovely weathercontinued until about the first of January. 

The country in rear of our encampment was charming. Fine groves, traversed by streams of pure, sweet water, and fields surrounded byhedges, stretched far to the northward. The dark green leaves of themagnolia were to be seen here and there among trees of larger growth, and the shining, ever-green laurel forming a dense undergrowth, gave thewoods a lively and spring-like appearance. On the open plain might anyday be seen a regiment of Lancers, wheeling and charging in theirbrilliant evolutions, their long lances with bright red pennons addinggreatly to the beauty of the display, and, as we at that time vainlybelieved, to the efficacy of the troop. 

The first Sunday came, and we had religious services. The regiment wasformed in front of the mansion, every man being called out, unless onduty or excused on account of illness. This became an established rulewith us for all time; every man was required to attend divine serviceunless especially excused. Chaplain Tully and the members of the staffoccupied the piazza. The chaplain offered a prayer for the loved ones athome, and then we all sung "Coronation, " and after the sermon, we sung"Cambridge" and "Old Hundred. " The men seemed deeply affected by thesimple service, and many a quivering lip betrayed the emotions of theheart. 

Drills became the order of the day. Every morning the hill rang from oneend to the other with the sharp commands of the company officers to"Order arms!" "Shoulder arms!" as the men exercised by squads. Besidesthe regular drill in the manual of arms, some of the companies delightedin that system of military gymnastics called the bayonet exercise. Inthe afternoon Colonel McKean usually trained the regiment in the moredifficult exercises of the battalion drill. 

But we began to feel the scourge of new regiments. Disease became almostuniversal. We had but a single medical officer and he was tasked beyondhis strength. One hundred and fifty or two hundred men were prescribedfor every morning, aside from those so ill as to be in the hospital. 

The large parlors of the old mansion were neatly fitted up for ourhospital, for which they were admirably adapted. The two principal wardswere the large front parlors, which communicated by folding doors; theceilings were high, and the large open fire places in either apartmentserved the double purpose of supplying heat and ventilation, so thatwhile about fifty beds were always occupied, the air was kept fresh andpure. Typhoid fevers, typhoid pneumonias, diphtheria, and remittentfevers were prevalent, while now and then the malaria manifested itselfin the form of the terrible spotted fever. Besides, as usually occurswhen the last named disease prevails in camps, some died suddenly fromunknown causes. 

By the tenth of the month the majority of the men were unfit for duty. In one company the three commissioned officers were in the hospital, andbut twelve men could be mustered for evening parade. The labors of themedical officer who undertakes single-handed to minister to the wants ofa regiment of recruits can only be known to those who have tried it. Ourdoctor was as much worn out by the perplexities of organizing hisdepartment as by the actual attendance on the sick. New demands camealmost every hour of the day and night, and it was only when theviolence of disease had subsided, and another officer was added to themedical staff, that our weary son of Galen found a degree of respite. 

We were in the command of General Silas Casey, a noble specimen of a manand a soldier. His manly dignity and kindly bearing impressed all withprofound respect for him, and although we were but a few weeks in hiscommand we never ceased to remember him with pleasure. The provisionalbrigade and division to which we were attached was frequently reviewedand drilled by the general, and made a fine appearance. 

Thus the time passed until the opening of the New Year. Our men, likemost fresh soldiers, were anxious for a fight, and were heartily tiredof what they considered inglorious inactivity. Many of them expressedgreat fears that they would be obliged to return home without everhearing the sound of battle. How greatly they were mistaken we shall seeas we trace the bloody campaigns of more than three years of hardfighting. 

Our friends at home were not unmindful of us. Boxes of clothing andother comforts for the sick were sent in goodly numbers; so our sickwere well supplied with bedding and changes of clothing, as well asjellies and other luxuries. Our friend, McMicheal, of Congress Hall, Saratoga, thinking we could better celebrate the New Year with a gooddinner, sent us one worthy of his fame as a landlord. Could Mack haveheard the cheers of the boys that made the ground tremble as the fourhundred pounds of cooked chickens and turkeys were distributed amongthem, his glory as a caterer would have been complete. With the New Yearcame stormy weather; rain was the rule, sunshine the exception. The mudbecame almost unfathomable and it was not uncommon to see the six mulesattached to an army wagon tugging and striving with all their power todrag the empty wagon out of a mud hole. Boys who had plied the trade ofbootblack gave up their profession and with pail and sponge in handcalled to the passer by, "Wash your boots, sir?" During the lovely monthof December we had been impatient for action; but now the oft repeatedquestion, "Why don't the Army of the Potomac move?" became ludicrous toour ears. 

Thus passed another month in drills and camp duties. Some recruits cameto us, while many of the men who came out at first were found unfit forfield duty and were discharged. 

Distrust arose among officers and enlisted men of our army about thecapital, in regard to the manner in which the army was managed. Awilderness of men surrounded Washington, and yet we were blockaded bythe rebels on all sides except one. 

Government was paying enormous prices for fuel consumed by the army, because the Potomac was closed, and all wood had to be brought by railfrom the sparsely wooded districts of Maryland. Provisions sold atfabulous prices, and Washington was in fact a beleaguered city. Somerays of light from the west penetrated the thick darkness; but it cannotbe concealed that while the Grand Army stationed about the capitalpanted for action and longed for the glory of the battle-field, a gloompossessed the spirits of the men, and a feeling, that all this splendidmaterial was destined to a "masterly inactivity, " prevailed. Our hopeswere newly kindled when the affairs of the War Department passed intothe hands of a live man, and when Mr. Stanton's practical energy beganto be manifested both in the department and in the field. We heard fromBurnside; first sad news, and then of success; and our hearts burned tobe with him. Fort Donelson followed Roanoke; and Price's army was routedin Missouri. We envied the men who had been our nearest neighbors, butwho had followed Burnside to the South. Glorious fellows! What caredthey now for the fury of the waves or the hardships of short rations? Wewere afraid of being left as idle spectators of great things in which weshould not be allowed to participate. 

On the 15th of February came an order for us to move in a few days, andjoin Smith's division. This division lay upon the other side of theriver, and although we had been anxious to move we did not wish to getpermanently fixed in the mud by moving there. We knew little of GeneralSmith or his division, only that the general had been trying very hardfor some time past to get the regiment, and we had little hopes of goodfrom the new arrangement. How little did we then suppose that the crossof that old division would be one of the proudest badges of honor thatmen could wear!

Sunday night came, and the order to move at once, came also. What ascene of confusion! We had never broken up camp before, and theexcitement ran high. The pounding and tearing of boards, the shouting ofmen and braying of mules, combined in a grand uproar. Bonfires blazedfrom every part of the camp, and the whole night was spent in tearingdown quarters and loading the stuff into army wagons as they presentedthemselves in great numbers. It was a rare sight. The camp glowing witha hundred fires, and the men and teams moving about among them likespectres. Morning came, and the teams were loaded, and the men ready tomarch. The teams drove out and formed a line reaching down 14th streetfrom our camp nearly to the White House! One hundred and five six-muleteams constituted the train for our regimental baggage; and so muchdissatisfaction prevailed among certain company officers that we wereallowed twenty-five more teams next day! Rain had fallen nearly allnight, and the prospect looked dreary. As the day advanced the rain camefaster and faster, until it fairly poured. The men waded through mortarnearly to their knees. 

It was three o'clock in the afternoon when we reached Smith's divisionand the ground on which we were to make our camp. The prospect was notcheering, and as two or three of our staff officers rode upon theground, the place seemed forbidding enough. It had been recently thelocation of a thicket of scrub pines, but the trees had been cut downfor fuel, and the stumps and brush remained, so that the mountedofficers found much difficulty in reining their horses into the midst. Snow covered the ground to the depth of several inches. Here our men, tired and wet, cold and hungry, were to pitch their tents, cook theirsuppers, and make their beds. 

The men fell to work heartily, and by dark they had cleared off the snowand brush enough to make room for their tents, and many cook firesblazed over the camp. 

The regiments of the division showed us much hospitality, and a verypleasant acquaintance commenced on that day, which was destined tobecome earnest friendship. The next day was spent in putting the camp inorder. As rain continued to fall, the mud in the company streets becameknee-deep. Our sick, those unable to walk, had been left in our oldhospital with a sufficient number of faithful nurses, under charge ofthe surgeon of one of the regiments that remained. 

Let us for a moment glance at the composition of the division of whichwe now formed a part. We were assigned to the Third brigade. Itcomprised, beside our own, the Thirty-third New York, Colonel Taylor, aregiment whose gallantry at Yorktown, Williamsburgh and Fredericksburghfully established its reputation as one of the best fighting regimentsin the army. The Forty-ninth New York, Colonel Bidwell, a noble regimentwith a noble commander, a regiment which could always be counted on todo all that men could do; the Seventh Maine, Colonel Mason, whose menwere patterned after the pines of their own forests, tall, straight andpowerful fellows, who never forgot their proclivities for hunting, andwho were never so happy as when they could pick off a few rebel picketswith their rifles. The brigade was commanded by General Davidson, whoafterwards made himself exceedingly disagreeable to the rebels, andfamous at the north by his daring cavalry raids in the west. The firstbrigade included the Forty-third New York, Colonel Vinton; theForty-ninth Pennsylvania, Colonel Irwin; the Sixth Maine, ColonelKnowles; and the Fifth Wisconsin, Colonel Cobb; all of them excellentregiments, under command of General Hancock, who has since placed hisname high on the roll of fame as the commander of the old Second corps. 

The Second brigade was composed entirely of Vermont troops, includingthe Second, Third, Fourth, Fifth and Sixth Vermont regiments, commandedrespectively by Colonels Henry Whiting, B. N. Hyde, E. H. Stoughton, L. A. Grant and N. M. Lord, and known as the "Vermont Brigade, " and noblydid they sustain the traditional reputation of the Green Mountain Boys, as stern patriots and hard fighters. They were commanded by GeneralBrooks, who afterward commanded the Tenth corps. 

General William F. Smith, or, as he was familiarly known, "Baldy Smith, "commanded the division. He is too well known to all who admire a truesoldier to require more than a mention here, and his great fame has beenwell and faithfully earned. 

No more splendid material, either for officers or men, ever entered intothe composition of a division, and how nobly it played its part in thegreat drama of the war, it shall be part of our duty to record. Drills, regimental, brigade and division, were again in order, and picket dutynow became a part of our routine. 

This would not be a faithful chronicle of the doings of the newregiment, were we to forget to relate the history of our firstexpedition into the enemy's country. 

An order came one evening in February for Colonel McKean to take hisregiment and make a reconnoissance towards Vienna. His instructions wereto pass the picket line, advance towards Vienna, make a thoroughreconnoissance and return. 

The news spread through the camp, and the regiment was ablaze withexcitement. Some who had been on the sick list, and were excused fromcamp duty, sought from the surgeon permission to accompany theexpedition, while a few who had been, up to this time, well, wereearnest in their applications to be excused from the march. 

The regiment was formed at ten o'clock at night; thick darkness, darkness of the blackest and most intense degree, prevailed. One couldscarcely see his neighbor whose shoulder touched his own. We were milesaway from the enemy, but the men were to be instructed in performingtheir movements in secrecy; so the commands were passed along the line, as the companies were forming, in whisper. No lights were allowed, andwe left our camp a column of blackness. We were presently joined by aguide who carried a lantern. We passed a great many regiments, all thewhile observing strict silence. 

The mud was deep, very deep; some of the men lost their shoes in thedepths of the mire, and some even lost themselves, and were onlydiscovered when they arrived in camp some hours earlier than theregiment. Through the darkness we plodded until we reached ourdestination, at daylight on the following morning. Here we found boughhouses which had been used by rebel cavalry; and the tracks of manyhorses imprinted only a little while before, whether by the horses ofour own cavalry, or by those of the enemy, we never knew. The battalionwas halted and scouts were sent to the front and on the flanks. Some ofthe boys who had lost their shoes in the mud before we had advanced thefirst mile, had made the whole march in their stockings; while others, who had been sick, looked as though they could never get back to camp. The companies deployed and marched through the woods, but as the enemywas on the other side of Vienna we saw no rebels. It was noon when wereached our camp, tired and covered with mud. Those who went laughed atthose who remained behind, and called them "dead beats!" The "beats"tauntingly demanded of the others what all their demonstration hadamounted to. 

The New York papers heralded the exploit as a grand advance on theenemy, and we said little about it. 

CHAPTER III. 

THE MANASSAS CAMPAIGN. 

 Orders to march--A grand spectacle--Bivouac near Fairfax Court House--The camps at night--Visits to Manassas and Centreville--Dissatisfaction in the army--A deserted country--Lawless soldiers--Fairfax Court House--A representative Southerner--Review by Gen. McClellan--March to Alexandria--"Camp Misery. "

The first week in March brought lovely weather: birds sang more sweetly, the sun shone more brightly, and bands played more merrily than usual, and friends passed from regiment to regiment seeking social pastime withfriends. 

We had known no such pleasant times in camp; still we were waiting fororders to advance. During the night of Sunday, the 8th of March, theorder came: "This division will move at four o'clock in the morning withtwo days' rations in haversacks. " Little rest we got that night; thehammer and the axe were plied vigorously in tearing down quarters andpacking stores, and as the sun rose in the morning the whole army was inmotion. It was a sublime spectacle: that immense line of troops pouringalong hour after hour, stretching over the hills as far as the eye couldreach; a hundred and twenty thousand troops on the move! Just beyond andabove them, in the gray sky of the morning, hung a beautiful rainbow. Atsix our division commenced to march. Rain soon began to fall, andcontinued all day. We passed through Vienna and Lewinsville, each ahamlet of a dozen houses, and reached our camping ground at five o'clockin the afternoon, tired, and drenched, and hungry. 

Great numbers of troops had already occupied the fields, and the wholecountry seemed alive with men and horses, artillery and wagons. We werein the vicinity of Fairfax Court House, about a mile to the northward, on what was called Flint Hill. 

The army, for the first time, was under "_tentes d'abri_, " or, as theyare now called, shelter tents. Until now the enlisted men had occupiedthe spacious Sibley, or the comfortable wedge tents, and all officerswere quartered in wall tents; now, line officers and enlisted men wereto occupy shelter tents, which they were to carry on their shoulders;and although a small number of wall tents could be carried in the wagonsfor field and staff officers, yet so imperfect was the understanding, inor out of the quartermaster's department, of what could or ought to bedone, that most regimental field and staff officers were left withoutany shelter at all. 

The men proceeded to make themselves as comfortable as possible undertheir novel coverings, and as evening approached, the hills weremagnificently illuminated with thousands of camp fires. Very few menoccupied their new tents that night. They had not been accustomed to lieupon wet ground, with only a single blanket wrapped about them, soduring all the night groups of soldiers stood about the camp fires, talking in low tones and wondering what was to happen in the morning. The sky was clear and bright when the sun rose, and as we looked outupon the hill tops, dotted with clean white tents, and bristling withstacks of shining muskets, we exulted in the thought that we were partof the Grand Army that was now at work. Soon we knew that we were not tofight here. The cavalry, and some of Porter's division, were returningfrom Manassas and Centreville, both places burned and deserted. Were weto pursue the retreating army, or were we to return to Washington totake a new start? Parties from the division rode to Centreville andManassas. The works were indeed formidable and the barracks extensive;and the old chestnut logs with blackened ends, that were mounted in someof the embrasures, had, at a distance, grim visages. The smoking ruinsbetokened the destructiveness of war. On the old battle-field laybleaching the bones of horses and men, and here and there might be seenportions of human skeletons protruding from the shallow graves wheresome pretense had been made at burial. Fragments of shells, brokenmuskets and solid shot strewed the ground. 

Head-quarters of the army were established at Fairfax Court House, andthither repaired the corps commanders to hold a council in regard to ourfuture movements. The country about our camp was rolling and sparselysettled. Nearly all the houses were deserted, and most of them destroyedso far as any future usefulness was concerned. One house, the ruins ofwhich stood not far from our camp, and which had been the mostcomfortable place in the whole section of country, had been theresidence of a northern farmer. Although the house was completelystripped, and nothing of the barns and outhouses remained but theframes, yet there were many evidences of the thrift and comfort of theformer occupant. A northern reaper, several horse rakes, ploughs ofimproved patterns, and other modern implements of agriculture, betokeneda genuine farmer. We were told that he was driven from his home early inthe war, and had now found refuge among his friends in New Hampshire. But the houses of the southerners had not been exempt from the generaldevastation, and some who had sought refuge in Richmond had left theirhomes to ruin. The people were evidently strongly "secesh, " althoughsome of them professed to be glad to see us. 

It cannot be said that the presence of our army afforded them greatprotection, for the men, unused to the strict discipline which afterwardprevailed, coolly appropriated whatever articles seemed to them to be ofuse either for the present or the future. It was amusing to see thesoldiers of some of the divisions in which less than the usualdiscipline prevailed, peering and creeping about wherever there seemed aprospect of plunder. Now one would pass with a pair of chickens; next, one bringing a clothes line; then one with part of an old table, andstill another with half a dozen eggs. This system of plunder was atlength checked, in a measure at least. Fowls, eggs and potatoes could bepurchased of the people at fair rates, while rebel currency could bebought for silver at a very considerable discount. Twenty-five cent andone cent shinplasters were brought into camp and laughed at by men whowere afterward glad to get shinplasters from another manufactory. 

To Fairfax Court House was but a short distance; and a ride to thevillage afforded a pleasant gallop of a morning. The place, and thecountry half a mile on each side, was occupied by McCall's division. Thevillage was pleasantly located on high ground, surrounded by finegroves. It contained some pretty residences, which were occupied byofficers as head-quarters: their horses, in some instances, beingpicketed on the porticos, and in others in the kitchens. The village wasnearly deserted by its own people, not more than fifty of the originalinhabitants being left, though the population of the town before the warwas nearly six hundred. Houses which were deserted were generallystripped of everything. The court house was a solid old brick buildingof very limited dimensions, with a little bell swinging in a comicallooking steeple. The court house was by no means an exception to thegeneral rule of destruction; the seats were torn out, and the judge'sbench had been split in pieces, and nearly all carried away by pocketsfull, as relics. At one of the houses where the family still remained, aparty reined up and made some inquiries of the _pater familias_, ahangdog looking specimen, with an old slouched hat covered to the crownwith rusty crape, a mark of second-hand gentility in these parts. Hesaid that "this yer war" had caused such a famine among the people, thatnearly all of them had been obliged to leave; some had gone toWashington and some to Richmond, "a right smart lot of them had gone toRichmond. " He had "reckoned onct or twict" that he would have to go too, but he "had succeeded in hanging on so long. "

Our division was reviewed by General McClellan, who was received withenthusiasm. Although many of us were familiar with the appearance of theCommander-in-Chief, this was his first appearance to us as a division. The General appeared a man below the medium height, with broadshoulders, full chest and a round pleasing face relieved by a heavymoustache. He sat his horse well and rode with great speed. While hisappearance and address were pleasing, there seemed in his smooth faceand mild eye nothing to indicate a man of brilliant genius or greatpurpose. 

At length the council of corps commanders had rendered its decision, andthe grand campaign of the Virginian Peninsula was planned. On themorning of the fourteenth of March, with buoyant hopes and exultinganticipations of a "quick, sharp and decisive, " and as we devoutlybelieved, a successful campaign, we left our camp at Flint Hill. It hadfew charms for us, and we were glad to leave it. How little we yet knewof real campaigning. Although we had notice several hours beforehandthat we were to move by daylight, yet many, indeed, the majority of us, marched that morning without breakfast. 

No morning sun cheered us as the day began, but the sky was hung withheavy clouds. A drizzling rain, now diminishing almost to a heavy mist, and now coming in fresh showers, made the marching heavy and unpleasant. Grandly appeared that majestic army as it filed down the turnpike toAlexandria. At times the elevation of the road afforded a view of themighty column for miles to the front, and at other times we could see itpouring onward an endless stream of cavalry, infantry, artillery andwagons, far from the rear. 

So grand a spectacle had never been witnessed on this continent before. Our march was rapid and we made no halt for dinner: those who wentwithout breakfast had poor chance for coffee that day. 

Towards evening the rain increased, and as we drew off into a piece ofwoods five miles out from Alexandria, the rain came down in sheets. Nearour halting place were some deserted houses. No sooner had we stoppedthan began the work of destruction, afterward so familiar to us, and inless than an hour there was not a board or timber left of eitherbuilding. The ground, although quite uneven and sloping, soon became soflooded that tents, even when they could be pitched, were untenable. Themen attempted to build fires, but in most instances the floods of waterquenched the flames. Some, however, succeeded in starting huge fires, and around these stood the men during the whole night, while the tempestpoured in torrents upon them. A few of the officers of the division, among whom was one who afterward became noted for looking out for andproviding good things for his regiment as quartermaster, sought refugein a house not far off, where, for the moderate sum of twenty-five centseach, they were allowed by the people sleeping room upon the floor. Never since the times of Pharaoh was an army so thoroughly drenched. During more than three years campaigning in the field our boys neverforgot that night; and to this day they frequently refer to thedisagreeable experience in what they not inappropriately term "CampMisery. " Here, in "Camp Misery, " we remained several days, waiting toembark for Fortress Monroe. 

Without doubt, the rebels all this time knew of our destination; for thepeople among whom we were encamped were by no means our friends orindifferent to the success of the rebels, and the point of ourdestination was well known and freely spoken of among them. 

CHAPTER IV. 

THE ARMY TRANSFERRED TO THE PENINSULA. 

 Embarking for the Peninsula--Mount Vernon--On the Potomac--Hampton--In camp--Orders to march--A night visit to Fortress Monroe--The advance--A sifting--A Quaker battery--At Newport News--Compliments of the Teaser. 

On Sunday morning, March 23d, we marched to Alexandria. The whole of ourdivision, and of the other divisions of Keyes' corps, were there, besides part of Heintzelman's corps and other troops. In the course ofthe afternoon, this great body of men was embarked upon the transports. The vessels having received their lading, swung out upon the river andlaid at anchor during the night. Early in the morning the whole fleetwas under way, steaming down the river. We passed Mount Vernon--thebells of the fleet tolling. The tomb lies in the midst of a clump offirs just south and a little below the house; the mansion and thegrounds are nearly as they were left by Washington, and the whole looksdown upon the river, calling upon the passer-by for a thought upon thegreat man whose dust lies beneath the fir trees. After passing MountVernon, nothing of special interest was seen except the broad expanse ofwaters of this magnificent stream. A few large mansions, a few inferiorhouses, and now and then a little hamlet, appeared on the banks; and atAquia creek could be seen the insignificant earthworks that had coveredthe few field pieces which for so many months had kept up an efficientblockade of the Potomac. 

How different was all this from our Hudson! The country bordering on theriver is beautiful; nature has done everything for it, but a cursedinstitution has blighted it. There is not a country in the world wherenature has been more lavish with its blessings, and yet it is forsaken, worn out, almost a wilderness. The magnificent rivers and unsurpassedharbors of Virginia, its natural fertility and the mildness of itsclimate, present natural advantages scarcely equaled by any country. Aswe stood upon the deck of the steamer, watching and admiring theever-varying beauties of the noble stream, some one repeated these linesfrom Barlow's _Columbiad_:

 "Thy capes, Virginia, towering from the tide, Raise their blue banks, and slope thy barriers wide, To future sails unfold a fluvian way, And guard secure thy multifluvian bay, That drains uncounted realms and here unites The liquid mass from Alleganian hights. York leads his way embanked in flowery pride, And noble James falls winding by his side; Back to the hills, through many a silent vale, Wild Rappahannock seems to lure the sail; Patapsco's bosom courts the hand of toil; Dull Susquehanna laves a length of soil; But mightier far, in sea-like azure spread, Potowmac sweeps his earth disparting bed. "

At night we were on the broad Chesapeake. A stiff breeze set our fleetrocking, but we slept quietly, leaving the waves to take care ofthemselves and the pilots to take care of the boats. Reveille awoke usin the morning to discover on the one side of us the world-renownedFortress Monroe and on the other the equally famous Monitor. At our bowlay the village of Hampton--or rather the chimneys and trees of what hadbeen Hampton. Orders came for us to disembark here, and we were soonamong the debris of the town. A sadder commentary on war could hardly befound than the ruins of this beautiful village. A forest of shade treesand chimneys marked the place where a few months before had stood one ofthe most ancient villages in America. Hyacinths and daffodils, peachtrees and roses, were in bloom in the deserted and fenceless gardens;and the dark green leaves of the japonica and laurel covered many a heapof unsightly rubbish. 

The walls of the old church, the most ancient in the State, stood likesilent witnesses against the reckless spirit of destruction of therebels. Although not large, the church had evidently been a fine oldstructure, having the form of a Greek cross. About it were the graves ofthe forefathers of the village, reposing under the shadow of those oldtrees. Many of the tablets were ancient, dating back as far as 1706. 

[Illustration: THE OLD CHURCH AT HAMPTON. ]

The whole army was pouring out upon this shore, and at Fortress Monroe. Dense masses of infantry, long trains of artillery and thousands ofcavalry, with unnumbered army wagons and mules, were mingled in grandconfusion along the shore; the neighing of horses, the braying of mules, the rattle of wagons and artillery, and the sound of many voices, mingled in one grand inharmonious concert. 

Our division marched along a pleasant route to a field about midwaybetween Fortress Monroe and Newport News. We rested until March 26th, when an order came at midnight for the army to march very early in themorning. We were short of some medical stores and quartermasters'supplies, and officers at once mounted their horses to ride through thethick darkness to Fortress Monroe, to procure the needed articles. Alongthe road men were already cooking their breakfasts, and artillery washurrying towards Newport News. At short intervals along the road, sentinels were posted; and as the sounds of the horses' hoofs wereheard, the sharp command rung out through the darkness, "Halt! who comesthere?" and the galloping horses would suddenly halt at long distancefrom the sentry. 

"Friends with the countersign. "

"Dismount and advance one; and give the countersign. "

One of the parties, leaving his horse with the other, would advance andgive the required word, and on we rode again until suddenly halted by asimilar warning. As we approached the fortress, the sentinels were morefrequent, until, as we came within half a mile of our destination, theguards were posted so frequently that we had hardly passed one, beforethe sharp command to "Halt!" was heard again. We crossed the drawbridge, and at length found ourselves in the little village in rear of the fort. Passing here many sentinels who examined us very carefully, we reachedthe door of the citadel. Here we were halted by a sentinel, and eachexamined for the countersign. The sentinel called the corporal of theguard; who after satisfying himself that we were Union officers shoutedto the sergeant. The great iron door ground upon its massive hinges asit swung open just far enough to permit the sergeant to squeeze through, and again it was closed, and the heavy bolts rung as they flew back totheir places. The sergeant, after asking a few questions, went back intothe fort, and soon returned with the officer of the guard, who, afterreceiving the countersign, questioned us closely as to our business, andwho we were. Satisfied, at length he ordered a soldier to take ourhorses, the heavy door slowly opened, and we were admitted within thewalls. Such were the precautions in admitting strangers to thestronghold. 

At six o'clock the division was in line and on the road. The morning wasindescribably beautiful. The vapors that rose from the broad expanse ofwaters were tinged with a thousand gorgeous hues as they rolled away, dispersed by the morning sun; and the tall yellow pines were crownedwith rich golden coronals of light. The road was perfectly level anddry, and the country delightful. Long rows of locusts and pines linedthe sides of the road, and the rich groves of oak just sending forththeir foliage, were beautifully interspersed with the holly, with itsbright red berries and rich evergreen leaves. Peach orchards in fullbloom added to the beauty of the scene, and when at times we could seethe lines of troops, two and three miles in extent, their musketsglittering in the bright sunlight, the enthusiasm of the men wasunbounded. 

All the bridges over the route had been destroyed by the enemy, butpioneers advanced at the head of the column, and as the bridges were allsmall they were quickly repaired. A march of a few miles brought us insight of the James river; a noble stream, at least five miles wide atthis point. Not far from the shore appeared the masts of the U. S. Frigate Cumberland, sunk in the memorable fight with the Merrimac. Asour march led us along the banks, the views were charming. On one handwas the noble river, and on the other the orchards and groves. Desertedhouses, and gardens blooming with hyacinths and other blossoms of earlyspring, were passed. On the opposite side of the river lay a rebelgunboat, watching our movements. 

Our division, Smith's, had taken the lead on the James river road, whilePorter's division had marched upon Great Bethel. After a march offifteen miles, our division was drawn up in line of battle near Warwick. Porter's division had already reached Great Bethel, on our right, and wecould see huge columns of smoke rising in that direction, and hear theroar of artillery. An aide dashed up and informed General Davidson thatthe enemy were in line of battle ready to receive us. Soon the ordercame to advance; the line swept onward through the woods and over acleared field, but found no foe. A few cavalry pickets only were seen, and a shell from one of our Parrott guns set them flying towardsYorktown. We passed through the confederate encampments where theirfires were still blazing, but soon turned round and bivouacked on groundlast night occupied by rebels. 

In this advance or reconnoissance of the whole army, the qualities ofthe individual soldiers composing it were brought out in bold relief. The effect on our own division was marked. During the months we had beenin winter quarters, many officers and men had established marvelousreputations for bravery and hardihood, merely by constantly heraldingtheir own heroism. But from this time these doughty heroes went back. Officers suddenly found cause for resigning; and enlisted men managed toget sent to the rear, and never showed their faces at the front again. On the contrary, some who were really invalids insisted on draggingthemselves along with the column, fearful that an engagement might takeplace in which they would not participate. A sifting process was thuscommenced throughout the whole division, and to its honor the poltroonswere very soon sifted out, and from that time forth, Smith's divisionnever afforded a comfortable resting place for men of doubtful courage. "They went out from us, because they were not of us. "

Next morning we retired over the road upon which we had advanced, andencamped near Newport News. As we passed this place on our outwardmarch, we saw at a distance what appeared to be a heavy gun, but as weapproached it proved to be a large cart, on which was mounted a greatwooden mortar, which had, perhaps, been used by negroes for crackingcorn. When we returned a hog's head was fixed in the mouth of themortar. "There, " remarked an officer, "is the first Quaker we have seenon the Peninsula. " "You must sketch it, " said the colonel of theSeventy-seventh, and the officer obeyed. 

[Illustration: THE QUAKER AT NEWPORT NEWS. ]

The division encamped upon a low plain covered with sedges and reeds, agood enough encampment while the dry weather lasted, but when the raincame in floods two nights after we pitched our tents here, the wholedivision was inundated, and we moved to higher and better ground. 

The masts of the Cumberland greeted our eyes whenever we turned towardthe river, and the rebel gunboats made short excursions toward our sideof the stream. One day large numbers of men, mostly from the Vermontbrigade, were on the shoals of the river bathing and gathering oysters. The gunboat Teazer discovering them, steamed down toward them, and threwsome heavy shells, shrieking and cracking among them, causing greatconsternation among the bathers, and some confusion and much amusementon shore. 

CHAPTER V. 

YORKTOWN. 

 The advance to Yorktown--A thunder storm--"Reliable contrabands"--Facing the enemy--A strong position--The Union line--A rebel welcome--Digging--On picket--A dreary country--An enterprising planter--Active work--Battle of Lee's Mills--Charge of the Vermont brigade--Progress of the siege--Ravages of disease--A front seat--Short supplies--The rebels withdraw--Entering the strongholds--Infernal machines--March to Williamsburgh--Victims of disease. 

At length, on the 4th of April, the army was put in motion for Yorktown. The General-in-Chief had arrived at Fortress Monroe the evening before, and at once the army became the scene of prodigious activity. Keyes'corps, our own division in advance, took the road along the banks of theJames river. The rest of the army, headed by Porter's division, advancedon the more direct road to Yorktown, through Great Bethel, accompaniedby General McClellan. 

The day being clear and warm, the men soon began to realize thedifficulty of transporting large amounts of clothing and camp equipageon their shoulders, and the roadsides were strewn with blankets andovercoats, dress coats and pants. The bushes and trees for miles alongthe route were thickly hung with articles of clothing, mostly new, andall good. Soldiers who had put on their marching suit would fall out ofthe ranks, the knapsack would quickly disgorge a new coat and pants, thewearers would as quickly divest themselves of the soiled garments andreplace them with the new ones, the others being left on the ground. Whenever a halt was ordered this shifting process became general. 

The roads, which at first were dry and firm, were as we advanced badlycut up, and great difficulty was experienced in getting the trainsalong. 

An advance of ten miles brought us in front of Young's Mills, a stronglyfortified position five or six miles from Yorktown. The corps was drawnup in line of battle and cavalry sent to reconnoiter the position. Theworks were deserted, but camp fires still blazed in them. Here we restedfor the night. At daylight next morning the advance was renewed. Theroads were even worse than the day before. Infantry could get along wellenough, but artillery and army wagons had a hard time of it. Each pieceof artillery made the road worse, until the axles dragged in a river ofmud. We passed the little village of Warwick Court House. There werehere a little brick court house, a jail and a clerk's office seven feetby ten, a store and a tavern. There were also two small dwelling houses. 

After a march of three miles the division was drawn up in line ofbattle. We had reached the hostile works before the rest of the army. Skirmishers were sent to the front and we advanced slowly and cautiouslythrough the woods. A terrific thunder storm burst upon us and the roarof the heavenly artillery seemed to mock any efforts at martialgrandeur. Seldom, if ever, had we of the northern states witnessed suchan exhibition of sublimity and terrible magnificence of the workings ofthe elements. The vivid lightning and terrific peals of thunder seemedto the men the presage of deadly work to come. The advance was verydifficult, the woods being marshy and filled with tangles and briars. The men were scratched and bleeding. The long line of battle presentlyemerged from the woods and occupied a clearing, in the center of whichwas a mansion, the late residence of a rebel officer. Some scoutsbrought from the house a couple of negresses whom they led to GeneralKeyes. They communicated their information with an earnestness thatproved their sympathies were not with their late master. It was apicturesque scene; those tall negresses with their bright red turbansand long white woolen gowns, telling with earnest gestures what theyknew of the position of the enemy, while the generals and their staffslistened eagerly to their words. They said that when we passed over thelittle hill just in front, we should be under fire from the batteries ofthe rebels, who were in large force; "but laws a massa, noting like alldese yer, " said they, pointing to the troops of our division. 

Cautiously the clearing was crossed, the long line of battle moving inbeautiful order--Kennedy's, Ayres' and Wheeler's batteries eachaccompanying a brigade. 

Again we entered a heavy pine wood in which the swamp was deeper thanever, and advancing through it we came face to face with the enemy. Warwick creek, a marshy stream which had been dammed by the rebels, raising its waters into ponds and deep morasses, was between us andtheir works, and the accessible points were guarded by artillery. Tworegiments were at once deployed as skirmishers and sent in advance, andour batteries were planted along the edge of the wood with the line ofthe infantry. Only Smith's division was in line, the others were waitingon the road for orders to come up. 

Along the road, for more than half the distance back to Young's Mills, the brigades of Couch's and Kearney's divisions were resting on theirarms, while cannon by scores waited to be called into action. 

The enemy was not slow to acknowledge our presence, and as a token ofgreeting sent some twelve-pound shells crashing among the trees aboutus. The firing now became brisk on our side, and the rebels repliedspiritedly with their twelve-pounders. Hundreds of men were now calledup from the rear brigades and detailed to build corduroy roads. Treeswere cut down and trimmed of their branches, and laid side by side so asto form a kind of bridge over the swamp to enable more artillery to comeup. The rapidity with which such roads were built was marvelous. 

By this time the column on the right had reached the works in front ofthe town. The position here was also strong. Although the Warwick didnot interpose, yet high bluffs, crowned with redoubts in which weremounted heavy guns, frowned upon the assailants. Thus far it appearsthat the leaders of our army had been totally ignorant of the positionand strength of the enemy, and had led it up to the works, blindlyfeeling the way without maps or guides. (McClellan's Report. ) Thedefensive works were now found to consist of a series of redoubts andrifle pits stretching across the Peninsula, seven miles in extent, withhigh bluffs on the right and Warwick creek in their front on the left. 

The position occupied by our division was known as Lee's Mills, and toour right, nearly three miles, was the village of Yorktown. The line ofbattle was now arranged in the following order from right to left:Heintzelman's corps, consisting of Porter's, Hooker's and Hamilton'sdivisions, were in front of the town; Sedgwick's division of Sumner'scorps on the left of them, and Keyes' corps, comprising Smith's andCouch's division (Casey's division arrived in a few days), held theposition on the Warwick at Lee's Mills. 

The position of the enemy was, without doubt, one of great strength, andeverything had been done to render it more formidable. Yet they were byno means too strong or sufficiently well garrisoned to resist an assaultfrom such a body of men as now appeared in their front. That there wereweak points in this line of defenses, stretching seven miles, wasafterwards demonstrated; and that the forces behind the works were by nomeans sufficiently numerous, at the time of our approach, to affordformidable resistance at all points in their extensive line, is now wellknown. 

It appears from the official report of the rebel General Johnston, whothen commanded all the rebel forces in Virginia, that at the time of theappearance of our army before Yorktown the works were defended by onlyabout eleven thousand men, and that even after he had reinforced thegarrisons by the troops which he was hurrying from Manassas, his armyamounted to only fifty thousand men. 

The artillery duel was kept up until night. We had lost some men duringthe day, but not so many as we had feared. First a poor fellow from theSeventh Maine, his heart and left lung torn out by a shell; then onefrom the Forty-ninth New York, shot in the head; the next was from ourown regiment, Frank Jeffords, who had to suffer amputation of a leg;then a man from the Forty-ninth was sent to the rear with his heelcrushed. In all, our loss did not exceed twenty men. The casualties inthe other brigades were less than in our own. 

As night approached, the firing gradually ceased, and nothing but thescattering shots of the skirmishers was heard. We lay down in the swampwith no tents, and many of us without food. Officers and men builtplatforms of logs and bark to keep out of the water where they were notfortunate enough to find a dry place. General Smith bivouacked near theline of battle, making his bed at the foot of a pine tree, with nothingbut his overcoat for shelter. It may not be amiss to say here thatGeneral Smith, unlike most gentlemen with stars on their shoulders, wasalways in the habit of sleeping at the very front. 

All the following day, and the next, the firing was kept up steadily onboth sides. At night showers of cannister and grape would fall in ourcamp, and fortunate was he who had a good tree or stump between him andthe rebel works against which to lay his head while he slept. 

We at length became so accustomed to the continual skirmishing, thatunless the firing was in fierce volleys we took no notice of it. Theboys of the Thirty-third New York being on the skirmish line on the 8th, charged a rifle pit with shouts and hurrahs, and drove the rebels fromit. An attempt was made to retake it, but the boys held their ground. 

The men performed herculean labors on the roads, and in throwing upearthworks. No rest was allowed. When not on picket they were cuttingdown trees or throwing up earthworks or building bridges. Such constantlabor soon began to exhaust the strength of the stoutest, and hundredsof them yielded to disease who supposed themselves capable of enduringany amount of hardships. Yet there was now and then a grimly gay episodein this hard routine. Here is an incident that occurred two or threedays after we approached the works, and affords a good sample ofpicketing between us and the forts. Our pickets were within speakingdistance of those of the enemy; each party kept, if possible, snuglybehind some big stump or tree, out of the reach of his disagreeableneighbors. A good deal of hard talk had passed between one of ourpickets and one of the "Johnnies. " Finally the rebel thrust his handbeyond his tree holding in it a bottle, and shaking it, challenged theYankee to come and take it--"_crack_" went the Yankee's rifle at thehand. "Ha, ha! why don't you hit it? What do you think of Bull Run?""How do you like Fort Donelson?" responded the Yankee. 

While this colloquy was going on, Yankee number two crept round behind alog, and drawing on the southerner, blazed away at him. The son ofchivalry clapped his hand to his shoulder and ran off howling. "There, you fool, " shouted Yankee number one, "I told you that blind man wouldbe shooting you pretty soon. "

The country about us was uncultivated and unhealthy. The lands were lowand swampy, and mostly covered with a heavy growth of yellow pines. Thefew remaining inhabitants were mostly women, negresses and children; nowand then a disabled specimen of poor white trash, or a farmer too infirmto be of service in the rebel army, was to be met with. All were alikedestitute of enterprise, and the houses upon the "plantations" were ofthe meanest order, raised three or four feet above the ground upon postswithout the usual foundation of stone. The "plantations" consistedusually of about ten or twenty acres of cleared land in the midst of theforest, with narrow roads among the pines leading to neighboringplantations. 

The writer inquired of the proprietor of one of these isolated spots, who also had some forty negro women and children, how he managed tosupport so large a family from the proceeds of so little land. "Well, "said he, "I could not support them from the proceeds of the land alone, but you see I sell a few negroes every year and buy corn with the money;so with what we raise and what we get for the sale of the negroes, weget along very well. "

"But why do you not cut down some of this forest and till more land? Youown a large tract of land which is entirely worthless as it now is. "

"There is where you are greatly mistaken, said the enterprisingsoutherner, my timber land is my best property. " But of what use do youmake it? "Oh, I sell a great deal of wood. I take it to Fortress Monroeand Hampton and get two dollars and a half a cord for it!"

The reader will perhaps understand the profits drawn from the woodlands, when it is remembered that Fortress Monroe was twenty milesdistant. 

Night attacks by the enemy became common; and it was not an unfrequentoccurrence for the whole division to be called suddenly to arms atmidnight and stand in line until morning. Skirmishes and sharpshootingcontinued with little intermission; bullets of rebel riflemen whizzingthrough our camps or unceremoniously entering our tents at all times. Rebel gunboats approached the mouth of the Warwick and by theirassistance the rebel infantry attempted to turn our left flank, but thetroops of our division gallantly met their attack and drove them back. 

This state of affairs continued until the 16th of April. That morning, word passed through the division that we were to make an assault. Orderscame to move, and the division was massed near some ruins, known as "TheChimneys, " in front of one of the rebel forts; the Second brigadeholding the front line, supported by the First and Third brigades. As wemoved round to take our positions, an American eagle whirled above ourheads in elegant circles and at length floated away toward the south, the boys swinging their hats and cheering the bird with loud huzzahs. 

[Illustration: CHARGE OF THE VERMONTERS AT LEE'S MILLS. ]

The fort in our front covered the road from Newport News toWilliamsburgh, and could we get possession of it we could turn theflanks of the enemy, obliging him to abandon his position and enablingus either to prevent his escape or to harass him in his flight. In frontof the fort the creek had been dammed and a deep morass interposedbetween us and the works. General McClellan and his immense suite rodeto the point from which the attack was to be made, and communicating afew minutes with Generals Keyes and Smith, left the field. Mott'sbattery was now brought into position on the open plateau and opened afierce cannonade, to which the rebels replied with spirit, dismountingone of our guns and killing several of the gunners at the very start. Mott was reinforced by Kennedy's and Wheeler's batteries, and thehostile guns were soon silenced. Our batteries then advanced within fivehundred yards of the fort, and the gray-coated rebels who were seen tofill the woods, were soon dispersed. Two companies of troops, from theThird Vermont, were now ordered forward. Down from the woods they came, rushed into the water to their waists, and gallantly made for the rebelrifle pits. The first line of the works was gained and then the second. The fort was empty, but a ditch to their left was filled with men. Theypoured a volley among them and the gray coats fled. Thus the fort wasactually in their possession, and was held for some minutes by the noblefellows, but when they looked for support, none came. The three brigadesstood upon the opposite bank, ready to plunge through the stream, andwaiting with intense anxiety for the order, "forward;" but no ordercame, and the brave Green Mountain boys who had so nobly performed theirpart of the work, were forced to fall back under a galling fire from therebels, who rushed back to their pits as soon the Vermonters had leftthem, pouring volley after volley into the retreating forces, who, theirammunition spent, could not reply to the rebel fire. Before they wereable to reach the shelter of the woods, sad havoc was made in theirranks. Skirmishing was kept up for some hours, by other regiments, butwith no result except the loss of men. 

The following list of killed and wounded was obtained the next day afterthe battle:

2d Vermont--1 killed. 

3d Vermont--24 killed, 7 mortally wounded, 56 wounded, 1 missing. 4th Vermont--3 killed, 30 wounded. 5th Vermont--2 killed, 6 wounded. 6th Vermont--11 killed, 77 wounded. 

Total loss to the brigade, 218. 

Thus ended the fight known as the "Battle of Lee's Mills, " a battle inwhich two hundred men gallantly captured an important work of the enemy, and thousands of their companions burning with desire to share in theirglory stood by and saw them abandon it! Why the other brigades were notordered forward has never been explained satisfactorily. That GeneralSmith would gladly have sent them forward we earnestly believe; but wenow know that General McClellan desired that a general engagement shouldnot be brought on at that time. 

The wounded men exhibited the same bravery, while their wounds werebeing cared for, that characterized their brilliant charge. Men badlymutilated, with bullets in their heads, or breasts, or limbs, refused toreceive attention from the surgeon who dressed their wounds, until theirmore unfortunate companions were cared for. "Don't mind me, doctor, there are others hurt worse than I am, " said many a brave fellow, as helay upon the ground bleeding from his wounds. 

The following incident connected with this noble charge will beremembered by all who were at that time members of Smith's division, andby hundreds who saw accounts of it in the newspapers of the day:

Private William Scott, of Company K, Third Vermont, was, in the autumnof 1861, found asleep at his post on the picket line. It was a gravefault; but the weary soldier, inexperienced in the service, andunaccustomed to such night vigils, in an evil hour yielded to thedemands of tired nature, little thinking that the lives of hundreds ofhis comrades were periled by his unfaithfulness. He was tried by acourt-martial and sentenced to be shot. The sentence was approved, andat the appointed time he was brought forth to execution. General Smith, desiring to impress upon the minds of his men the terrible consequencesof such an offense, formed his troops in line. The culprit was broughtout before them, and led to the place of execution. The guard, withloaded muskets, stood ready to execute the dreadful sentence, which wasread before all the troops. All waited in breathless expectation for theorder to fire; but instead another paper was read. It was a pardon fromthe President! Then the wildest shouts of joy ran along the line. Shoutafter shout arose from the division, and hundreds blessed the name ofPresident Lincoln. 

There were many circumstances to render this a case of peculiarinterest. It was the first sentence of the kind; it was at the beginningof the war, when a soldier's life was regarded of value, and when alleyes were riveted upon the army, and every incident was of interest. Itwas also the first instance of the kind in which the executive clemencyhad been exercised. So near had the hour of execution arrived when thePresident signed the pardon, that, fearing it might not be received inseason, he took his carriage and drove to camp, to assure himself thatthe man's life should be spared. 

"I will show President Lincoln that I am not afraid to die for mycountry, " said the grateful soldier; and well did he fulfill hispromise. Among the bravest of those two hundred heroes who crossed theswamp at Lee's Mills, was William Scott, of Company K, Third Vermont. But he was brought back a corpse. He had shown the President that he wasnot afraid to die for his country. He was one of the foremost in thecharge, and one of the first to fall. His comrades made his grave underthe shadow of the tall pines, and as they folded his blanket around him, and lowered him to his resting place, tears stood upon those browncheeks; but the tears of sorrow were mingled with tears of joy, whenthey thought of his glorious death, and his narrow escape from anignominious fate, and again, in their hearts, they blessed the man whowas always the soldier's friend. 

We resumed our place the next day after the battle, on the front line, and commenced digging. 

Fierce night sorties were again made by the enemy and bravely resistedby our boys, who continued the work regardless of these annoyances. Onlyone fight occurred on our part of the line after the 16th, in which welost any number of men. On the 28th the First brigade had a skirmish inwhich we lost one killed and half a dozen wounded. Among the latter wasLieutenant, afterward Colonel Milliken, of the Forty-third New York. Areconnoissance on the left about the same time, resulted in finding therebels in considerable force, and a loss of two good soldiers to theSeventy-seventh New York. In the meantime earthworks of great strengthwere being thrown up on the right of the line before Yorktown, andeverything was being put in a complete state of preparation for thegrand bombardment. Enormous siege guns of one hundred and even twohundred pound calibre, and immense mortars were brought up and mountedin the earthworks, and it was thought that with the powerful means wewere using the fall of Yorktown was only a question of time. 

Our losses by the rebels before Yorktown were not great, but the ravagesby disease were fearful. Many thousands of noble fellows who wouldgladly have braved the dangers of the battle-field, were carried to therear with fevers engendered by the deadly malaria of the swamps, fromwhich few ever recovered sufficiently to rejoin the ranks; and thousandsof others were laid in humble graves along the marshy borders of theWarwick or about the hospitals at Young's Mills. For a month the menwere almost continually under arms; often called in the middle of thenight to resist the attempts of the enemy to force our line under coverof the thick darkness, standing in line of battle day after day anddigging at earthworks night after night. 

During the thirty days of the siege we had twenty days of rain. Thunderstorms followed each other in quick succession, with lightnings morevivid than we had ever seen at the north. Men lay down to rest at nightwith their equipments buckled about them and wet to their skins. Menunaccustomed to the hardships of campaigning could not endure suchexposure. 

A few divisions of the army performed by far the greater part of thelabor, either because they had at first reached positions which imposedgreater toil, or because greater confidence was reposed in them. Our owndivision was one of those upon which the duties imposed were too greatfor men to perform; yet the men would have resented being sent to therear, and it was said that General Smith remarked that "he had spokenfor a front seat for his boys and he intended to keep it. "

Added to all the exposures and hardships of the siege, there was adeplorable want of proper commissary and medical supplies. While the menwere supplied with fair rations of hard bread, vegetables were unknownamong us, and the supply of fresh meat wholly inadequate. In the MedicalDepartment the greatest difficulty was experienced in obtainingsupplies, and indeed it was impossible to get them. Not that regimentalsurgeons did not use their utmost endeavor to procure them, but asbrigade and regimental commissaries could not obtain supplies of foodwhich were not furnished to the army at all, so surgeons could notprocure medicines and other necessaries which were locked in thestorehouses in Washington. This subject will be more fully alluded to inanother place, and it is to be hoped that the responsibility of thiscriminal negligence to supply the army with medical and hospital storesmay fall where it belongs. 

Thus, with their minds wrought up to a continual state of excitement, with constant exposure to tempests and malaria, with excessive andexhausting labors, and with improper food and scarcity of medicine, sickness and death swept over us like a pestilence. 

At length, after a month of toil and exposure almost unprecedented, after losing nearly one-fifth of our magnificent army by disease anddeath, our batteries were finished, the enormous siege guns weremounted, and the thirteen inch mortars in position. The army lookedanxiously for the grand _finale_ of all these extensive preparations. Men had lost the enthusiasm which prevailed when we landed upon thePeninsula, and a smile was seldom seen; but a fixed and determinedpurpose to succeed still appeared in their faces. Now at length we wereready; and the countenances of the soldiers began to lighten up alittle. But as the sun rose on the morning of the 4th of May, behold, the rebels had vanished, and with them our hopes of a brilliant victory!Unfortunately for our hopes of a great success at Yorktown, the rebelgenerals had shown themselves unwilling to afford us such an opportunityby waiting for us longer; and during the night of the 3d and 4th theyhad evacuated the place. 

They had gained a month of time for strengthening the defenses aboutRichmond, and for concentrating their forces there. Now they were readyto fall back without testing our magnificent works and huge guns, andlead us into the swamps of Chickahominy; where they hoped that the feverwould complete the ghastly work already commenced at Yorktown. 

During the night of the evacuation, the roar of artillery exceededanything that had been heard before. From one end of the line to theother the shells and shot poured into our camps, and the arches of firethat marked the courses of the shells, with flame spouting from themouths of the guns, created a magnificent pyrotechnic display. But atdaylight, orderlies flew from regiment to regiment with the startlingintelligence that the beleaguered works were deserted, and with ordersto occupy them at once. Smith's division hastened to cross over the dam, and we found ourselves in the strongholds that we had so long invested. As the Seventy-seventh regiment passed along one of the roads leadingamong the intrenchments, a sharp report like that of a pistol was heardat the feet of those in the center of the column, and directly under thecolors. The men scattered, and a piece of old cloth was seen lying onthe ground at the point from which the report emanated. Colonel McKean, who was very near, lifted the cloth with the point of his sword, anddiscovered a torpedo carefully buried in the ground, except a nipplewhich had been filled with fulminating powder, which was covered by theold cloth. The fuse only had exploded. Had the machine itself exploded, it must have destroyed many of our men, our colonel among them. Otherregiments were not so fortunate as we were. Very many men were killed inthe streets and intrenchments by these torpedoes, which the enemy hadplanted in the street at either end of the bridges, about springs, andnear the deserted guns. They were concealed beneath the ground withgreat care, the capped nipple only rising above the surface, and this, covered by an old rag or piece of bark thrown over it, exploded at theslightest touch. These infernal machines were only one feature of thegeneral plan of our enemies to carry on a war by brutal, savage andcowardly means. The starving of prisoners at Andersonville andSalisbury, and the wholesale butchery at Fort Pillow, were other partsof the same savage plan which was crowned by the fearful tragedy atFord's Theatre. 

We made little delay among the rebel intrenchments; only long enough toglance over the formidable works, where the enemy had abandonedseventy-two pieces of artillery, mostly of heavy caliber, with immensenumbers of shovels, picks, wheelbarrows and other paraphernalia of anarmy. 

The division was at nine o'clock sent forward on the road towardWilliamsburgh; encountering, before it had proceeded far, a portion ofthe rear-guard of the confederate army, which hastily fell back beforeour advance. General Smith informed the Commander-in-Chief of theencounter, who ordered Stoneman, with a regiment of cavalry, to givechase to the retiring body, and, if possible, cut it off; but, unfortunately, either from want of proper information in regard to theroads, or from other hindrances, this was not effected. The divisionpushed on over the road lately traversed by the rebels, the menovercoming all obstacles that had been thrown in their way, in theiranxiety to overtake the foe. 

The scenery, as the troops passed, was indeed charming beyonddescription. Magnificent forests of oak and pine, interspersed withclearings, the residences of farmers, with fine fields, covered with thegreen blades of the newly springing wheat, met the view along the road;while the woods were adorned with innumerable flowers. The tall dogwood, with its clusters of large flowers like swarms of white butterflies, mingled with the Judas tree, whose leafless boughs were densely coveredwith racemes of purple blossoms. The azalia and the honeysuckle beneathformed a delightful contrast with the gorgeous floral display above. 

Thus the division was hurried on, until at evening it came upon therebel works at Williamsburgh. As our forces approached Williamsburgh, the cavalry came upon the enemy, and a sharp skirmish ensued, in whichwe lost about fifty in killed and wounded, and the rebels left as manyon the field. The charge was made by the Sixth cavalry and Gibbon'sbattery, driving the rebels back. They, in their turn, being reinforced, forced our troops back; one of our guns, from which all the horses wereshot, being abandoned. Each party strove hard for the possession of thegun, but night closed upon the contest, leaving it in possession ofneither. In the meantime, the men of our division too sick to march werebeing cared for by our medical officers. Hundreds of the men of ourdivision lay sick with typhoid fever and other equally dangerousmaladies. These were all taken to the hospital which had been commenceda day or two previous, about a mile and a half from our camp. The wholeday was occupied in removing these men. Of those sent to this hospital, as of the many previously sent to the hospital at Young's Mills andFortress Monroe, few ever returned. 

CHAPTER VI. 

WILLIAMSBURGH. 

 Battle of Williamsburgh--The army not organized--The medical department--Hooker's gallant fight--Hancock's charge--McClellan at Yorktown--Night on the battle-field. 

Early on the morning of the 5th skirmishing commenced. The division ofHooker was posted on the left of the road from Lee's Mills toWilliamsburgh, and our own division held the road, stretching mostly tothe right of it. Fort Magruder was directly in front of us, commandingthe road. All that part of the army which had advanced on the right, that is, on the road from Yorktown, were massed as fast as they arrived, awaiting orders. Great delay was experienced in getting the troops inposition, as there seemed to be no harmony of action. Every general of adivision seemed to do what pleased him, without orders from higherauthority. 

General Sumner was in command of the troops on the field, but from somecause seemed not to be able to combine his forces in such a manner as tobear effectually upon the lines of the enemy. One of the seriousdifficulties was getting artillery to the front. The roads had becomevery muddy from the rain during the night, and were blocked up with theimmense multitude of wagons, so that artillery could not pass. Here wassadly exemplified the grand defect of our army--the want oforganization. 

Our army was an enormous heterogeneous mass, without any pretense of asystem to centralize and harmonize its movements. An army is notorganized by throwing it into brigades and divisions; this is but thefirst and easiest step. The _departments_ must be so organized that eachperforms well its part, without interference with another. In this casethe quartermaster's department sadly interfered with the others. Everyregimental quartermaster was for himself, and, as a natural result, theimmense trains were thrown into great disorder, impeding the movementsof all the other branches of the service. No one seemed at liberty tobring order out of this confusion; and thus artillery and wagonsremained stuck in the mud. This same confusion prevailed in all thedepartments. We shall take the liberty here to quote at some length fromthe remarks of the Prince De Joinville, who was at that time a member ofGeneral McClellan's staff, an able soldier and an ardent friend of theCommander-in-Chief. Says the Prince:

 "The American system of 'every man for himself, ' individually applied by officers and soldiers of each corps to one another, is also applied by the corps themselves to their reciprocal relations. There is no special branch of the service whose duty it is to regulate, centralize and direct the movements of the army. In such a case as this of which we are speaking, we should have seen the general staff of a French army taking care that nothing should impede the advance of the troops; stopping a file of wagons here and ordering it out of the road to clear the way; sending on a detail of men there to repair the roadway, or draw a cannon out of the mud in order to communicate to every corps commander the orders of the general-in-chief. Here nothing of the sort is done. 

 "The want of a general staff was not less severely felt in obtaining and transmitting the information necessary, at the moment of an impending action. No one knew the country; the maps were so defective that they were useless. Little was known about the fortified battle-field on which the army was about to be engaged. Yet this battle-field had been seen and reconnoitered by the troops which had taken part in Stoneman's skirmish. Enough was surely known of it for us to combine a plan of attack, and assign to every commander his own part of the work. No, this was not so. Every one kept his observations to himself; not from any ill-will, but because it was nobody's special duty to do this general work. It was a defect in the organization, and with the best elements in the world, an army that is not organized cannot expect great success. It is fortunate if it escapes disaster. "

We may be pardoned for continuing this digression from the narrative, tospeak particularly of the disorder in the medical department. Thesurgeons of regiments were, as a general rule, men of ability, and whowere earnestly devoted to the duties of their position. Of course, in solarge an army, there were some who were not fitted for their position, either by ability or moral worth; these were exceptions. Yet, whilethere was a general disposition prevailing in the department to make anysacrifice or submit to any amount of fatigue, in order to relieve thesufferings of those committed to their charge, they labored under thegreatest disadvantage from want of proper combination and coöperation inthe staff. Every man was for himself. Each regimental surgeon wasexpected to look out for the wants of his own men; to erect his hospitaltents; to see that the wounded of his regiment were carried off thefield; to administer food, dress wounds, and attend to the operativesurgery. With all these divers cares, he could hardly be expected toperform any duties well. When any combination of action was effected, the organization was voluntary and temporary, and, of course, wanting inorder and efficiency. Added to these difficulties, the medical officerfound himself destitute of supplies, and seemingly without any prospectof obtaining them. 

It is true that the officers of the medical staff were generallyinexperienced in the duties of military surgery, so different from thelabors of the physician in civil life; yet, the great trouble waswithout doubt at head-quarters. The department was directed by anofficer who had done good service in the Mexican war, but who by longconnection with the regular army, seemed to have become so wedded to theformal precision of military routine, that no contingency was sufficientto move him from his established habits. Here was occasion fordispensing with formalities. Responsibilities should have been assumed, and, if necessary, supplies should have been thrown into the armybroadcast, without thought of requisition or receipts. Under thedirection of the efficient and gentlemanly surgeon of volunteers, Dr. Letterman, order was at length brought out of the confusion whichexisted until the battle of Antietam; from which time the medical staffbecame the most efficient ever known in any army. 

To return to our narrative. By noon the battle raged furiously; Hooker'sdivision contesting the field nobly against superior numbers, while ourown division held the position on his right, but without coming to anydirect engagement aside from being subjected to the fire of artillery. Hooker brought his men gallantly up to the work and at first forced theenemy back, but in turn was driven from the ground he had taken, andonly by the most valorous fighting, prevented a rout. 

The gallant general and his noble men held the ground alone until thedivision was fearfully cut up. At length General Kearney, at the head ofhis division, approached on the Lee's Mills road. General Sumner rode upto him and said quietly, "General, do you know that Hooker is badly cutup?" "No. " "He is, and is falling back. Hurry on your division as fastas possible. " "How shall I reach him?" said Kearney. "Through yonderstrip of woods. " Kearney now led his men forward at a rapid pace andvery soon came to the relief of the exhausted division. The troops ofHooker were holding their ground against the enemy twenty thousandstrong. They had fought for hours with only nine thousand men. 

General Hancock of our First brigade, at his own and General Smith'srequest, was, at three o'clock, allowed to take his own and a part ofour Third brigade to the right of the line, where the position of theenemy was very strong by nature, and which was on that account securedwith less care than the rest of the line. 

A steep wooded bluff rose to a great height in our front, and a millpond lying at the foot of the bluff and newly dammed by the rebels, served as a moat. Spanning the pond near the dam, was a bridge of logswhich they had neglected to destroy. Across this bridge and up a roadwinding along the side of the bluff, the general led his troops, findingthe enemy upon the plateau above, occupying strong redoubts. Artillerywas brought to bear upon them and the rebels fled; our forces advancingand occupying the works. The enemy was now reinforced by a brigade ofNorth Carolina troops and charged upon the federals. The Union troopsallowed them to approach very near, when they opened a tremendous fireof musketry and artillery upon them. Still the rebels came on until theywere within thirty yards of our men. "Now, gentlemen, the bayonet!"cried Hancock, as he rode along the line of battle close to the troops. The men charged upon the rebels, who fell back before the shock, brokeand fled, leaving the broad, green wheat field strewed with their deadand wounded. 

[Illustration: CHARGE OF HANCOCK'S BRIGADE AT WILLIAMSBURGH]

While the fighting was going on, General Hancock had sent for theremainder of our Third brigade. The order "forward, double quick" wasreceived by the men with one of those wild exulting shouts, such as isonly heard on the field of battle; and they rushed forward through theliquid mud, each regiment striving which should first reach the field. But as we reached the scene of conflict, the rebels had fled; leavingthe victory with the men in blue. 

The regiments engaged in this brilliant affair were, the Forty-third NewYork, the Forty-ninth Pennsylvania, the Sixth Maine and Fifth Wisconsin, of the First brigade, and the Thirty-third New York and Seventh Maine ofthe Third brigade. 

The rebels, outflanked by the gallant movement of Smith's division, wereglad to fall back from before Hooker and Kearney, and seek refuge behindtheir works. Meanwhile the great body of the army had remained entirelypassive; not even having been brought into line of battle. Why some ofthese troops were not called to the assistance of Hooker, or to renderthe victory of Hancock more complete, we do not know. 

Thus closed the battle of Williamsburgh; a battle fought by twodivisions and a part of a third, while the mass of the army remained asidle spectators of the terrible scene. If less than twenty thousand mencould drive the rebels from their strong works, what could not thatgrand army have done had it been brought into action!

General McClellan arrived on the field at five o'clock in the afternoon, and was received with shouts of applause; but the fighting was thenover. The general had remained at Yorktown since the morning of the 4th, to superintend personally the shipment of Franklin's division of twelvethousand men; one-half of whom, in order that they might be in readinessat any moment to proceed up the river and head off the enemy, had neverbeen allowed to disembark from the transports which brought them toYorktown. General McClellan's conduct in spending nearly two days inoverseeing personally the embarkation of half or even the whole of adivision of men, while one of the most important battles of the war wasin progress, leaving it to others to take care of the "little affair atthe front, " has, by some, been severely censured; while others have asearnestly claimed that the Commander-in-Chief had his own views of thenecessity of getting those troops off at once, and the necessity ofseeing that supplies of rations, ammunition and war material, wereforwarded, was imperative; and that we are to remember that the advancewas intrusted to General Sumner; a man in whose ability both he and thearmy confided. The general telegraphed that night to the Secretary ofWar: "After arranging for movements up the York river, I was sent forhere. I find General Joe Johnston in front of me in strong force, probably greater a good deal than my own. . . . My entire force is_undoubtedly considerably inferior to that of the rebels_, who willfight well; but I will do all I can with the force at my disposal. "

It was not known that night that we had won such a victory; but when, inthe morning, we found the rebels all gone, he telegraphed: "Every hourproves our victory more complete. "

In the light of this testimony of the Commander-in-Chief, what a noblerecord had those three divisions that day made for themselves! They had, according to these dispatches, fought with a force "greater a good deal"than our entire army, and had won a complete victory!

Night closed upon the battle-field. Our division bivouacked around oneof the rebel redoubts. It was filled with rebel wounded, whose groansand cries made the night hideous. The ground was a bed of liquid mud, and the rain still poured. No fires were allowed, and the men stoodshivering all night rather than lie down in the mud. 

The sun rose clear and bright next morning, and the whole army filedinto the works deserted by the enemy during the night, and occupied thetown of Williamsburgh, a mile or more from the battle-field. All thepublic buildings in town were filled with the rebel wounded; and theinhabitants were actively engaged in ministering to their wants. Herethe army remained three days, waiting for provisions to come up fromYorktown, a distance of fifteen miles. It is a question, why troops, whowere afterward accustomed to carry four or even six days' rations, weresent away from Yorktown with one. 

CHAPTER VII. 

THE MARCH UP THE PENINSULA AND THE ORGANIZATION OF THE SIXTH CORPS. 

 March up the Peninsula--Joy of the contrabands--Cumberland Landing--The Sixth Corps organized--At White House--On the Chickahominy--Fight at Mechanicsville--Battle of Hanover Court House. 

On the ninth of May, after a delay of three days, the Army of thePotomac resumed the pursuit of Johnston's army. The day was fair andbright, and the journey of fifteen miles, to troops as yet little inuredto the fatigues of long marches, bore severely upon them. We rested tillthree o'clock next morning; when orders came to fall into line, and atfive we were again toiling over the road. After a hard day's march wehalted near New Kent Court House; where General Stoneman, with hiscavalry, had a day or two before overtaken the rear-guard of the enemy, who gave him battle. Evidences of the engagement were to be seen allabout us, and many wounded cavalrymen were found in the neighboring farmhouses. We remained here over the Sabbath and the next day; glad ofrest, though anxious to be on the trail of the enemy. 

General Franklin's division had already landed, and beaten the rebels atWest Point; and the flotilla laden with supplies had also ascended theriver thus far. 

It was at New Kent Court House that the news of the destruction of theMerrimac, and the possession of Norfolk by General Wool's forces, firstreached us, and our hearts swelled with joy at our successes. On the13th we resumed the march; winding along the banks of the tortuousPamunkey, enchanted by the lovely scenery which constantly met our gaze. The profusion of flowers in the forests, the bright green meadows, andthe broad fields of newly springing wheat, offered a perpetual charm;and as we passed along, the women and negroes watched us withconflicting sentiments of interest. All the white men capable of bearingarms, and every able-bodied negro, had been swept along by the rebelarmy in its retreat, and none but women and children and aged negroeswere now left along the route. At every house the alarmed white peoplethrew out the white flag in token of submission, as though theirprotection from injury depended upon this symbol of peace. 

Great numbers of negroes flocked to the roadside, to welcome the Unionarmy. Their expressions of joy at seeing us were wild and amusing. Allhoped we would shortly overtake and destroy the rebel army, their ownmasters included. Those who had hitherto regarded the relation of masterand slave as one of mutual affection, had only to witness these uniquedemonstrations of rejoicing at our approach, and the seemingly certaindestruction of the slave owners, to be convinced that the happiness andcontentment claimed for those in servitude was but a worthless fiction. The negroes, gathering in crowds along the wayside, would grasp thehands of the Union soldiers, calling down all manner of blessings uponthem, and leaping and dancing in their frantic delight. 

One gray-haired old patriarch, surrounded by a numerous group of youngerchattels, who were leaping and shouting, exclaimed, in a loud voice, "Bress de Lord! I'se been praying for yous all to come all dis time; andnow I'se glad yous got so fur; and I pray de Lord dat yous may keep on, and conquer def and hell and de grabe!" All the others, joining in thechorus, cried, "Bress de Lord!" The master of the old man sat quietlywatching the scene, offering no hindrance to these expressions ofsympathy; but it is doubtful whether this conduct on the part of hisservants was forgotten after the departure of our army. Whateverinformation the slaves could give concerning the movements, numbers, orprobable intentions of the enemy, was communicated gladly, and althoughthis information was not always reliable for accuracy, it was alwaysgiven in sincerity, and was very often of great service. 

Our march on the 13th, was an easy one of six miles. As we reached thebrow of a hill overlooking the plain of Cumberland Landing, a scene ofimposing beauty was spread out before us. Between us and the broadriver, were thousands of troops, parks of artillery, squadrons ofcavalry, divisions of infantry; some already in camp, others movingabout in order, but seeming, from the distance, to be intermingled inmost perfect confusion. 

A broad plain stretched far away to the left, beautifully variegatedwith green pastures, rich groves and fields of grain. Beyond was thePamunkey; here spreading out into a broad expanse of water, on which wasriding the Union flotilla of gunboats and the transport fleet. 

Upon this broad plain the whole army assembled. At no other time in thehistory of the Army of the Potomac, were all its forces gathered withina compass that the eye could take in at a single glance. 

Early on the morning of the 14th, the cry, "Fall in!" resounded throughthe camps, and we proceeded up the river about four miles, and againencamped on its banks. A field of fresh clover served for our bivouac. In this pleasant spot we remained for several days; and while here, anevent occurred of no less interest than the organization of the Sixthcorps. 

Just before the Army of the Potomac embarked for the Peninsula, it wasdivided, by order of President Lincoln, into five corps of threedivisions each. These corps were placed under command, respectively, ofGenerals McDowell, Sumner, Heintzelman, Keyes and Banks. On leaving forthe Peninsula, the First and Fifth corps had been left behind. Now twonew corps were to be organized; the Fifth provisional, consisting of thedivisions of Porter and Sykes, and the reserve artillery, under commandof General Porter; and the Sixth provisional corps, consisting ofFranklin's division of the First and Smith's of the Fourth corps. General W. B. Franklin was assigned to the command of the corps. 

Franklin's division, now the First division, Sixth corps, under commandof H. W. Slocum, had been ordered away from the First corps, to join thearmy of the Potomac, while we were at Yorktown; and its recentexhibition of gallantry at West Point, had already established for it areputation for valor. The regiments composing this division were, theFirst, Second, Third and Fourth New Jersey; regiments trained to theservice by the knightly soldier and ardent patriot, Philip S. Kearney, now under command of Colonel Taylor, and afterwards so long and so ablyled by General Torbert; the Sixteenth and Twenty-seventh New York, FifthMaine and Ninety-Sixth Pennsylvania; General Slocum's own brigade, nowcommanded by Colonel Bartlett; and Newton's brigade: the Eighteenth, Thirty-first and Thirty-second New York, and Ninety-fifth Pennsylvania. 

The history of the Second division, General Smith's, we have alreadytraced. The bravery and extraordinary endurance of each of its brigadeshad been exhibited too often to be questioned. 

With such splendid materials for a corps, a brilliant history of greatachievements was to be anticipated, and nobly has it wrought out foritself such a history. 

No other body of troops has ever made for itself so proud a record. Nocorps, either in our own army or any other, ever met the enemy sofrequently in general battle, and never were more glorious deedsaccomplished by troops than were done by these. Never in the course ofall their campaigns were either of these two divisions put to rout, andin almost all its encounters the corps held the field as victors. 

We were now encamped on the old Custis place; at present owned byGeneral Fitzhugh Lee, of the rebel cavalry service. On every side of uswere immense fields of wheat, which, but for the presence of armies, promised an abundant harvest. Day after day passed, in quiet repose, andthe Sabbath found us still waiting on the banks of the Pamunkey. It wasmarvelous that such silence could exist where a hundred thousand menwere crowded together, yet almost absolute stillness reigned throughoutthe vast camp during the whole of this pleasant Sabbath. Save that hereand there the notes of Old Hundred or some sacred air was heard from theband of some regiment whose chaplain had gathered his men for religiousservices, no sound disturbed the universal quiet. 

Not far from us was the White House, at the head of navigation, on thePamunkey. The house was a fine building, once the property ofWashington, now in possession of the Lee family. Here the Richmond andYork River railroad crossed the Pamunkey, and this was made the base ofoperations for the army. Here the transports poured out a vast amount ofsupplies, and under the protection of the flotilla of gunboats, thequartermasters and commissaries commenced their active operations. 

Except that a few rails had been torn up, the railroad was in excellentorder, and engines and cars were at once placed on the track ready tofollow the army on its advance to Richmond. 

The Sixth corps proceeded toward the Chickahominy, which it reached at apoint several miles above the railroad crossing at Bottom's Bridge, occupying the extreme right of the Union line of battle as formed alongthat river. The position of the Union army was now as follows: Keyes'corps had crossed the Chickahominy at Bottom's Bridge, and Heintzelmanhad followed, taking a position between Keyes and the bridge. Sumner wason the railroad, and Franklin on the right near New Bridge; Stoneman'scavalry was on the right of the Sixth corps, and Porter's divisions werein the rear, within supporting distance. 

On the 23d, General Stoneman with his cavalry pushed forward towardMechanicsville, supported by Davidson's brigade. The brigade halted forthe night near Beaver Dam creek, a marshy stream pouring into theChickahominy. On the following morning the brigade again pushed forward, the men making their way with great difficulty through a swamp, thenplunging through the stream, then forcing their way through brambles andbriars, and again wading through the water; until the men seemed to havebecome amphibious. They at length found the enemy near the littlevillage of Mechanicsville. 

The brigade, with Wheeler's battery, formed in line of battle on somecommanding grounds, and quietly rested for the night. On the morning ofthe 24th, the Seventy-seventh and part of the Thirty-third were orderedto advance toward the village and reconnoiter the position. Hardly hadthe advance commenced before the rebels opened upon the two commands afierce cannonade, which forced our men to lie down, that the shellsmight pass over them. Wheeler's battery responded nobly to the rebelartillery, and presently General Davidson ordered Colonel McKean tocharge the village with his regiment. The men rose to their feet andstarted forward with a yell. Down the hill they rushed impetuously, cheering and yelling; but the two rebel regiments, the Seventh andEighth Georgia, startled by the shouts, seized their muskets and ran;firing but one parting salute. Their battery also limbered up and beat ahasty retreat; and as our men reached the village they were seen lashingtheir horses into a run, and in a moment they disappeared altogetherdown the road. 

In their haste the rebels forgot to carry off their knapsacks, canteensand haversacks; and our boys gathered them up to be kept till calledfor. They had also left a great many guns and cartridge boxes; and aflag, which the Seventy-seventh bore away in triumph. 

On the 26th of May, the enemy was discovered in considerable force atHanover Court House, to the right and rear of our army. A part ofPorter's corps was sent to meet this rebel force, and if possible driveit from its position. After a fatiguing march through mud and rain, General Emory, with his own brigade, and other troops of the corps, cameup with the enemy near Hanover Court House, and at once commencedadvancing slowly against the line of the enemy, when, being reinforcedby part of Martindale's brigade, a charge was ordered and the rebelswere routed. They fled precipitately, leaving one of their guns in thehands of our troops. 

Being reinforced, the rebels turned upon our troops, but were gallantlyheld by Martindale's brigade until General Porter brought a large forceto the field. The rebels were again attacked and completely routed. Theyleft about two hundred of their dead on the field to be buried by ourmen. Seven hundred prisoners were captured, beside two railroad trains, a twelve pound gun and many small arms. Our own loss amounted to aboutfifty killed and more than three hundred wounded and missing. 

[Illustration: CHARGE OF THE 77TH NEW YORK AT MECHANICSVILLE. ]

CHAPTER VIII. 

ON THE CHICKAHOMINY. 

 Gaines' Farm--The line of battle--Battle of Seven Pines--Sedgwick and Kearney to the rescue--Hooker's charge--A lost opportunity--Golden's Farm--Ditching--Malaria--Chickahominy fevers--A German regiment--Stuart's raid. 

Davidson's command was withdrawn from its position on Beaver Dam creekon the 26th of May. Moving down the river about five miles, it encampedwith the rest of the Sixth corps on the farm of Dr. Gaines, a notedrebel, where it remained until June 5th. The camps were within easyrange of the enemy's guns, which were planted on the opposite side ofthe river, and our pickets could observe those of the rebels as theywalked their beats. 

Few more charming places than Gaines' Farm could be found on thePeninsula. The broad wheat fields, alternating with wooded hills, afforded a scene of enchantment to the weary soldiers. A single wheatfield contained four hundred and fifty acres, and a delightful grove inrear of the superb old mansion, furnished a cool retreat during theintense heat of the day. The extensive gardens were filled with rareexotics and most beautiful native plants and trees, and birds of variedand brilliant plumage sported among the flowering shrubs and charmed theair with their lively notes. Near the river side stood a large barn wellfilled with tobacco, from which the boys of the corps did not hesitateto lay in a full supply. 

In the rear of the corps was Liberty Hall, the birthplace of PatrickHenry. Now it was used as a hospital, and hundreds of soldiers, worn outwith fatigue or burning with fevers, occupied the house and hospitaltents surrounding it. 

Our men were employed in doing picket duty, and in building corduroyroads and bridges. The river, scarcely restrained by banks, was risingrapidly from the continued fall of rain, and at one time the pickets ofour division, including the Thirty-third New York, were found in themorning surrounded by water; the rain having within three hours risen sorapidly that many were standing in water above their waists, whileothers were clinging to bushes for support. Boats were procured, and thedrenched pickets were removed from their disagreeable positions. 

The army was divided into two wings, one on the south and one on thenorth side of the Chickahominy. The line of battle was in the form of aV: Keyes' and Heintzelman's corps on a line from Bottom's Bridge toSeven Pines, forming the left arm of the V, and Franklin's, Sumner's andPorter's on the north bank of the Chickahominy, from Bottom's Bridge toGaines' Farm, the right arm. 

Keyes' corps, now composed of Casey's and Couch's divisions, had crossedthe river at Bottom's Bridge on the 24th, and after considerableskirmishing with the enemy, had established itself on the road fromRichmond to Williamsburgh, about six miles from Richmond, and as farfrom the Chickahominy, at a fork in the road called Seven Pines. Heintzelman's corps had followed, and occupied a position in the rearnear the river. Casey's division occupied an advance position, and Couchthe second line. One of the roads from this point, called the nine-mileroad to Richmond, crossed the Richmond and York River railroad north ofSeven Pines, at a place called Fair Oaks. The country was wooded andmarshy, and General Casey was not able to throw his pickets out morethan a thousand yards in advance of his line of battle. Both divisionsat once intrenched themselves, and slashed the forests, that anyapproach of the enemy might be discovered, and to widen the sweep oftheir guns. Here the two divisions remained, having occasionalskirmishes with the enemy, until the morning of the 31st of May. 

During the night before, the rain had fallen in torrents. Thundersrolled along the sky, and the heavens blazed with perpetual flashes oflightning. The morning found the earth drenched by the floods, and themen of Casey's division rose from their beds of mud to fight the battleof Seven Pines. 

It became evident to General Casey early in the day that the enemydesigned to attack him in force. He accordingly ordered his divisionunder arms, and made such dispositions of his forces as seemed bestcalculated to resist the onset. 

At half-past twelve the attack was commenced. Large bodies of rebelsemerged from the cover of the woods, and at once commenced a brisk fireof musketry and artillery, driving in the picket line, and pressingforward against the Union line of intrenchments. The numbers of theenemy were now seen to be greatly disproportionate to those of thesingle division opposed to them, and General Casey called for help. Couch's division was under arms, acting as support, but not yet engaged. Some of the new troops, thus pressed by overwhelming numbers broke andretreated in disorder; but the division at large nobly withstood themighty host which assailed it in front, flank and rear. The forces ofthe enemy constantly increased; and the single division was now fairlyinvested by the exultant foe, who pressed forward, unmindful of thelosses inflicted by Casey's troops. Again and again the enemy came on inmasses, receiving the shot and shells, which tore open their ranks, closing up the gaps, and pushing steadily on to the assault. Againstthese repeated attacks of superior numbers of confident troops, whoconstantly arrived in fresh numbers, and, forming under cover of thewoods, rushed against our lines, Casey's division held its ground threehours, until almost half its number were destroyed. The execution doneon the rebels was great. All means of transportation at their command, were brought into requisition to carry off the wounded to Richmond; andtheir dead lay piled upon the bloody field. The white-haired veteran, General Casey, was present wherever the danger seemed greatest. Ridingalong his lines, encouraging his troops, and making his dispositions forrepelling the overwhelming assaults, his heroism inspired bravery in thehearts of the men, and prevented defeat from becoming a rout. GeneralKeyes was directing the movements of the second line, held by GeneralCouch. Portions of the division were rallied, and with the aid ofCouch's troops and a brigade of Kearney's division, which that nevertiring general had just led on to the scene of conflict, the attempt wasmade to retake the line of works just lost, but without success. 

By this time General Heintzelman had arrived with his corps; and orderswere given to fall back to a third line. The enemy made one moredesperate attempt to crush the retreating division, but they wererepulsed with fearful loss, and here commenced the turning of the tidein the conflict. 

The line of battle as now formed was nearly two miles in the rear of theposition of the morning, at Fair Oaks. 

Heintzelman's and Keyes' corps at once proceeded to strengthen thisposition, and before dark the brave fellows of Sedgwick's division, ofSumner's corps, were on the ground, ready to assist in repelling theprogress of the enemy. Richardson's division, not far behind, arrived atsunset; and now the Union army was prepared for any attempt which therebels might see fit to make. The efforts which the enemy were nowmaking to break through our flank on the left at White Oak Swamp, were, by this timely arrival of Sedgwick, thwarted. Had the confederatessucceeded in this, the retreat of Keyes' corps and that part ofHeintzelman's on the ground must have been cut off, and our armydestroyed. The rebels, not satisfied with a partial victory, anddetermined to destroy the left wing of our army, then thrust beyond theriver, renewed their assaults, and again and again pushed forward. Gathering in masses under cover of the forest, they would dash upon ourlines with impetuous fury; only to be sent reeling back by a hurricaneof leaden and iron hail. Sedgwick and the intrepid Kearney fought theirdivisions with greatest skill; and by their own example animated andencouraged their men. Night closed upon the scene; and at eight o'clockthe fighting had ceased. The rebels, so exultant at their success in theearly part of the day, were now hopeless of turning their victory to anygood account; for their last assaults had met with such terriblerepulses, that to renew the attack in force in the morning, would be buta useless waste of life to them. Still, they held their ground, and onthe morning of June 1st, made some demonstrations against parts of ourline, which were gallantly met. 

Finally, General Hooker, who here sustained the enviable reputation hehad so nobly earned at Williamsburgh, led his command across the openspace in front of our line, a space not more than one-fourth of a milewide, beyond which the ground was interrupted by forests, to attack theenemy. 

With quick and steady step, the well trained division advanced acrossthe field, deploying to the right and left; and before half crossing theopen space their pace was quickened to a run; constantly firing as theydashed forward on the enemy. 

Presently the edge of the forest was reached; and here considerableopposition was met with; yet, after a moment's halt, the division againpushed forward into the woods. The din of arms was heard for a fewmoments, then the firing ceased, and our troops were in possession ofthe ground. 

The rebels were, in their turn, now panic-stricken; and hundreds of themrushed back to the confederate capital, spreading the alarm, anddeclaring that the Yankees were about to walk into the city. 

It was doubtless a sad mistake that this victory was not followed up. The rebels, who had greatly outnumbered us in the fight of the daybefore, were now themselves outnumbered. They had suffered severerepulses on the evening before, and on this day their rear-guard hadbeen whipped by General Hooker. 

A renewal of the attack in force on the part of the Union army wouldhave probably resulted in the capture of the beleaguered city. As itwas, the commander of the Union army was on the north side of theChickahominy, many miles from the scene of action, and no order for aforward movement was given. 

Such was the battle of Seven Pines or Fair Oaks. Fought for the mostpart, by a single division of less than six thousand men, against thecombined forces of Longstreet, Hill, Smith and Huger; all under theimmediate command of the Commander-in-Chief of the rebel army, GeneralJohnston. 

General Johnston had become satisfied, from the reports of his scouts, that only Keyes' corps, of two divisions, was across the Chickahominy. Believing that the bad state of the roads and the swollen condition ofthe Chickahominy, would effectually prevent reinforcements reaching thiscorps before he could fall upon it and crush it, he had determined tobring an overwhelming force against it. Accordingly, the divisions ofLongstreet, Hill, Smith and Huger, were placed in position to make asudden and destructive assault upon the front and flanks of Casey'sexposed division, in the confident expectation of annihilating it. But, instead of giving way before this avalanche, as Johnston hadcontemplated, the regiments of the division, with few exceptions, manfully held their ground for three hours. 

The Commander-in-Chief reported to the Secretary of War that Casey'sdivision "gave way unaccountably and discreditably. " Five days later hepromised to modify his charge, if he found occasion; but it was only inhis final report, made many months after leaving the army, he wasconstrained to acknowledge the good conduct of the division--an act oftardy justice to deserving men. 

Notwithstanding the great disparity in the numbers of those engaged onthe rebel and Union sides, the losses were nearly equal. The Union armylost four thousand five hundred and seventeen in killed and wounded, andone thousand two hundred and twenty-two missing. Nearly one-half of allthese losses were from Casey's and Couch's divisions. General Johnstonreported the rebel loss in Longstreet's and Hill's commands at fourthousand two hundred and thirty-six. 

Among the trophies of the enemy, were ten pieces of artillery and fourstands of colors. 

With these trophies, they were satisfied to boast their victory;regardless of the fact that they had been the assailants in superiornumbers, and had been repulsed with fearful slaughter, and that the onlyfruit of their boasted victory was a few guns and colors, as an offsetfor the loss of thousands of their soldiers. General Johnston himselfwas among the rebel wounded, and was forced to give over the command toanother. 

On the other hand, the Union army might, had the corps on the north bankof the Chickahominy promptly followed that of General Sumner across theriver, have easily entered Richmond. But the hesitancy whichcharacterized the movements of the army lost to us all the advantages ofsuccess. Early next day the treacherous river had risen to such anextent as to render crossing almost impossible; so the army remained asthe battle of Fair Oaks had left it; three corps on the south, and twoon the north side of the Chickahominy, separated by an almostunsurmountable obstacle. 

From our camp at Gaines' Farm, the men of the Sixth corps could see thesmoke of battle and hear the roar of artillery and musketry; but werenot able to go to the assistance of their fellows. 

The distance from Gaines' Farm to Fair Oaks was, in a direct line, scarcely more than four miles, but as all communications with theopposite side of the river were by way of Bottom's Bridge, the distancewas about fifteen miles. The Vermont brigade essayed a crossing in ourown front on the afternoon of the second day of the fight, with the viewof rendering assistance on the other side, but the attempt wasabandoned. 

General McClellan, with General Hancock and other officers, took aposition in the line of our Third brigade, on Sunday, where theyremained watching the progress of the battle from afar until darknessshut out the view. 

On the day after the battle, rain poured in a continuous storm; delugingthe roads and swelling what had been but rivulets the day before, intorivers. In the midst of this tempest of rain, Casey's division, destitute of tents and blankets, weary from fighting and disheartened byinjustice, marched six miles to the rear to find a new encampment. Onthe 5th of June, Smith's division, of the Sixth corps, was ordered tocross the Chickahominy, and encamp on "Golden's Farm, " nearly opposite. The Third brigade took the advance, followed by the rest of thedivision. Owing to the swollen state of the river, and the impossibilityof bridging it, the division was forced to march to Dispatch Stationbefore effecting a crossing. The march was a long and weary one to gaina distance less than three miles. 

Some of our troops were found skirmishing with the enemy, and ourbatteries opened upon the gray coats, who quickly surrendered the groundand took to flight. Our Second division encamped in a pleasant locality, yet in close proximity to the swamp. 

The Chickahominy wound its doubtful course among multitudes of islandsscarcely raised above the surface, yet covered with trees, shrubs andvines in profusion, within a few rods of our camp. Beyond us, in ourfront, were forests of luxuriant growths of trees and climbing shrubs, and the country all about us was interrupted with rank growth of timber. The division at once proceeded, as did all the other divisions in thearmy, to throw up earthworks; making slow advances at certain points bypushing these works further toward the front. On the 18th, we werejoined by the other division, Slocum's. The Sixth corps now formed theright of the new line of battle on the south of the river. The linereached from Golden's Farm to Fair Oaks. Day and night the men worked atthe breastworks and bridges. One-third of the army was employedconstantly at these works, and the immense lines of intrenchments weremarvels of achievements in engineering. These were all constructed underthe fire of the enemy; no day passing without its skirmish. Soldierswere daily brought to the hospitals with wounds, even in the most quiettimes. 

Everything combined to exhaust the energies of the men and producefevers, diarrheas and scurvy. Day after day the men worked under aburning sun, throwing up the immense walls of earth, or toiled standingto their waists in water, building bridges. Night after night they werecalled to arms, to resist some threatened attack of the enemy. Theirclothing and tents were drenched with frequent rains, and they oftenslept in beds of mud. With the hot weather, the malaria became more andmore deadly. The whole country was alternately overflowed and drained;and the swamps were reeking with the poisoned air. The hospitals becamedaily more crowded. The strongest were constantly falling. Diarrhea, typhoid fever, and other miasmatic maladies, became almost universal. Men who worked at the breastworks one day would be found in thehospitals on the next, burning with fever, tormented with insatiablethirst, racked with pains, or wild with delirium; their parched lips, and teeth blackened with sordes, the hot breath and sunken eyes, thesallow skin and trembling pulse, all telling of the violent workings ofthese diseases. 

Day after day, scores of brave men, who had left their northern homes toaid in the hour of their country's need, were borne to lowly gravesalong the banks of that fatal river; and at times one might sit in thedoor of his tent and see as many as six or seven funeral parties bearingcomrades to their humble resting places. 

Hospital steamers plied constantly from the White House to Washington, Alexandria and Philadelphia, bearing thousands of these victims ofdisease; and many, with stoic indifference, lay down in their sheltertents and gave themselves over to death, without even applying tocomrades or surgeons for assistance. 

Everywhere at the north, men were seen on cars and steamers, on thestreets and in the houses, whose sallow countenances, emaciatedappearance, and tottering steps, marked them as the victims of"Chickahominy fever. " Express cars groaned with the weight of coffinscontaining the remains of youths who but a few months before had gone tothe war in the pride of their strength, and had now yielded, not to thebullets of the enemy, but to the grim spirit which hovered over thatriver of death. 

Our army seemed on the point of annihilation from disease; and matterswere constantly growing worse. At White House landing, great temporaryhospitals were established, where hundreds languished, and waited theirturn to be sent north. 

Thus, for nearly a month, the two armies looked each other in the face, each engaged in throwing up defenses against the approach of the other, but neither attempting to bring on any general engagement. The picketsof the two opposing forces were within speaking distance, but theycontented themselves with watching each other, and, as a general rule, amicable relations existed between them. But occasionally, when abelligerent regiment would be on picket on one or the other side, somefellow, who imagined he had a capital chance to pick off an opposingpicket, would blaze away; when in a moment the whole line on either sidewould flash with the discharge of musketry. Night demonstrations on thepart of the enemy were so common, that it was a rare thing for ourtroops not to turn out at midnight, or at two or three o'clock in themorning, and stand under arms until after daylight. 

The men of our Third brigade were a part of the time engaged in buildinga strong fort, near the river bank, which, in honor of our dashingbrigadier, was named Fort Davidson. 

A new regiment was added to Davidson's brigade during the month of June, the Twentieth New York. The regiment was composed entirely of GermanTurners. Nearly every man had served his three years in the Prussianservice. 

They had been stationed in the works at Newport News, and their drillexcelled anything in the army, either in the regular or volunteer branchof service. Their full ranks, and their unsoiled uniforms, were instriking contrast with the shattered and worn-out regiments forming therest of the brigade. 

Among the causes of discouragement and anxiety for the safety of ourarmy, was the notorious raid of General Stuart in our rear. Thisenergetic officer, with a body of about two thousand rebel cavalry, hadswept round our entire rear, causing something of a panic, not only atWhite House, where all the shipping dropped down the river, but in theranks of the army, where it was feared that our communications weredestroyed, and we were liable to be hemmed in and overthrown at anytime. 

CHAPTER IX. 

THE SEVEN DAYS' BATTLES. 

 The army united--Plans and counter plans--Battle of Fair Oaks--Lee's plan--The situation--Stonewall Jackson on the flank--Battle of Mechanicsville--Joy in camp--Porter's corps retreats--An astonished army--Battle of Gaines' Farm--Slocum's division at Games' Farm--Retreat to the river--Battle of Golden's Farm--A young hero--A Union victory--Our right exposed--The sick abandoned--A night of sorrow--The grand retreat commenced--Sad scenes at Savage's Station--A meteor railroad train. 

At length, after great labor, the bridge across the river, near our owncamps, was finished. It was an immense structure, spanning not only theriver, but the swampy banks on either side to a great distance. Sumner'sforces had also rebuilt and enlarged the bridge below, and now the twowings of the army, after weeks of separation, were united by means ofthese bridges. Communications were now rapid and easy, and there was nodifficulty in reinforcing one wing with troops from the other. 

General McClellan now determined to act; and an advance of our picketline was ordered on the 25th of June, preparatory to a general forwardmovement. 

But General McClellan was not alone in deciding upon this particulartime for commencing offensive operations. 

General Lee, who had succeeded to the command of the rebel army whenJohnston was wounded, aware of McClellan's intentions of approaching thecity by regular approaches, and aware that it was in no condition longto withstand a siege, determined to act on the offensive. 

The two armies were now about equal in numbers, each consisting of alittle more than one hundred thousand men for duty. (Our army had115, 000 men for duty. ) Our own army had recently been reinforced byMcCall's division, and five or six thousand troops from Fortress Monroe;and the rebel army had been strengthened by the accession of Jackson'sforce, of nearly twenty thousand, from the valley. 

McClellan's first move was to advance the left wing, under Heintzelman, who occupied the ground on which had been fought the battle of FairOaks. General Hooker was ordered to advance his division about a mileacross a clearing in his front. This the gallant general essayed to do. 

In front of his camp, before reaching the clearing, was a thickentanglement of low pines and bushes, filled with swamps and ponds. Thischaparral was about five hundred yards wide. Beyond was the clearing, inwhich were the rifle pits and strong redoubts of the enemy, and stillfarther on a forest. Hooker's brigades, commanded by Sickles, Grover andRobinson, protected on the left flank by Kearney's division, and on theright by a Massachusetts regiment, moved into the tangled forest, abouteight o'clock on the morning of the 25th. Grover's pickets soon fell inwith those of the enemy, and sharp skirmishing commenced; but the rebelpicket line was steadily driven back into the clearing, where it wasstrengthened by their reserve. The fighting now became general. Thewoods rang with the sharp sounds of musketry and the deep tones of theartillery, and clouds of smoke obscured the scene from view. Ambulanceswere emerging from the woods bearing the wounded; and bloody forms onstretchers, and the less seriously wounded leaning on the shoulders ofcomrades, made up a melancholy procession. 

The fire in the edge of the woods and in the open fields increased inintensity, until all of Hooker's and part of Kearney's forces werebrought into action. The rebels finally retreated across the field tothe cover of their rifle pits. The retreat was slow and orderly, everyfoot of the way being disputed. 

Our men were exultingly pushing forward, determined to drive them fromtheir pits also, when an order from General McClellan directed GeneralHooker to retire with his division to the original position. Here wasevidently a sad misconception of the state of affairs, for, when theCommander-in-Chief, an hour later, arrived on the field and consultedwith General Hooker, the men were ordered forward once more to occupythe ground they had once taken and surrendered. 

This time there was less resistance. The rebels steadily gave way, giving up their rifle pits and yielding the whole of the open field. Under cover of the forest beyond the field they made another stand, andlate in the afternoon a brigade charged upon our lines; but they werebravely met by men of Grover's brigade, and driven back, leaving threehundred of their dead on the field. 

By the action of this day, our line was advanced on the left nearly amile. The victory, such as it was, cost us six hundred and forty men inkilled and wounded. The men remained under arms all night, in readinessto meet the frequent sorties of the enemy, who intended nothing moreserious than preventing reinforcements from being sent to the right ofour line. 

Little did General Lee heed these operations on our left. It was all thebetter for his plan that the attention of our army should be engaged inthis direction. He was ready now to execute his plan of raising thesiege of Richmond; and a tremendous force had been massed against ourright, ready to advance upon it and our rear, with the hope of cuttingthe Union army off from its supplies, and placing it in the greatestjeopardy. 

Let us, for a moment, recall the position of our army, which, since thefirst battle of Fair Oaks, has been somewhat changed. Porter's corps, consisting of McCall's, Morrell's and Sykes' divisions, still held theright, on the north bank of the Chickahominy, at Gaines' Farm andMechanicsville. The several bridges which had been constructed since the1st of June, formed avenues of communication between the two portions ofthe army separated by the river. Next, near the river, and oppositePorter's corps, was our own Sixth corps, Slocum's and Smith's divisions, Smith's nearest the stream. Then, on our left was Sumner's corps, Sedgwick's and Richardson's divisions; and finally, on the left of all, was Heintzelman, with his divisions under Hooker and Kearney, andCouch's division, of Keyes' corps. Casey's shattered division was in therear, guarding Bottom's Bridge and the road to the White House. 

The line stretched from Mechanicsville across the river to Golden'sFarm, and thence to Fair Oaks. 

The whole of this extensive line was protected by earthworks ofmarvelous magnitude, and whole forests of timber slashed in front ofsome parts of the line formed almost impenetrable abattis. 

On the other hand, Lee's army had been as actively engaged in ditchingand throwing up redoubts, and Richmond was surrounded by a cordon ofmost powerful works. Stonewall Jackson had been recalled from theShenandoah Valley; and now, with an army of thirty thousand men, a verylarge proportion of them being men of his original army, he hung uponour right and rear, ready to come down upon our communications and flanklike an avalanche. 

Scarcely had General McClellan finished his dispatch to the Secretary ofWar, in which he announced the glad tidings that he had got his picketsin the right place, preparatory to a general advance, before he wasaroused from his illusion by the intelligence that the pickets on theright were being driven in. He had already, during the day, learnedsomething of Jackson's position, and it was now easy to divine theintention of that energetic chief. 

During the night, Hill and Longstreet crossed the upper Chickahominy;and, by rapid marches, confronted the pickets of McCall's division atMechanicsville before daylight on the morning of the 26th. Jackson, delayed by our skirmishers, was still behind. Without waiting forJackson, Hill ordered an attack by daylight. Our pickets were forcedback upon the main line, and the battle of Mechanicsville commenced. McCall's division, consisting of Reynolds', Meade's and Seymour'sbrigades, was strongly posted behind Beaver Dam creek; a stream abouttwelve feet wide, wooded on either side, with water waist deep, and asteep bank on the side held by the Union forces. Along this bank, timberhad been felled, rifle pits dug, and other careful preparations made formeeting an attack. The only accessible places for artillery were the tworoads which crossed the stream, one at Ellison's Mills, and the other amile above. Against these two points the rebels directed their principalefforts. Hill's division made the first assault. Clearing their riflepits, his men rushed forward with a yell, gaining the creek, within ahundred yards of our line. Here the creek and the almost impenetrableabattis checked their progress, and a murderous fire of shot, shells, cannister and musketry was opened upon them, which threw them intoconfusion, and repulsed them with fearful loss. Again and again thecharge was renewed; each time with equal want of success. More and moregrand and terrible the battle became, as the combatants struggled witheach other at close range. Thus far there had been no such terrificartillery firing during the war. The uproar was incessant, and sublimebeyond description. Finding the position too strong to be carried bydirect assault, the confederates fell back to their rifle pits; leavingtheir many dead and wounded on the ground. The men of McCall's division, securely posted behind their breastworks, had suffered comparativelylittle; our loss not exceeding three hundred in killed and wounded, outof the six thousand belonging to the brigades engaged. 

On the other hand, the rebels had lost heavily. From their own officialreports, it is known that of the twelve thousand engaged, the loss inkilled and wounded was fifteen hundred; Ripley's single brigade losingfive hundred and seventy-four men. 

Both Davis and Lee were present on the field, directing in person themovements, and exposed to the fire where the battle was fiercest. General McClellan was at the head-quarters of General Porter, where heremained until the close of the battle, when he rode over the field. 

From the camp of the Sixth corps, the battle-field was not more thanfour or five miles distant in a direct line, though by way of the bridgeit was much farther. 

We could watch the columns of smoke as they rolled up from the scene ofcarnage, and see the flashes of bursting shells, like sheets oflightning in dark thunder-clouds, and hear the tremendous roar of arms. In the afternoon, as the rebels charged upon a certain part of ourlines, we could watch the movements of both armies. Our only part in theengagement was to stand to arms, ready to rush to the assistance ofthose on the other side of the river, at a moment's notice. In theevening, the news of our success spread through the army, creating thewildest joy. Men who had, by constant hardships, and by continuallylooking on death, almost forgotten the feelings of joy, now broke out inloud shouts of gladness; and for the first time in many weeks the bandsplayed those heart-stirring national airs, which in times past had beenwont to fill the hearts of the soldiers with enthusiasm. 

The night passed in constant watchfulness, the men resting upon theirarms; for a renewal of the attack might be expected at any moment. Still, the men of the whole of the left wing of the army were exultingin the glad hope that in the morning we were to march into Richmond, almost without opposition; and that their high hopes of success were tobe speedily realized. The prize which they had so often been promised, seemed almost within their grasp. Men shook hands with each other, sungpatriotic songs, and shouted in greatest glee. 

Bands continued to ring out their notes of gladness until long afternightfall; general officers rode about announcing a grand victory; allwas the most intense excitement; and the men lay down upon their arms todream of reveling in the streets of Richmond before another night. Forweeks, even the drum calls and the bugle notes had not been heard in ourcamps. Now, as if suddenly waked from a long slumber, the strains of thebugle and the roll of the drum were added to the general rejoicing. 

It was known that the rebel troops engaged were not those of Jackson. Hethen must be working around to our rear. He was known to have a verylarge force; not less than thirty thousand. It was evident that ourcommunications were in great danger, and that unless the main force ofour army, now on the right bank of the Chickahominy, were hastilyconcentrated on the left bank, we could not expect to hold the line tothe Pamunkey another day. If this were done, the rebels could easilyprevent our retreat to the James river, and leave us on the banks of thePamunkey. Accordingly, General McClellan gave up all hope of being ableto maintain the position of that portion of the army on the north sideof the Chickahominy, and at once issued orders with a view of preparingfor a change of base. The quartermaster at White House was directed to"send cars to the last moment, and load them with provisions andammunition. " "Load every wagon you have, " said the dispatch, "withsubsistence, and send them to Savage's Station. If you are obliged toabandon White House, burn everything you cannot get off. "

The quartermaster was directed, also, to throw all his supplies, notburned or sent to the army, up the James river, and there establishdepots of supplies. General Casey, who was now in command of the guardat White House, was instructed to see these orders carried out. Heburned immense quantities of stores, consisting of clothing, subsistence, and other war material, and then hastily marched his forceto rejoin the army. 

The evening of the 26th was passed in gladness over our victory; butwhile the army was rejoicing at this temporary success, it was losingone of the grandest opportunities ever presented it for entering therebel capital. The whole plan of Lee had been based upon a falsecalculation; and had this mistake been improved by our commanders, thehistory of the war would have been entirely changed. Both Lee and Davisbelieved that the main body of our army was on the north side of theChickahominy; whereas, of the five corps constituting our army, onlyone, that of Porter, remained on that side. Under this erroneousimpression, Lee had brought nearly the whole of his army across theriver to assail the Union army on its right. This was known to ourgenerals, for while positive information had been received that Jackson, with his large army, was making for our rear, the prisoners taken duringthe day were from Hill's command, and from them it was known that thetroops of A. P. Hill, Longstreet and D. H. Hill, were confronting us onthe right. Thus, between our main force, of over seventy-six thousandmen, and Richmond, less than twenty-five thousand rebels guarded theirextensive line of works. A concentrated assault of the four corps on thesouth side of the river must have resulted in the utter rout of theforce opposed to them, and the road to Richmond would have been opened. 

But the error of General Lee was never suspected, and this grandopportunity was lost. 

During the night of the 26th, the heavy artillery and baggage ofPorter's corps was all sent across the river. McCall's whole division, except a line of pickets left as a blind, also fell back five milesbelow, to the vicinity of the bridge at Gaines' Farm, where the threedivisions of the corps united. 

The astonishment of the men on the south side of the river ondiscovering, in the morning, that Porter's corps had fallen back, wasonly equaled by their mortification and disappointment, as they saw thelong lines of rebels advancing in the gray of the morning against ourretreating column. 

They had believed, when night came on, that our arms had achieved thefirst of a series of victories which was to give us the rebel capital. Now they saw that our army was already in retreat, and they gazed at thelong train of artillery and wagons, which had parked near us, withdowncast faces. From our camp, Porter's division could be distinctlyseen, and we could watch the movements of the rebels as they arrivedupon the highlands, formed their line on the range of hills oppositePorter, and planted their guns near the large barn on Dr. Gaines' farm. 

The position of Porter's corps was a strong one; and he was ordered tohold it till night, and then to cross the bridge and burn it after him;the upper bridge having been burned during the night. The countrybetween the two lines was rolling, somewhat wooded, but in partscleared. Both parties went to work to cut down trees in their front. 

The rebel forces, who supposed on the 26th that they were fighting ourmain army, were surprised, on the morning of the 27th, to find that onlya picket line opposed them. They were early astir; and advancing againstthe slender line, drove it back. The whole rebel force advancedcautiously; A. P. Hill and Longstreet bearing to the right, while D. H. Hill turned to the left, to unite with Jackson, who was supposed to becoming in from the rear. Owing to the uneven country over which theywere advancing, their march was slow; for they might fall upon a Unionline of battle behind any rounding swell of land. 

It was afternoon before the rebel army had fully formed its line onGaines' Farm. The position of that army was nearly that of the same armywhen Grant attacked it at Coal Harbor two years later, only it was facedabout. The battle opened about one o'clock, by skirmishing on bothsides; but it was not till an hour later that Hill's division dashedacross the open space, rushing through the swamp, and under a severefire from our batteries and musketry, pushed up the slope on which wasposted our line. The confederate troops advanced almost up to Sykes'line of battle on the right, and in other parts of the line actuallyforced back the Union troops; but they were able to hold their positiononly a short time, when they were forced back with great loss. 

Longstreet now advanced against the left of our line, but he too metwith a stern reception, and he withdrew to rearrange his plan of attack. 

By this time Jackson was approaching, and now the overwhelming forces ofthe enemy promised to crush the single corps; but Slocum's division ofour Sixth corps was ordered to the relief of the Fifth corps, andarrived at four o'clock. The division was sent into the fight at once, each brigade being ordered separately to strengthen the weak points ofthe line. Thus, while the division fought bravely, and suffered equallyin proportion with the Fifth corps, its incorporation with that corpsfor the time deprived it of the honors to which it was justly entitled. 

Bartlett, with his brigade, went to the aid of Sykes, who was doubtfullystruggling to hold his line; but who now, by the aid of the gallantbrigade, was able to hurl the assailants back from his front. 

The rebel line being completed, Longstreet, A. P. Hill, and Jackson allup with their troops, a general advance was made. 

The charge was made with great spirit, the rebels rushing over the openground and floundering through the swamp under a most writhing fire, butthe position of our forces was still too strong for them. At all pointsthey were repulsed with terrible slaughter. First on the right, whereSykes' regulars, supported by Bartlett's brigade, withstood the onset ofHill, the disordered and disheartened confederates began to scatter inall directions. 

One of the confederate generals reported that had not his men fallenback themselves he would have ordered it. "Men were leaving the field, "says another general, "in every direction; two regiments . . . Wereactually marching back under fire. Men were skulking from the woods in ashameful manner. The woods on our left and rear were full of troops insafe cover, from which they never stirred. " Such was the effect of thereception given by the regulars. On our left they met with no bettersuccess. These, too, fell back in disorder. Now a desperate attempt wasmade against our center. The tactics with which we afterwards became sofamiliar on the part of the rebels were brought to bear. This was inmassing troops against certain parts of our line and making desperateonslaughts with a view of breaking the line. The forces of Jackson, Hilland Longstreet threw themselves fiercely against our works, but withoutbeing able to drive our men back. Here it was that the First and Thirdbrigades of Slocum's division saved the wavering line, and all the furyof the rebels was spent in vain. General Porter directed Newton'sbrigade to its position in the center; Newton leading the Thirty-firstNew York and Ninety-fifth Pennsylvania into the woods on one side, andthe gallant Colonel Matheson with the Eighteenth and Thirty-secondentering on the other, both in the face of a destructive fire. Therebels charged upon the brigade and gallantly the charge was met. Newton, seeing the rebel line waver before the fire of his men, shouted"Forward!" and the impetuous regiments cleared the woods and drove therebels more than seven hundred yards. But the confederates, reinforced, pressed hard upon them with overwhelming numbers, and Newton demandedaid. Regiments from the New Jersey brigade rushed to the assistance oftheir brothers of the Third brigade, cheering as they advanced, and theposition was held until the left wing of Porter's corps gave way. Fortwo hours the conflict on this part of the line raged with terribleviolence; the columns surging backward and forward, neither party beingable to gain any permanent advantage. Never had we heard such volleys ofmusketry as now rolled along the borders of the swampy Chickahominy. Artillery was less used; a strip of pine woods intervening between theposition occupied by some of our batteries and the rebel line preventingan accurate range. The attempt to break our center was abandoned, andnow immense forces were brought against the left. The roar of battlebecame more loud than before. The thousand continuous volleys ofmusketry mingled in one grand tumultuous concert of death; while thebooming of artillery, which was now brought more into action, shook theearth for miles around. Under the pressure of overwhelming numbers, onebrigade gave way; and another on the extreme left, finding itselfoutflanked, fought its way back to the upper bridge, which had beenpartially destroyed during the night, and, crossing to the south side ofthe river, gathered its shattered regiments behind the breastworks ofour Second division. 

For two hours and a half the battle had raged fiercely on this part ofthe line, and as these brigades on the right gave way, the confusionspread all along. The rebels, seeing the disorder, and encouraged bytheir success on the left, came on with redoubled fury; and the wholeline gave way, and fell back to some high grounds near the bridge. Heretwo brigades from the Third corps appeared as reinforcements, and theretreat was checked. The Fifth corps, with Slocum's division and the twobrigades from the Third corps, were able to hold their position on thenorth side of the river till after dark. 

But we had been beaten, and our losses were very great. Twenty-twopieces of artillery fell into the hands of the enemy. We lost twothousand prisoners, among whom was General Reynolds, commanding one ofMcCall's brigades; and our killed and wounded numbered about fourthousand. The rebels had suffered greater losses in men, nine thousandfive hundred having been killed or wounded. The action, on the part ofthe rebels, had been directed by General Lee in person, who was on thefield during the whole action, controlling the movements of his troops, and attending to the details of the fight. On our part, the battle hadbeen fought entirely under the direction of General Porter. GeneralMcClellan, believing he could best watch the movements at all parts ofhis line from a central position, had remained during the day at theTrent House, five miles from the scene of action, without deeming itnecessary even to ride down to the river by the Woodbury bridge. (McClellan's Report. )

Meantime, while the battle raged with fury on the north side of theChickahominy, there was active work in our own front. Our Seconddivision, at Golden's Farm, was joined on the left by Sedgwick'sdivision, of the Third corps. The two divisions held the key toRichmond; for, had the brave men composing them, under the leadership ofsuch men as Smith and Sedgwick, been ordered to break through the rebelline, there was no power in their front to restrain them. The rebels, aware of this, and designing to prevent reinforcements from going toPorter, made frequent feints all along our line. Now with pickets, andanon, gathering a considerable force, they would advance upon some partof our works. From the nature of the ground, they could appear in largeforce at one point, then withdrawing, pass under cover of the woods andreappear at another point; thus keeping up the idea of a large force. 

These skirmishes and the artillery duels had been kept up all day, tothe annoyance of all. 

Just at sunset, Davidson's brigade was ordered to cross the river, bythe Woodbury bridge, to reinforce the Fifth corps. Preparations formoving were not complete, when the enemy opened a fierce fire ofartillery and musketry. The idea of reinforcing the Fifth corps was atonce abandoned, and we hastily took refuge from the howling missilesbehind our breastworks. The artillery firing increased, until the scenebecame in the highest degree exciting. 

Our guns were answering the rebels with great spirit, hurling shellsfast and furiously, and clouds of smoke rolled up from both the opposinglines. At length the rebel infantry was brought forward to charge ourline. Hancock's brigade of our Second division, and Burns' of Sedgwick'sdivision, were farthest in advance. Hancock had taken up a criticalposition in front of the line of works, where his brigade was supportinga strong battery. Against these two advance brigades the enemy pouncedwith the hope of routing them by this sudden onset. Against Hancock theymade the most desperate attempt, but with no success further thandriving in the picket line. In return, the rebels were hurried back tothe cover of the woods from whence they came, leaving many dead andwounded on the field. While the First brigade was thus bravelywithstanding the assault of the rebels, the Third brigade and the Secondoccupied a second line, acting as support, but neither were activelyengaged; yet several of the regiments in the second line lost men by theshells. 

During the night our Third brigade relieved Hancock's regiments andremained in possession of the advanced position until afternoon nextday. We had moved from our old position while the fight was in progress, and had left everything except arms and ammunition. 

We could hear the sound of ambulances in the front where the rebels weregathering up their wounded, till after midnight; and toward morning theymade a sally upon a part of the line, but were quickly repulsed. 

June 28th, the men of Davidson's brigade who had been ordered the daybefore to leave haversacks, canteens, blankets and tents, found in themorning that their camp was occupied by another division, tired andhungry, who had lost their blankets in the fights of the two daysbefore, and who had now appropriated the haversacks and blankets of ourboys to their own use. Some confusion occurred upon making thisdiscovery, but our boys soon helped themselves to substitutes and boretheir loss on the whole very patiently. 

Our picket line was relieved at 9 A. M. , but before the whole line waschanged the rebel batteries opened upon the moving companies aconcentrated fire from twenty pieces of artillery, putting a stop to theprocess. Shot and shell came tearing through our camps in everydirection, crashing through trees, throwing up great clouds of dust, riddling tents and alarming the cooks and contraband servants whoremained in camp. 

This artillery practice continued for an hour without eliciting muchreply from our side, as our guns had been nearly all withdrawn from thefront to join the train preparatory to the retreat. 

The rebels ceased their fire and we inferred that they had withdrawn tosome other point; but at two o'clock the mistake was discovered. Abrigade of rebels was seen to leap over their breastworks and rushtoward our line with yells and shouts like so many madmen. Our picketline was forced back before this impetuous charge, the picketsretreating to the main line. 

The Thirty-third New York held the principal part of the picket line, but two companies from the Forty-ninth Pennsylvania of Hancock'sbrigade, and a detachment from the Seventy-seventh New York also guardeda part of the line in front of the Second division. 

A part of the detachment from the Seventy-seventh held a small advanceredoubt or lunette which had been thrown up by Hancock's men. Over thiswork the rebels rushed, unmindful of the bullets sent by theskirmishers, and the guard was compelled to retreat in haste. 

But all did not leave that picket line. 

One youth, as brave a boy as ever shouldered a musket, John Ham, of theSeventy-seventh regiment, had sworn never to retreat before the enemy. Faithful to his word, when the handful of pickets were compelled toretreat (and this was the first time that any part of his regiment hadever fallen back before the enemy), he stood his ground, loading andfiring as rapidly as possible, alone defending the redoubt!

The rebels pressed upon him, and he fell riddled with bullets. When, later in the day, we had driven the confederates back to their works, werecovered his body, pierced by bullets and bayonets. 

As the rebels neared our main line of battle, they were met by awithering fire from our men, and, after maintaining the contest for afew moments, they broke and fled in confusion, leaving the groundthickly strewed with dead and wounded. Not satisfied with this repulse, they reformed and came on again; this time with less audacity than atfirst. Again a murderous fire compelled them to fall back, leaving moreof their number on the field. Among their wounded was Colonel Lamar, whowas in command of the charging regiments. 

He was brought into our lines by Sergeant Bemis and another soldier ofthe Seventy-seventh. He had been formerly a mischievous member ofcongress from Georgia. 

The final repulse of the rebels was made more complete and more fatal tothem by the timely aid of a section of Mott's battery, which had come upand opened an enfilading fire upon them from the left. Joyous cheerswent up from our men as they saw the rebels fleeing in all directions, and it was only by the peremptory orders of their commanders that theywere restrained from following the flying enemy. 

A company of about fifteen rebels threw out a white flag and voluntarilysurrendered themselves. Fifty dead rebels and one hundred woundedremained in our front, whom their comrades were allowed to remove, underflag of truce. 

The Thirty-third New York had, during this engagement, sustained theprincipal shock of the enemy's charge; and with that gallantry for whichthey bore during their two years of service an enviable reputation, theymet the charge and repulsed the enemy. 

By the retreat of the Fifth corps to the south side of the Chickahominy, which was accomplished during the night of the 27th and 28th, the rebelarmy was allowed to approach the river at Gaines' Farm. By this movementthe camps of Davidson's brigade, which were upon the extreme right ofour line, near the river, and the two forts we had erected, wererendered untenable; for the rebel guns shelled the whole position withease. Our men went in squads and brought away the most valuableproperty, including regimental papers and the knapsacks and blankets. Afew days before this, our whole corps, as well as the other corps of thearmy, had been supplied with an abundance of new tents. Staff andcompany officers had their wall tents, and the private soldiers theirshelters. All these were destroyed by cutting them with knives; as itwas known that any attempt to remove them would be discovered by therebels, who would at once open all their batteries upon us. 

Now, the feelings of the men underwent a terrible revolution. It was, for the first time, told them that the army must _retreat_ in all hasteto the James river! Our brave fellows had looked with sad faces atPorter's retreating column; but that was felicity compared with whatthey now experienced. Even when the right wing was forced across theriver, they still had faith that their bravery was to be rewarded withvictory. 

Now, they felt that all was lost. General Davidson rode through thecamps, and announced to the commanding officers of his regiments themysterious information, with directions to get off a few valuablearticles and abandon all else. 

Already, by Porter's retreat, the brave fellows in Liberty HallHospital, mangled and sick, groaning with wounds, and delirious withfevers, were abandoned, _deserted_, to fall into the hands of an enemyknown to be merciless. 

And now the siege of Richmond was to be abandoned, and the men who buttwo days before had exulted in the glad hope of a speedy entrance intothe city, which even now lay just within our grasp, were to turn theirbacks as _fugitives_ before their enemies! It was a time of humiliationand sorrow. Every man was weighed down with a terrible anxiety. Officershurried to and fro, silently and hastily forwarding the preparations forthe retreat. The great caravan of army trains was on its way under thedirection of scores of officers, and with it were escorts of cavalry andinfantry. 

At three o'clock Sunday morning the 29th, the Sixth corps quietlyevacuated its works and proceeded in the direction of Savage's Station. The men slung their knapsacks and quietly moved off. A scene ofdesolation met their view as they passed along. Tents cut to pieces, commissary stores thrown upon the ground or burning in heaps, blanketsand clothing piled promiscuously about, not considered worth carryingaway; all indicating a retreat under most disastrous circumstances. 

We had been preceded by Keyes' corps, which had started at noon the daybefore, crossed White Oak creek and occupied the opposite side, actingas advance guard for our long trains which were now making all hastetoward the James river. 

The endless streams of army wagons, artillery trains and ambulances wereall pouring down the roads from the various camps, and crowding into thenarrow paths that led to the opposite side of the Peninsula. Porter'sinfantry mingled with the trains, and thousands of cattle driven alongthrough the woods by the roadside made a strange scene. Franklin's, Sumner's and Heintzelman's corps were to guard the rear, and it was withsecrecy that we had left the rifle pits; for the enemy was close upon usready to take advantage of every movement. A picket guard was left todeceive the rebels, while regiment after regiment silently disappeared, leaving only the pickets to hold the long line of earthworks. Thesebrave men waited hour after hour for the signal to retire. The graylights of the morning broke upon them, yet there was no sign for them tojoin their commands. At length, when they had given up all hope of beingrelieved, they were signaled to leave the breastworks, and under coverof the morning mists, they quickly joined their comrades. 

The Second division moved in the direction of Savage's Station, whilethe First kept on to the crossing of White Oak Swamp, acting asrear-guard to Porter's corps. We of the Second division kept along thehigh lands which skirt the Chickahominy, when, after marching about twomiles, the division was brought to bay by the pursuing enemy. Facingabout we waited in line of battle for our trains to get out of the way;when we again resumed the retreat. While here, General McClellan, withhis immense staff, rode by us on his way toward Harrison's Landing. Hepassed White Oak Swamp the same day, and waited the arrival of the army;which, hindered by battles and innumerable difficulties, did not come upwith its commander again till the 1st of July. 

We arrived at Savage's Station at 4 P. M. Here trains and troops werecrowded together in wonderful confusion. Immense heaps of commissarystores, arms and ammunition were waiting destruction lest they shouldfall into the hands of the enemy, and hundreds of sick and wounded menwere taking sad leave of their friends; for it had been determined thatthese brave unfortunate men must be left to the tender mercies of therebels. Again the division was formed in line of battle to protect ourpioneers and the regiments which were engaged in the destruction of thestores. The long railroad bridge across the river at this point had beenburned. The work of destruction went on at a marvelous rate. Boxes ofhard bread, hundreds of barrels of flour, rice, sugar, coffee, salt andpork were thrown upon the burning piles and consigned to the flames. Oneheap of boxes of hard bread as large as a good sized dwelling made apart of the sacrifice. Boxes of clothing and shoes were opened and everyman as he passed helped himself to whatever he thought worth carryingaway. Notwithstanding thousands helped themselves, and huge boxes ofclothing were cast into the flames, we found on our return to thePeninsula two years afterwards, that the inhabitants for a long distancearound were clothed and shod with articles left by us at Savage'sStation on the grand retreat. The people had also made large gains bygathering up the coats, pants, shirts and shoes left on the ground andselling them in Richmond and elsewhere. 

It was easy thus to dispose of commissary and quartermaster's stores, but to destroy the immense magazines of cartridges, kegs of powder, andshells, required more care. These were loaded into cars; a long trainwas filled with these materials, and then, after setting fire to eachcar, the train was set in motion down the steep grade. With wildest furythe blazing train rushed; each revolution of the wheels adding newimpetus to the flying monster, and new volumes to the flames. Thedistance to the bridge was two miles. On and on the burning trainthundered like a frightful meteor. Now, the flames being communicated tothe contents of the cars, terrific explosions of shells and kegs ofpowder lent new excitement to the scene. The air was full of shrieking, howling shells, the fragments of which tore through the trees andbranches of the forest; and huge fragments of cars were seen whirlinghigh in the air. 

At length the train reached the river; and such was its momentum, that, notwithstanding the bridge was burned, the engine and the first carleaped over the first pier in the stream, and the cars hung suspended. While this destruction was going on, Smith's division moved back beyondSavage's Station, toward White Oak Swamp, marching, with frequent halts, three or four miles, when we were ordered to retrace our steps with allspeed, to reinforce Sumner's corps, which was engaging the enemy. Theheat of the day was most oppressive. Many of our men fell withsunstroke. Among those who thus suffered was General Davidson. 

CHAPTER X. 

THE GRAND RETREAT. 

 Lee's army in pursuit--Sumner and Smith at Bay--Battle of Savage's Station--The Vermont Brigade--Sick and wounded abandoned--Retreat to White Oak Swamp--Battle of White Oak Swamp--An astonished division--A night march--A mystery--In sight of the James--Battle of Malvern Hill--Departure of the princes--Gloom and anxiety--Lee's attack--The rebels demoralized. 

Meanwhile the rebel army, finding no force in front of them, were atfirst at a loss to determine what course we had taken; but when it wasdiscovered that we had withdrawn from before both wings of their armyand that our base of supplies at White House had been abandoned, it wasquickly divined that the Union army was retreating to the James river. Stuart, with his cavalry, had dashed down to White House and found onlyheaps of smoldering ruins; and from the absence of all motion in frontof the right of their line, it was clear that no attempt was to be madeon Richmond. Finding himself thus unexpectedly victorious, Lee at onceordered his forces, now on the north bank of the Chickahominy, to crossover and pursue the retreating army. 

During the night of the 28th, they had been actively engaged inrebuilding the bridge destroyed by General Porter, and early on themorning of the 29th, the main body of Lee's army was pouring across theriver. Hill and Longstreet moved rapidly so as to interpose between ourarmy and Richmond, and to be able to strike us on the flank; two otherdivisions followed on the Charles City road, and Jackson, with hiscorps, moved down the bank of the Chickahominy, threatening our rear. 

To resist any attack from these approaching columns, Sumner's andHeintzelman's corps, and our Second division of the Sixth corps, wereformed in line of battle before Savage's Station. 

For hours our division, with Sumner's corps, stood in the open fieldwatching the enemy. Heintzelman withdrew his corps and left Sumner andSmith to stem the tide that was destined to pour upon us. It seems tohave been the impression of General Heintzelman, who had listened withcredulity to the stories of the immense superiority of the enemy innumbers, that all hope of resisting the power of Lee's army was gone, and that there remained nothing for us but to make the best of our wayto the James river without stopping to give the enemy battle. 

In the view that there was no safety but in retreat, he was guided bythe opinion of the Commander-in-Chief, who had no thought of any furtherresistance than should suffice to bring the men and as much of thematerial of the army as could be brought by the teams across thePeninsula. Not so the old war horse Sumner. He would gladly haveattempted, a few hours later, to have "pushed the rebels into theChickahominy, " had not his application for help been answered frombeyond White Oak Swamp, "The rear-guard will follow the retreat of themain body of the army. " If there was no hope for the army but rapidretreat, then it was right for Heintzelman to leave the road clear; foras it was, with only Sumner's corps and our own division, the road waspacked so full that the men could scarcely march. But if there was anopportunity of inflicting great injury upon the rebels, as Sumnerbelieved there was, then we are not surprised at the amazement of theveteran when he discovered, the battle having commenced, that one corpshad left the line altogether. We were now as near our new base ofsupplies as the rebels were to theirs, and here we had enough to lastthe army many days. We were, as they had been, on the defensive; and wehad the advantage in position. But there was nothing left for those nowon the line but to make the best resistance possible under thecircumstances, and then fall back to the banks of the James. 

About five o'clock the huge cloud of dust in the direction of the campswe had deserted, gave warning of the approach of that part of the rebelarmy which was marching by the Charles City road; and at sunset thethunders of their artillery burst upon us. For an hour, only the heavyroar of artillery was heard from both sides. Shells screamed from oneside to the other, and the bright flashes and sharp reports, as theyburst in the air, mingled with the noise and smoke of the battle, asbattery responded to battery. Thus far no discharge of musketry washeard; but suddenly Magruder's men, with yells and shouts, rushed to thecharge. Streams of fire flashed along the two lines, and the rattle ofinnumerable muskets told of closer work than artillery duels. The bravefellows of Sumner, and of our Vermont brigade, met the assailants withdefiant shouts that rang out above the roar of muskets and cannon. 

Leaving Sumner's heroes to contend the ground on their part of the line, let us glance more in detail at the part borne by our own division inthis battle of Savage's Station. 

The Vermont brigade having the advance of the division, General Brooksat once threw his regiments to the front. The Fifth and Sixth asskirmishers, supported by the Third and Second in line of battle, theFourth being thrown upon the flank, the brigade advanced rapidly througha wide strip of woods. Suddenly, as the line of skirmishers emerged fromthe woods they received the fire of a battery and of a strong line ofbattle. The Fifth at once charged upon the force in front, whichscattered in all directions. The rebels were beaten back both from ourown and from Sumner's front; but only to reform and press forward againfrom the cover of the woods to which they had retreated, to give battlewith new vigor. Again the flash and roar of musketry mingled with thewild yells of the rebels and the manly shouts of the Unionists, andagain nothing could be seen but the clouds of smoke, out of which sprungthe vivid blaze of the cannon, and the quick flash of the rifles. Everynow and then, fresh troops arriving upon the field would send up theshout above all the other noise of battle, and then nothing but thecontinuous din of arms could be heard. Three rebel regiments nowadvanced against the Fifth Vermont; but the brave fellows secured a goodposition and held it, in spite of every effort of the rebels to dislodgethem. The other regiments were not so hotly engaged as the Fifth. Twohundred of the men of that regiment were killed, wounded or missing. Fifty of their dead bodies were left on the field. Davidson's andHancock's brigades guarded important positions, but were not activelyengaged. 

The conflict raged till eight o'clock, when the confederates, repulsedat every point, beaten and discouraged, left the field, and no more wasseen of them. The whole loss to the confederates in this engagement wasabout four hundred. 

Before midnight, the rear-guard had turned toward White Oak Swamp, leaving many hundreds of our brave wounded and sick men lying upon thegreen sward, or collected under rude shelters. Here, large groups weregathered under the shade of some large tree; and there, long lines ofstaggering invalids, leaning upon their guns or staffs for support, tottered after the retreating column, in the hope of being able to reachwith it a place of safety. 

Surgeons were left to care for these unfortunate ones who could not getoff; and a small amount out of the abundance of provisions that wascondemned to destruction was saved for them. Of all the sad scenes whichhad made the Peninsula swarm with melancholy memories, nothing we hadseen could compare with this most sorrowful of all. Twenty-five hundredof our sick and wounded were left to fall into the hands of the enemy. 

At nine or ten in the evening, we withdrew from our position beforeSavage's Station, and marched rapidly toward White Oak Swamp. The roadwas completely filled with wagons, ambulances and artillery, mingledwith horsemen and infantry, all crowding forward with utmost speed. Never had our men experienced so severe a march. They were obliged topick their way among the teams, losing all organization, each man bentupon making his way forward regardless of others. 

At length, toward morning, we crossed White Oak creek, ascended a littleelevation on the further side, and lay down upon the grass completelyexhausted and worn out. 

The sun was shining brightly when we were roused from our heavyslumbers. The morning passed in perfect quiet except the rattle of thetrains which had parked here over night, and now were hurrying along thenarrow road, wagons and artillery rushing by with all speed to allowroom for the immense collection to file out. This process continued tillafternoon, and was the only source of excitement to us except thedistant roar of battle on the left, where McCall and Hooker were hotlyengaged. Thus matters continued until about two o'clock; the men seekingshelter among the pines or resting quietly after their weary night'smarch. A picket line composed of men from the various regiments of ourThird brigade, Second division, guarding our extreme right flank. Allwere listless and little dreaming of the tremendous storm of iron hailwhich was gathering to break upon us in a moment. 

Suddenly, like a thunderbolt, seventy-five pieces of artillery belchedforth their sheets of flame and howling shells; and in an instant, ourwhole division was thrown into the most perfect confusion by the deadlymissiles which flew among us in every direction. Such cannonading hadnever before been heard by our army, and before our batteries couldreply with any effect, the horses were killed, the gunners dispersed andthe pieces disabled. It was a most perfect surprise; no one wasprepared; men ran hither and thither seeking shelter behind any objectwhich seemed even sufficient to conceal them from the view of the enemy. 

It appeared that Jackson had effected a crossing of the river, and withgreat secrecy made his way to the border of White Oak creek, where, concealed by trees and underbrush, he had massed his batteries, and whenall was in perfect readiness had opened upon us this storm of death. Unutterable confusion prevailed for a time; riderless horses gallopedmadly to the rear; men rushed here and there; officers wandered aboutwithout commands, and men were left without directions how to act. Generals Smith and Davidson occupied an old fashioned wooden house whichstood upon the brow of the elevation above and facing the bridge. Aboutit were many orderlies, holding their horses, or lounging carelessly, orchatting with each other. The very first volley riddled the house withshells; orderlies rushed from the place in consternation and the inmatesquickly appeared without, gazing in amazement toward the source of thisunexpected cause of the tumult. The gray-haired owner of the house wascut in two as he stood in the door, and several other persons were moreor less injured. General Smith, at the moment the cannonade opened, wasengaged at his rude toilette; his departure from the house was so hastythat he left his watch, which he did not recover. He coolly walked offto a less exposed position and devoted himself to restoring order. Oneregiment, as soon as the shells began to fly, rushed pell-mell to therear, none of the men standing upon the order of their going. 

During all this time a few of the regiments held their ground withoutmoving. By active exertions, on the part of officers, order was restoredand the whole division fell back a short distance, taking up a positionat the edge of a strip of woods, which commanded an open field. GeneralSmith, with his accustomed fearlessness, was to be seen riding along hislines exhorting his men to coolness, and by his own composure restoringconfidence to them. The design of Jackson, to cross the stream, wasfrustrated. The firing soon ceased, and, as darkness came on, quietagain reigned, except now and then a little skirmishing. 

At nine o'clock in the evening, under cover of the darkness, we silentlyand hastily withdrew. All orders were given in whispers; men refrainedfrom conversation; and everything indicated the most intense anxiety onthe part of our generals for the safety of the army. Thus, in silence, we hastened on our way; the weary and exhausted troops scarcely able tokeep awake while they marched. No better illustration can be given ofthe intense state of anxiety, excitement and doubt which prevailed, thanthe following little incident, which occurred during this night march. Our Third brigade, leading the Second division, had halted where thenarrow road passed through a piece of woods, waiting a moment for theroad to clear, or for the guides to report the direction for the march. Generals Franklin and Davidson, with officers of Davidson's brigade, were grouped together near the head of the column, sitting upon theirhorses. The weary men, almost overcome by sleep, were leaning upon theirmuskets or lying in the road half asleep. Officers nodded and swung thisway and that in their saddles. The stillness of death prevailed. In aninstant, without any perceptible cause, as though a breath from someevil genius had swept the narrow track, every man was gone from theroad. They stood in the woods looking with breathless wonder into theroad for the unseen danger. After the first moment of surprise, the wordpassed along, in low tones, "Attention!" Not a living being could beseen in the road, and all was silence. Recovering from the firstsurprise, General Davidson looked for General Franklin, who, but amoment before, was dozing by his side. "General Franklin! GeneralFranklin!" called the general in a loud whisper, but nothing could befound of him, and we saw no more of him that night. What was the causeof this sudden alarm we never knew. Possibly, a riderless horse mighthave suddenly startled those in front, or, quite as likely, there was nocause whatever; but the incident illustrates the state of feeling in thearmy that night. 

At length, just as the gray light of the morning was streaking theskies, we came in sight of the majestic James river. Every man took along breath, as though relieved of a heavy load of anxiety. Officersclasped their hands and exclaimed, "Thank God. " The worn out men steppedlighter, for they had arrived at the haven of their hopes. Again theyexperienced a feeling of safety. We filed into a beautiful clover field, and there the exhausted columns sunk down for a brief rest. Brief it wasto be, for scarcely had two hours passed when we were ordered into lineof battle. We moved back through the woods, crossing a little stream, and formed in a wheat field, where the grain stood in shocks. Here weremained, watching the enemy, who stood in our front, contentingthemselves with occasional sallies of their skirmishers, while the greatbattle of Malvern Hill was in progress on our left, where the booming ofour field pieces and the dull roar of the heavy guns from the gunboatswas heard for many hours. At length, as night came on, the sound ofbattle died away, and all was again quiet. Now we heard cheers on theleft, and, looking in that direction, we saw, approaching at greatspeed, the commander of the Union army. Cheers greeted him as he rodealong the line, and hats were thrown high in the air in honor of thechief. 

As the leading corps of the army had fallen back from White Oak Swamp, they had occupied a superb position on the James river, called MalvernHill. The wagons and other impedimentia of the army had also arrivedthere, and were secured behind the southern slope of the hill. The placewas admirably adapted for a defensive battle. It was a lofty plateau, rising not less than one hundred and fifty feet above the plain, slopinggently toward the north and east, down to the border of the forest. Theapproach to this sloping field was rendered difficult by ravines, whichran along the front; and the enemy, if he approached, must do so by wayof the roads which crossed them. 

Upon the crest was posted the battery of siege guns which had escapedthe hands of the enemy; and nearly three hundred field pieces werearranged along the heights, so that the fire might pass over the headsof the infantry, who were arranged upon the glacis, up which the enemymust charge, hidden, for the most part, by the tall wheat and corn. Herethe main body of the army was posted. First, nearest the James, wasPorter's corps; then Heintzelman's, Keyes', Sumner's and our Sixthcorps, occupying the right flank, two or three miles from the positionwhere the rebels must advance with their main force. The fleet ofgunboats floated upon the river, on our left flank, ready to send theirscreaming monster shells into the ranks of the advancing enemy. 

Against this position, naturally almost impregnable, Lee hurled hishosts, with the design of giving the final blow to the Union army, whichshould insure its destruction and capture. The rebel army confidentlybelieved that the army of the north must now be compelled to surrenderor be driven into the James. 

If the rebels were confident and exultant, our own men were filled withthe deepest despondency. 

Exhausted by a month of constant labor and watchfulness, with fightingand marching and digging, now, as they believed, fleeing from the faceof an enemy immensely superior to them in numbers, it is not to bewondered at that they were apprehensive of the worst results. 

Paymasters sought refuge with their treasures in the gunboats on theriver. The Prince De Joinville and his nephews, the Count De Paris andCount De Chartes, who had acted as aides de camp to General McClellan, who had been with us from the beginning, active, brave men, who werefrequently where the danger was greatest, and who had entered ourservice with the determination of seeing it to the end, now departed;they, too, finding a respite from their toils upon one of the gunboats. The young men were accompanied on board by the staff and by theCommander-in-Chief himself. From the deck of the vessel he communicatedhis orders by the signal flags, to those left in command on shore. Here, with his young friends, and in consultation with the commander of thefleet, he remained until about five o'clock, when he rode down the linesto the rear of our corps, where he spent the time till darkness put anend to the fight. 

Such was the sad state of feeling in our army. Yet, exhausted anddepressed as they were, our men were as brave and determined as ever. They had yet a country; and they knew that the fate of that countrydepended upon the result of this encounter, and they resolved to acquitthemselves with heroism and even desperation. 

Lee had marshaled his whole force in front of our strong position. Hewrote to each of his division commanders ordering an assault, anddirecting, when they heard the yell of Armistead's troops, to chargealso with yells. 

The yell was heard, and some of the divisions, but not all, pressedforward to a wild charge. 

The rebels came on heroically, but were sent reeling back down the slopein confusion and disorder. Again and again they renewed the charge fromunder cover of the woods which skirted the base of the slope. They wouldstart across the open space, charging our batteries with wild yells, butthe heavy fire of our guns and the steady volleys of our infantry sentthem back as often to the shelter of the woods. At times our infantrywould reserve their fire till the rebel columns had run the gauntlet ofshot and shell from our batteries, almost reaching our lines, when withexultant cheers they would bound forward to seize the prize now almostwithin their grasp, when our men would open upon them a single volley, and, leaping over the breastworks, pursue the panic-stricken assailants, capturing prisoners and colors, and driving the rebels in confusion downthe slope. Thus the battle raged with terrible fury; every attempt onthe part of the enemy failing, until darkness set in, and the rebelchiefs were glad to let the battle subside; though it was not till nineo'clock the artillery firing ceased. 

The weight of the attacks had been upon our center. Here Couch, Sumnerand Heintzelman withstood the shock of battle for hours, only a part ofPorter's corps being engaged, and neither our Sixth corps nor Casey'sdivision of Keyes' corps being actively in the fight. 

The rebel General Trimble thus describes the condition of their army onthe morning after the battle:

"The next morning by dawn I went off to ask for orders, when I found thewhole army in the utmost disorder. Thousands of straggling men wereasking every passer-by for their regiments; ambulances, wagons andartillery obstructing every road; and altogether in a drenching rainpresenting a scene of the most woful and heart-rending confusion. "

Had but a show of an attack upon such an army been made, it must haveresulted in defeat and utter rout to the rebels. 

CHAPTER XI. 

HARRISON'S LANDING. 

 March to Harrison's Bar--A scene of confusion--A beautiful landscape--Fourth of July in camp--Gloom at the north--Cause of the disasters--Prevalence of disease--Review by the President--A night demonstration by the enemy--Reconnoissance to Malvern Hill--Departure of General Davidson--A retrospect. 

Our corps remained in line of battle in the wheat field till early nextmorning; changing position during the night just often enough to depriveus of rest. As we started out toward Harrison's Landing the rain waspouring in sheets; and throughout the day it continued to deluge thecountry. The roads were rivers of almost fathomless mud; and our tiredmen could scarcely drag themselves along. But at four in the afternoonwe halted under cover of our gunboats, and bivouacked for the night. Such a deplorable scene as was here, was enough to melt the heart of thestoutest. As we debouched from a piece of woods skirting the plateau atHarrison's Landing, officers stood like hotel porters at a steamboatlanding, calling out "This way for the Third corps;" "This way for theFifth corps;" "This way for Slocum's division. " All was confusion. Thewhole army seemed to be made of stragglers. Our little BrigadierDavidson rose in his saddle to an unusual height, as he looked back andsaw with undisguised pride, his brigade marching in, almost unbroken. 

The landscape before us was indescribably beautiful. There lay the Jamesriver, and spreading out between us and the river were the broad fieldsof wheat; the fine country houses; the long avenues and roads lined withrows of cedar trees; which last were almost in a moment stripped oftheir branches to make beds for the soldiers. 

There, crowded together, were the immense caravans of wagons, ambulances, guns and pontoons, hugging the river, and the multitude ofmen swarming over the plain. Long processions of sick and wounded men, leaning on canes and crutches, their heavy steps and sunken faces nowfor a moment lighted up at the thought that their melancholy pilgrimagewas nearly ended, filed by us; and battalions of cooks and special dutymen were wandering about in search of their commands. 

The river was full of transports and gunboats, giving it the appearanceof the harbor of some commercial metropolis. Many of the hungry men, without waiting for their rations to be brought by the commissary, plunged into the stream, swam to the boats and there procured thecoveted food. But the greater number of our men, their powers completelyexhausted, without waiting for food, or to provide comfortable quarters, lay down in the bed of mud and were soon in heavy slumbers. 

Again, after a poor night's rest, the corps was marched to a newposition on the front line, where we remained to celebrate theanniversary of the nation's birthday. A gloomy "Fourth of July" was thisto us, though every effort was made to keep up the spirits of the men. Early in the morning the enemy opened a fire upon parts of our line, towhich our guns responded. A national salute had been ordered, andprecisely at the hour appointed, while the fighting was in progress, theheavy guns were heard booming the salute. Our boys listened for amoment, and then, as if all inspired with new life, they made the welkinring with their cheers. The bands, roused from their long inactivity, pealed forth stirring national airs, and the Commander-in-Chief issuedan address to his array, in which he praised its gallantry and firmness, declared that he himself had established the new line, and that if theenemy would come upon us now we would convert his repulse into a finaldefeat. 

At home, a heavy gloom hung over the nation. The news of our retreat andof the terrible battles, had been carried by the magic wires to theremotest parts of the north; but few yet knew the fate of their friendswho were in the great army. It was enough that the siege of Richmond, which had cost so much time and money, and, above all, so many thousandsof brave men, was abandoned, and the grand army, on which the hopes ofthe nation hung, was now beleaguered, defending itself in an unhealthyposition, which offered little advantage for anything but defense. Sympathizers with the rebellion secretly rejoiced and openly prophesiedthe speedy destruction of our army by the scorching sun and poisonedair, even if left to itself by the rebels. 

The cause of all these disastrous circumstances was by some attributedto unwise interference, on the part of the authorities in Washington, with the plans of the chief of our army. They claimed that thePresident, Secretary of War and the Major General commanding all thearmies of the Union, had, in the words of General McClellan, "done whatthey could to defeat this army. " They complained loudly thatreinforcements had been withheld, and that McDowell, with a large force, had been kept unemployed in the vicinity of Fredericksburgh, when hiscorps would have thrown the balance of strength upon our side. Othersclaimed that the whole campaign had been sadly mismanaged by a commanderwho had, as they insisted, never seen his army fight; who had invariablyfound employment elsewhere than on the field of battle when fighting wasto be done, and whose character as a soldier was made up of doubts andhesitancies. 

Six weeks of camp life, dreary, sickly and monotonous, succeeded ourarrival at Harrison's Bar. 

Our corps proceeded to the work of throwing up strong intrenchments andmounting guns. Our Third brigade, Second division, constructed anextensive fort, in which several very heavy guns were mounted; each ofthe regiments taking their turn at the labor. In our front the forestswere slashed for a great distance, and thousands of sturdy wood-cuttersplied their heavy blows, sweltering under the burning rays of the sun. 

Sickness became almost universal. The men were worn out with thetremendous labors which they had performed since their arrival on thePeninsula; they were burned by almost unendurable heat; they were nearlydevoured by the countless myriads of flies and other annoying insects;and they were forced to drink impure and unwholesome water. It was notstrange that hundreds died in camp, and that hundreds more, with theseeds of death implanted in their constitutions, went to their homes inthe north to breathe out their lives in the midst of their friends, orlanguished in the large government hospitals at Washington, and othercities. 

Leaves of absence were given freely, and thousands availed themselves ofthe opportunity of visiting their homes and recruiting their health. Themen, with the patience which none but soldiers ever exhibit, wentquietly to work to render their situation as tolerable as possible. Wells were dug in the camps, from which they procured better water thanthey were able to get at first, and small pines were brought and setamong the tents, by which some degree of protection was afforded againstthe burning sun. On the morning of the 8th of July, the monotony wasbroken by the arrival of President Lincoln. The booming of artilleryannounced his coming, and the heartfelt cheers of the soldiers assuredhim of a welcome. 

The President, after spending a few hours at the head-quarters of thearmy, proceeded to review the various corps. He was accompanied byGeneral McClellan, and many officers of note. Everywhere he received anenthusiastic welcome from the men, who regarded him as their warmfriend. He manifested great emotion as he rode along the lines and sawthat the regiments, which but a few weeks before had left Washingtonwith full ranks, were now mere skeletons of regiments. Evening drew itsmantle over the scene, and the review was closed by moonlight. 

Little occurred to relieve the monotony of the six weeks of camp life atHarrison's Bar, except the events of which we have spoken; ademonstration by the enemy during the night of the 31st, and an advanceto Malvern Hill by General Hooker's division. On the former occasion, the troops were startled from their slumbers about midnight, by thesudden discharge of a battery of artillery from the south side of theJames. The rebels had succeeded in getting a force in position there, and they now opened a vigorous fire upon our shipping and our camps. Their shells flew among us in disagreeable proximity, and the long linesof fire traced upon the midnight sky lent a certain charm to thedangerous business. Our gunboats answered the fire; and after two hoursof exciting work drove the rebels from their position. Some infantry wastaken across the river, who hastened the retreat of the enemy, burnedthe buildings near the shore, and cut down the trees, that they mightnot in future afford concealment for the rebels. 

General Hooker's reconnoissance resulted in his occupying Malvern Hillfor a day or two, having a brisk skirmish with the enemy and returningto camp. 

Our active and gallant Brigadier-General Davidson was, early in August, relieved from the command of our Third brigade, and ordered to thedepartment of Missouri. Notwithstanding the severity of his discipline, and his occasional forgetfulness that men could not accomplish as muchphysical labor as horses--for the general had always been a cavalryofficer--his never-tiring energy, his undoubted bravery, and hisinterest and pride in his brigade, had endeared him to the men. Duringthe severe trials on the Chickahominy, and on the retreat, the generalhad taken an unusual interest in the brigade, and had made himselfpersonally acquainted with nearly all the members of his command. 

The general took command of a cavalry division in Missouri; where hisname became a terror to all secessionists in that part of the country. The command devolved upon Lieutenant-Colonel Corning of the Thirty-thirdNew York, then senior officer of the brigade, who was soon succeeded byColonel W. H. Irwin, of the Forty-ninth Pennsylvania Volunteers. 

Reinforcements began to arrive from Washington, and our army, in August, numbered one hundred and twenty thousand men. With these, and a fewthousand more, General McClellan declared his belief that he could repelthe enemy and advance into Richmond. 

Let us for a moment turn to the fortunes of the regiment with which weleft Saratoga, and whose early history we have traced. In all thestirring events which have transpired in the division and corps, theSeventy-seventh has acted an important and honorable part. Always readyto perform the duties demanded of it; always in its place when dangerwas greatest; ever cheerfully obeying the commands of superiors, it hasassumed no honor above its fellows, but proudly claimed to be the peerof such noble regiments as the Sixth Maine, the Fifth Wisconsin, theThirty-third New York, and other bright stars in the galaxy of the Sixthcorps; ornaments to it and the army. "It is a little regiment, " saidGeneral Davidson to a member of Governor Morgan's staff, who came tolook after the interests of the New York troops, "but it is always inthe right place. " The general regarded the regiment with especial favor, and was accustomed to call it "my little Seventy-seventh. " Since thearrival of the army on the Peninsula the experiences of the regimenthave been varied. With the other regiments of Smith's division, it hasspent a month at Yorktown, within musket shot of the enemy. AtWilliamsburgh it, with other regiments of its brigade, supportedbatteries in front of Fort Magruder, and when, in the afternoon, itreceived the order to go with the Forty-ninth to the assistance ofHancock, it started forward with cheers; the men going through the mudat double quick. But when the two regiments arrived on the field, theirgallant brothers of Hancock's and of their own brigade, had noblyaccomplished the work in which they would gladly have assisted. We haveseen how gallantly the regiment routed the rebels at Mechanicsville;capturing a flag and other trophies; and when on the ChickahominySmith's division held the line closest upon the enemy, it bravelyassumed its part of the labor and danger. A portion of the regiment onpicket on the 28th of June, exhibited sterling heroism, and we needhardly refer to the noble sacrifice of the brave young soldier John Ham. 

Disease and exhaustion had made terrible inroads upon theSeventy-seventh. Instead of nearly a thousand men with which we came tothe Peninsula, inspection in the middle of June showed only about twohundred and fifty men present for duty. Although this regiment had fromthe very beginning occupied an exposed position in the very front line;although it composed a part of Smith's division, which has alreadybecome famous both in the Union and rebel armies for being always inclosest proximity to the enemy, yet it had thus far lost very few men inbattle. All the rest of those now absent had been stricken down byfevers, or worn out by the exhausting labors and exposures of thecampaign. 

[Illustration: James B. McKean--Col. 77th Regt. NYSV. ]

Among those attacked by typhoid fever was Colonel McKean. Aftersuffering a few days in the vain hope of soon being able to placehimself again at the head of his regiment, he was removed from thepoisonous atmosphere of the swamps to Washington, and thence to his homein Saratoga. The men looked upon his departure with sincere regret, forthey not only respected him as an able commander, but loved him for hisnever failing interest in their welfare. He had been to the regiment inthe capacity of commander and father. His leave of the regiment wasdestined to be final; for except as an occasional visitor he neverreturned to it; and after many months of suffering, his constitutionundermined, and his health permanently destroyed, he was forced torelinquish the command. But though forced to leave the field, the men ofhis regiment never ceased to cherish feelings of love and respect fortheir first commander. They had witnessed his bravery on the field, andthey now knew that he was contending with disease with the samefortitude that had marked his course in the army. The departure ofColonel McKean from the service was not only a great loss to hisregiment but to the whole corps; for he was not only a brave officer, but a gentleman of superior intellectual endowments. Another of thesufferers from typhoid fever was Lieutenant Bowe, a young man of fineabilities and greatly beloved by his regiment. After several weeks ofabsence, he returned to camp on the 18th of July restored to health. Onthe very next day, while standing with several officers in a tent, hewas fatally wounded by an accidental shot from a pistol. His father, hearing of the sad occurrence, came for him and removed him from camp;but only to see him expire in a few days. 

Changes occurred among the officers. The lieutenant-colonel and majorleft the service, the first by resignation, the other by dismissal. Adjutant French was made major, and afterwards lieutenant-colonel, whichoffice he held during the remainder of the term of the regiment. Heassumed command of the regiment on his return to it after the battle ofAntietam, and continued in command while it was a regiment. Captains andlieutenants also resigned. Chaplain Tully and Quartermaster Shurtliffdeparted for their homes, having left the service. Lieutenant Haywardwas made quartermaster, a position for which he was eminently qualified, and which he thenceforward held to the great satisfaction of the entireregiment. 

CHAPTER XII. 

RETREAT FROM THE PENINSULA, AND GENERAL POPE'S BULL RUN CAMPAIGN. 

 Premonitions of a change of base--The transfer commenced--Marching down the Peninsula--On board transports--A contrast--Arrival at Alexandria--Unaccountable delays--General Pope's campaign--An obstinate general--Causes of Pope's failure. 

Early in August, rumors were floating about the army, that GeneralMcClellan had received positive orders to transfer the Army of thePotomac to the front of Washington, there to unite the forces of the twoarmies; and that this plan was strongly opposed by General McClellan, who insisted that he wanted only a few thousand more men to march intoRichmond. 

The army had received large reinforcements since arriving at Harrison'sLanding, and now numbered more than one hundred thousand men; not by anymeans an inconsiderable force, yet too small, in General McClellan'sopinion, to warrant another advance. 

But, owing to the movements of the enemy in front of General Pope, thesupposed impracticability of the route, and to some distrust as to theabilities of General McClellan by the authorities at Washington, peremptory orders had been sent to him to remove his army as quickly aspossible from the Peninsula. 

What the merits of the dispute in high places might be, the army atlarge was not able to decide; but the rumors gave rise to many spiriteddebates, in which the authorities at Washington and the authority atHarrison's Bar had each earnest advocates. At length it became knownthat the army was to leave the Peninsula, and preparations for thisimportant movement commenced. The work of shipping the sick and wounded, numbering twelve thousand five hundred, began; but it was not carried onwith a degree of alacrity satisfactory to the War Department or thePresident. 

The wharves along the river side became the scene of immense activity. Ambulances crowded along the banks of the river, laden with sick andwounded, while those from the hospitals able to walk, tottered alongwith trembling steps, their wan faces and sunken eyes telling theirstory of suffering. Transports were in waiting for these, and wererapidly filled with their freight of suffering humanity. Everything notmovable was ordered to be destroyed. Tents were struck and taken to thepickets who had left them behind, and everything betokened an importantmovement. Three or four days were spent in momentary expectation of theorder to "fall in, " but still the situation remained unchanged. 

At length, on the 16th of August, all was ready and the men were orderedto pack their knapsacks; but the men of the Sixth corps remained in campuntil the sun's rays became scorching; then the column moved rapidlyeastward. A hard day's march on the 16th and another on the 17th, brought the corps in sight of the Chickahominy. It crossed a pontoonbridge of enormous extent, in the construction of which ninety boatswere used, and the length of which was over two thousand feet. Thoroughly exhausted the men bivouacked on the eastern bank of theChickahominy. 

The rebels, now aware of the retreat, were following close at the heelsof the Union army, but declined to make any offensive demonstrations, further than picking up stragglers and those that fell out by the wayfrom weakness and fatigue. The main portion of the rebel army was nowoccupied in important movements in another direction. 

Another rapid march, under a burning sun, brought our corps to theancient capital of the Old Dominion--Williamsburgh. Passing through itsstreets without halting, taking only time to glance at its nowdilapidated buildings, we reached the familiar scenes of the oldbattle-field, which, three months before, we little expected to recrossbefore the downfall of the rebellion. Here was the plain where a portionof our Second division had, by its gallantry, decided the fate of thebattle; the scene of our bivouac in the rain and mud, and the redoubtswhere lay the wounded rebels, whose groans had rendered the nighthideous. In the midst of these scenes we bivouacked again for the night. 

At dawn the column moved again, and after a fatiguing march reachedYorktown; our Second division encamping in the works erected by Porter'sdivision during our famous thirty days' siege of that place. 

Many of the men had by this time become exhausted; and a long train ofambulances was filled with these and sent ahead on the morning of the20th. The well ones soon followed toward Fortress Monroe, halting on thefield of Big Bethel. This was the first visit of our corps to thisdisastrous field, and the men rambled about manifesting great interestin the spot rendered sacred by the blood of Winthrop and Greble. 

Plums, peaches and sweet potatoes constituted novel additions to thediet of the men, and although the two former were unripe, their goodeffects were manifested in arresting multitudes of those troublesomecases of diarrhea which had resisted all treatment so long as the menwere deprived of acid fruits. Another hard march on the 21st brought thecorps again, after five months' absence, to the vicinity of thedesolated village of Hampton, and the end of our march for the present. The whole army was crowded along the shores, waiting to embark forAquia. Transports of every size and description were riding upon the bayor lashed to the wharves, and infantry, cavalry and artillery werecrowding toward the beach ready to take their turn to embark. The scenewas one of unusual activity, resembling only the one we had witnessed onembarking for the Peninsula months ago. 

At length all were on board, and the transports swung out upon the bayand steamed up the Potomac. One of the transports on which a portion ofthe Second division was embarked, the "Vanderbilt, " had been, in otherdays, an old friend, as she ploughed up and down the Hudson; now hermagnificent saloons, which had been of dazzling beauty, were dismantledand disfigured. No gorgeous drapery or gilded mirrors adorned them, butdesolation and filth prevailed. 

The weather was charming, and, except for the crowded condition of thetransports, the trip would have been a delightful one. What a contrastwas there in the appearance of those same men now, and when they camedown the river in April! Then our ranks were full; the men were healthyand in fresh vigor; their uniforms were new and clean, and their musketsand equipments were polished and glistening. Now, we looked about withsadness when we remembered how many of our former companions wereabsent, and how few present. We could bring to mind many who went to thePeninsula, full of hope, who had sunk as victims of the malarialpoisons, and now rested in humble graves at Yorktown or along theChickahominy; and many others who had nobly fallen upon the field ofstrife; and yet others who now were wearing out tedious days of sicknessin hospitals or at home. 

The little band that remained could hardly be recognized as the same menwho left the defenses of Washington but a few months since; their faceswere now bronzed from constant exposure to the scorching rays of thesun, and their clothing was worn and soiled. Hats and caps of everydescription: hats of straw and of palm leaf, of brown wool, black wool, and what had been white wool. Caps military and caps not military, allalike in only one respect, that all were much the worse for wear. Itwould have puzzled a stranger to have determined from this diversity ofapparel, what was the regular uniform of our troops. 

We came up the river with feelings far less exultant and confident thanthose experienced in our downward trip. Indeed a gloom hung over theminds of all. The army was satisfied that General McClellan would beremoved from command, and it was said that General Pope or GeneralBurnside would be his successor. Though they remembered the brilliantsuccesses of the one in the west and of the other in the south, manyexpressed fears that the command of a large army might be as fatal toeither of these as it had been to General McClellan. 

At sunset of the 23d, the transports bearing the two divisions of theSixth corps, were anchored just off Alexandria; but none of the men wereallowed to go ashore. Spending another night in the crowded vessels, where the foul air prevailing between decks rendered breathing anythingbut a luxury, the men hailed the appearance of daylight as the time fortheir liberation from this close and unpleasant confinement. 

The process of disembarking progressed rapidly, and the divisions weremarched through the city to a field about a mile beyond its limits, where we encamped near Fort Ellsworth. 

Although this was on Sunday morning, and it was known that Pope's armywas fighting the enemy even before we left the Peninsula, and was inneed of reinforcements; yet no signs of marching occurred untilThursday. 

Let us now turn back for a moment and hastily glance at the movements ofGeneral Pope and his army, which had now for several days been activelyengaged. The battle of Cedar Mountain was fought on Saturday, August9th. General Banks, pushing his corps toward Cedar Mountain, and, finding the enemy in his front, had boldly attacked him. The confederateforces were led by General Jackson, and outnumbered the forces underGeneral Banks. The field was hotly contested for an hour and a half, when our forces were obliged to fall back; but being reinforced byRickett's division, they were able to prevent the enemy from occupyingthe field. During the night, Jackson withdrew his forces, leaving theground in our hands, which was at once occupied by the Union forces. 

The whole of Sunday was occupied in burying the dead and bringing offthe wounded of both armies. Our men had behaved with great bravery, andthe gallantry and zeal of General Banks was what might have beenexpected from that general. The field was yet in our hands; yet thebattle could hardly be called a decided victory for our arms. Jacksonretreated rapidly across the Rapidan, in the direction of Gordonsville, leaving many dead and wounded along the road from Cedar Mountain toOrange Court House. Except to follow up the enemy with cavalry as far asOrange Court House, no important move was made for several days by theforces under General Pope. 

Reinforcements were constantly arriving for Jackson, and it becameevident, by the 18th, that nearly the whole of Lee's army was assemblingin front of General Pope, along the south side of the Rapidan. Amongpapers captured from the enemy at this time, was an autograph letterfrom General Robert Lee to General Stuart, stating his determination tooverwhelm General Pope's army before it could be reinforced by anyportion of the army of the Potomac. 

The whole army was now ordered to fall back and occupy a strongerposition behind the Rappahannock. The movement was executed on the 18thand 19th of August, without loss; the new line extending from Kelley'sFord to a point three miles above Rappahannock Station. The enemyappeared next day at the various fords, but, finding them stronglyguarded, waited for all their forces to arrive from the Rapidan. 

The whole of the 21st and 22d were spent by the enemy in efforts tocross the river, and a fierce artillery duel prevailed along the linefor more than seven miles in extent, but the rebels were repulsed atevery point, and withdrew with the intention of moving up the river andturning the flank of the Union army. 

General Pope, appreciating the danger of this movement on the part ofthe rebels, telegraphed to Washington, and, in reply, was assured that, if he could hold out two days longer, he should be so stronglyreinforced as to enable him, not only to hold his position, but to takethe offensive. 

It is needless to say that, with the exception of one or two smalldivisions, no reinforcements reached him within that time; and althoughGeneral Porter reported to him by letter from Bealton on the 25th, ithad been better for General Pope had he not come at all. On the night ofthe 26th, Jackson, coming through Thoroughfare Gap, got in the rear ofPope's army and cut the railroad at Kettle Run, near Warrenton Junction. Lee was still in front, in the vicinity of Sulphur Springs. GeneralPope, desiring at the same time to fall back toward Centreville andinterpose his army between Jackson's and Lee's forces, ordered aretrograde movement. His troops were by this time fairly exhausted. Inhis report to the Secretary of War, he says: "From the 18th of August, until the morning of the 27th, the troops under my command had beencontinually marching and fighting night and day; and during the whole ofthat time there was scarcely an interval of an hour without the roar ofartillery. The men had had little sleep, and were greatly worn down withfatigue; had had little time to get proper food or to eat it; had beenengaged in constant battles and skirmishes, and had performed services, laborious, dangerous and excessive, beyond any previous experience inthis country. " Jackson had succeeded in burning fifty cars at BristowStation, and a hundred more at Manassas Junction, heavily laden withammunition and supplies. On the afternoon of the 27th, a severeengagement occurred between Hooker's division of Heintzelman's corps, which had arrived the evening before, and Ewell's division ofLongstreet's corps, near Bristow Station. Ewell was driven back; theloss on each side being about three hundred. During the night, GeneralMcDowell with his corps, and Generals Reno and Kearney with theirdivisions, took such positions as effectually to interpose betweenJackson's forces and Lee's, and no alternative was left Jackson but toturn upon Hooker and rout him, or to retreat by way of Centreville. Hooker's men had exhausted their ammunition, so that there were but fiverounds per man left. General Pope, fearing that Hooker would beattacked, dispatched an aide to General Porter with orders to joinHooker at once. The aide was instructed to inform General Porter of theimmediate necessity of moving at once, and to remain and guide him tothe place. But Porter utterly refused to obey the order. Mostfortunately for our army, Jackson, ignorant of Hooker's weakness, determined to retreat by way of Centreville; a mistake which preventedmost serious consequences to us. Jackson in his retreat was hotlypursued, and on the 28th a severe battle took place between McDowell'scorps and the retreating column, in which our forces gained decidedadvantages. On the 29th, Jackson was again near the old Bull Runbattle-ground, and a terrific battle ensued, which lasted with greatfury from daylight until dark. The rebels were driven from the field, which was occupied by our men. General Pope sent peremptory orders toFitz John Porter to move at once upon Centreville; which would have cutoff Jackson's retreat; but again this commander refused to obey orders, and Jackson was enabled to unite with Lee, who had by this time reachedThoroughfare Gap, and was pushing on toward him. Had the orders ofGeneral Pope been carried out, Jackson must without doubt have beencrushed before Lee's forces could by any possibility have reached thefield of action. 

On the following day the whole of both armies were brought face to facewith each other. General Pope, by this time hopeless of any aid from thefresh troops he had expected long before this from Washington, and awareof the disaffection of the largest and freshest corps in his command, although nearly discouraged, determined to give battle and inflict asmuch damage as possible upon the enemy. His force now, includingPorter's corps, was about forty thousand. The whole of Lee's andJackson's forces now pressed upon our lines with terrible effect. 

The action raged with great fury for several hours; the rebelsconstantly massing heavy columns against our lines, especially upon theleft, where McDowell's and Sigel's corps resisted the onset with greatbravery, but were at length forced to yield, when an utter rout tookplace; the whole army falling back upon Centreville in great disorder. On this day, for the first time in all these long series of battles, Porter's corps was brought into action. The conduct of the corps, in theearly part of the day, showed a determination on the part of its leadersnot to fight, and the men fell back in disorder; but being rallied laterin the day, the pride of the men overcame the obstinacy of theircommanders and the corps did good service. Hooker's and Kearney'sdivisions, and Reynolds' Pennsylvania reserves had rendered most gallantservices from the time they reached General Pope's army. 

Returning now to our Sixth corps under General Franklin. The corpsremained quietly at Alexandria, from the morning of the 24th until theafternoon of the 29th. Rations and ammunition were as well supplied whenwe reached Alexandria as when we left. The booming of cannon was heardon the 26th and 27th, and contrabands and white refugees informed usthat terrible fighting was in progress beyond Manassas. We wondered thatwe were not ordered to go to the relief of the little army which we knewwas resisting the whole of Lee's and Jackson's forces. 

On Thursday afternoon, August 28th, the corps received marching orders. Tents were struck, knapsacks packed, rations provided, and manyregiments, shouldering their knapsacks, stood in line ready to move. Butsunset came and no further orders. The men waited impatiently, only afew venturing to unpack their knapsacks or pitch their tents, until longafter dark. 

Friday morning brought few indications of an advance. Head-quarter tentsremained standing, artillery horses stood unharnessed, and everythingshowed an intentional delay. At length the corps moved. Marching quietlyand easily, the old ground of Camp Misery was passed, and the corpsreached Annandale, where it halted and encamped after an easy march ofsix miles. Saturday morning the corps again moved leisurely along, making very frequent halts. The firing in front indicated a hardlycontested battle, and our men, knowing that Pope must be in need ofreinforcements, were anxious to push forward rapidly. Every hour thecorps halted for at least twenty minutes, and sometimes even longer. Atthis snail pace we passed Fairfax Court House, the roar of musketry andartillery becoming constantly louder in front, and arrived atCentreville. Orders immediately came for the corps to proceed to CubRun, about two miles beyond Centreville. Here, wounded men by hundredsand stragglers in greater numbers passed across the little bridge overthe run, a dismal crowd, hastening toward Centreville. 

As usual at such times, scores of cowardly villains were attempting topass to the rear as wounded men. 

An amusing encounter occurred between one of this class, a coward incaptain's uniform, and one of our own officers, Captain Deyoe, as bravea fellow as ever drew a sword. The demoralized captain, his sword thrownaway and its sheath after it, came hurriedly upon the bridge, whereDeyoe was sitting, coolly filling his pipe. The fugitive captain turnedhis face, pale with fright, to the imperturbable Deyoe, and, strikinghim on the shoulder, said with as much composure as he could muster, "Captain, we have had hard times of it out there, but _don't be afraid, don't be afraid_. " Deyoe, turning his face toward that of the stragglerwith a look of unruffled coolness and unmitigated contempt, replied, "Well, who the d--is afraid? Oh, yes, I see, _you are_. Well, you hadbetter get away from here then!"

The corps remained at Cub Run until nightfall, when it was ordered toreturn to Centreville, where it encamped. Regiments from our Thirdbrigade were sent to the rear of Centreville to arrest stragglers, whowere hurrying toward Alexandria in great numbers. 

The regiments were drawn up in line across the turnpike, where theyremained all night, turning back hundreds of stragglers at the point ofthe bayonet. 

The scene at Centreville on the next day was one of the utmostconfusion. Thousands of stragglers wandered about without knowing orcaring what had become of their commands; long columns of shatteredregiments and batteries filed past to take up new positions, eitherwithin the intrenchments or on the flanks. The appearance of theseskeletons of regiments and batteries gave evidence of the terribleexperiences of this long series of engagements. Their ranks, thinned bythe fortunes of battle, and still more by the disgraceful skulking whichhad become so universal, the worn and weary appearance of the men, theirflags, each surrounded by only enough men to constitute a respectablecolor-guard, all showed that even the hard experiences of the Army ofthe Potomac had never had so demoralizing an effect as this. 

The skulkers were loud-mouthed in their denunciations of GeneralMcDowell. Hundreds of them, who had in all probability not been nearenough to the front during the whole retreat to know anything that wasgoing on there, declared that they had seen him waving that mystic whitehat as a signal to the rebels; and all knew that it was through histreachery that the army had been destroyed. Others declared positivelythat they had seen, with their own eyes, General McClellan, with a smallbody of faithful followers, dash against the advancing foe, and arrestthe pursuit! Such wild and improbable stories filled the wholeatmosphere, and, strangest of all, were believed by thousands, not onlyin the army, but throughout the whole north. 

Long trains of ambulances were bringing from the battle-field woundedmen, who had been, since Saturday, exposed to the burning sun and thestorm which had prevailed during Sunday night. 

Temporary hospitals were established, and surgeons were activelyemployed in ministering to the relief of the unfortunate. Monday eveningthe battle of Glendale or Chantilly was fought, in the midst of aterrific thunder storm. The enemy, in attempting to turn our right, hadbeen met by Hooker, Reno, McDowell and Kearney, and repulsed with heavyloss, from our entire front. But the victory was a costly one for us. The brave, earnest and accomplished soldier, Major-General Kearney, andthe gallant Stevens, were both killed while leading their commandsagainst the enemy. 

The Sixth corps, on Monday evening, was marched back to Fairfax CourtHouse; but early next morning returned within a mile of Centreville, when it took possession of the heights, and lay in line of battle untilthree o'clock P. M. , when orders were received to march back to our oldcamp at Alexandria, which we reached at ten o'clock the same night; thusmaking in a single evening, a distance that had required two full daysand a part of another, to march, in going out. 

Thus ended General Pope's campaign in Virginia. Never was a campaign somisrepresented or so little understood; and never were the motives ofmen so falsely judged as were those of the generals connected with thiscampaign. 

General Pope had fallen a victim to the foulest treachery of ambitiousrivals, rather than to the strength of his open foes. Any one who willin candor trace the movements and the handling of that little army, whenbeset by an enemy now known to have been double its own strength, mustconcede that his plans were well conceived, and his generalship in thiscampaign fully equaled that which had won him so great renown in thewest. 

That the defeat of General Pope was brought about by the rivalry andjealousy of generals of the Union army cannot now be doubted. We knowwhy Porter withheld the largest and freshest corps in the command fromthe fights, while its eleven thousand men were within sight of thebattles; but why was the Sixth corps delayed? Some one was equallyculpable with Porter. Was it worse to keep a corps out of the fight, when on the field, than to keep another corps off from the fieldaltogether without any good reason? There can be but one question--whowas responsible for the criminal neglect to send the Sixth corps to theassistance of Pope's army?

CHAPTER XIII. 

THE MARYLAND CAMPAIGN. 

 General McClellan restored to command--March through Washington--Leisurely campaigning--Battle of Crampton Pass--Death of Mathison--Battle of South Mountain Pass--Death of Reno--Surrender of Harper's Ferry--March to Antietam. 

General Pope, at his own request, was relieved from the command of thearmy, and General McClellan resumed the direction. Whatever might havebeen the real fitness of General Pope to command, his usefulness withthe army just driven back upon the defenses of Washington, had departed. The return of General McClellan was hailed with joy by a large portionof the army. 

On the 5th of September, Lee crossed the Potomac into Maryland, andoccupied Frederick City. General McClellan was ordered to push forwardat once and meet him. It was on the evening of the 6th that orders wereissued to move. It was but short work to pack up our limited supply ofclothing, cooking utensils and the few other articles which constitutedour store of worldly goods, and prepare to march. We left Alexandria, and proceeding toward Washington, passed Fort Albany and crossed theLong Bridge, the moon and stars shining with a brilliancy seldomequaled, rendering the night march a pleasant one. As the steady trampof the soldiers upon the pavements was heard by the citizens ofWashington, they crowded upon the walks, eager to get a glance, even bymoonlight, of the veterans who had passed through such untold hardships. Many were the questions regarding our destination, but we could onlyanswer, "We are going to meet the rebels. " Passing through Georgetown, we reached the little village of Tanleytown, where, weary from the shortbut rapid march, we spent the remainder of the night in sleep. Themorning passed without orders to move, and it was not until five o'clockin the afternoon that we again commenced the march, when, havingproceeded six miles, we halted. At daybreak on the morning of the 8th, the corps was moving again, and passing through Rockville we halted, after an easy stage of six miles. 

On the 9th we marched three miles, making our camp at Johnstown. On thefollowing morning, at 9 o'clock, we were again on the move, drivingbefore us small bodies of rebel cavalry, and reaching Barnesville, asmall village, ten miles from our encampment of the night before. OurThird brigade, of the Second division, was quartered on the plantationof a noted secessionist, who, on our approach, had suddenly decamped, leaving at our disposal a very large orchard, whose trees were loadedwith delicious fruit, and his poultry yard well stocked with choicefowls. Our boys were not slow to appropriate to their own use theseluxuries, which, they declared, were great improvements on pork and hardtack. In the enjoyment of ease and abundance, we remained here until themorning of the 12th, when we resumed the march, proceeding ten milesfarther, halting near Urbana, at Monocacy bridge, which had beendestroyed by the rebels, but was now rebuilt. On the same day GeneralBurnside, having the advance, entered Frederick, encountering a fewskirmishers of the enemy, which he drove. On the 13th, we arrived at thelovely village of Jefferson, having made ten miles more, and havingdriven a detachment of rebels through Jefferson Pass. 

The advance was sounded at ten o'clock on the morning of the 14th, andat three we found ourselves near the foot of the South Mountain range, having marched about fifty miles in eight days. Upon the advance ofBurnside into Frederick, the rebel force had fallen back, taking the tworoads which led through Middletown and Burkettsville, and which crossedthe South Mountains through deep gorges, the northern called SouthMountain or Turner's Pass, and the other, six miles south of it, Crampton Pass. 

These passes the rebels had strongly fortified, and had arranged theirbatteries on the crests of neighboring hills. The Sixth corps came to ahalt when within about a mile and a half of Crampton Pass, and areconnoissance was ordered. 

General Franklin was now directed to force the pass with the Sixthcorps, while the remaining corps should push on to the South MountainPass and drive the enemy through it. We formed in line of battle andadvanced. Before us lay the little village of Burkettsville, nestlingunder the shadow of those rugged mountains, its white houses gleamingout of the dark green foliage. Beyond were the South Mountains; theirsummits crowned with batteries of artillery and gray lines of rebels, while the heavily wooded sides concealed great numbers of the enemy. 

A winding road, leading up the mountain side and through a narrowdefile, known as Crampton's Gap, constituted one of the two passages tothe other side of the range; South Mountain Gap being the other. Theenemy had planted batteries and posted troops behind barricades, and insuch positions as most effectually to dispute our passage. 

At the foot of the mountain, was a stone wall, behind which was thefirst rebel line of battle, while their skirmishers held the ground forsome distance in front. The position was a strong one; admirablycalculated for defense, and could be held by a small force against amuch larger one. 

[Illustration: CHARGE OF THE SIXTH CORPS AT BURKETTSVILLE. ]

The day was far advanced when the attack was ordered. No sooner had thelines of blue uniforms emerged from the cover of the woods, than thebatteries on the hill tops opened upon them. The mountains, like hugevolcanoes, belched forth fire and smoke. The earth trembled beneath us, and the air was filled with the howling of shells which flew over ourheads, and ploughed the earth at our feet. At the same time, the line ofbattle behind the stone wall opened upon us a fierce fire of musketry. In the face of this storm of shells and bullets, the corps pressedforward at double quick, over the ploughed grounds and through the cornfields, halting for a few moments at the village. The citizens, regardless of the shells which were crashing through their houses, welcomed us heartily, bringing water to fill the canteens, and supplyingus liberally from the scanty store left them by the marauding rebels. 

Patriotic ladies cheered the Union boys and brought them food; and wellmight they rejoice at the approach of the Union army, after their recentexperience with the rebels, who had robbed them of almost everythingthey possessed in the way of movable property. 

After a few minutes, in which our soldiers took breath, the advance wasonce more sounded, and again we pushed on in face of a murderous fire, at the same time pouring into the face of the foe a storm of leadenhail. Slocum's division, of the Sixth corps, advanced on the right ofthe turnpike, while Smith's division pushed directly forward on the roadand on the left of it. After severe fighting by both divisions, havingdriven the enemy from point to point, Slocum's troops, about threeo'clock, succeeded in seizing the pass, while our Second divisionpressed up the wooded sides of the mountain, charging a battery at theleft of the pass and capturing two of its guns. The confederates fledprecipitately down the west side of the mountain, and our flags werewaved in triumph from the heights which had so lately thundereddestruction upon us. As we advanced, we wondered, not that the foe hadoffered such stubborn resistance, but that the position had been yieldedat all. Their dead strewed our path, and great care was required, as wepassed along the road, to avoid treading upon the lifeless remains whichlay thickly upon the ground. On every side the evidences of the fearfulconflict multiplied. Trees were literally cut to pieces by shells andbullets; a continual procession of rebel wounded and prisoners lined theroadsides, while knapsacks, guns, canteens and haversacks were scatteredin great confusion. The rebel force made its way into Pleasant Valley, leaving in our hands their dead and wounded, three stand of colors, twopieces of artillery and many prisoners. Our troops scoured the woodsuntil midnight, bringing in large numbers of stragglers. 

We had lost quite heavily; some of our best men had fallen. ColonelMathison, who commanded the Third brigade of Slocum's division, whoseheroism at Gaines' Farm, and bravery in all our campaign on thePeninsula, had endeared him to his division, was among the killed. 

The corps moved down the road to the western side of the mountains, ourmen resting on their arms for the night, expecting that the battle wouldbe renewed at dawn. But the morning revealed no enemy in our front; wewere in quiet possession of the valley. 

Meanwhile on the right, at South Mountain Pass, a still more sanguinarybattle had been in progress. 

On the morning of the 14th, the Ninth corps, Burnside's veterans, theheroes of Roanoke and Newbern, under the command of the gallant Reno, advanced from Middletown; and coming near the base of the mountains, found the enemy strongly posted on the crests of the hills, throngingthe thickly wooded sides, and crowding in the gap. No matter whatposition the brave boys occupied, they were submitted to a murderousfire from the crests and sides of the mountains. Under this gallingfire, the First division of the corps formed in line of battle, andadvanced toward the frowning heights. It was an undertaking requiringmore than ordinary valor, to attempt to wrest from an enemy strong innumbers, a position so formidable for defense; but the men approachingthose rugged mountain sides had become accustomed to overcome obstacles, and to regard all things as possible which they were commanded to do. Under cover of a storm of shells, thrown upward to the heights, the lineof battle advanced, with courage and firmness, in face of terribleresistance, gaining much ground and driving the rebels from their firstline of defenses. Now, the corps of Hooker rushed to the assistance ofthe Ninth. As the gallant general and his staff rode along the lines, enthusiastic cheers for "Fighting Joe Hooker, " greeted him everywhere. Forming his divisions hastily, he pushed them on the enemy's lines atonce. 

Thus far, the battle had been principally maintained by artillery; therattle of musketry coming occasionally from one or another part ofReno's line. But now, the whole line was pushing against the rebel line, and the continued roll of musketry told of close work for the infantry. Reno's troops on the left and Hooker's on the right, were doing noblefighting. The advancing line never wavered; but pressing steadilyforward, pouring volley after volley into the enemy's ranks, it at lastforced the rebels to break and fly precipitately to the crests, and, leaving their splendid position on the summit to retreat in great hastedown the other slope of the mountain. The engagement had been of threehours duration; and the bravery of the Union troops was rewarded by thepossession of the mountain tops. Darkness put an end to the pursuit. Thus the two chief passes through the mountains were in the possessionof the Union army. 

While his corps was striving to dislodge the enemy from the stronghold, the gallant Reno was struck by a minie ball, and expired. The loss ofthis hero threw a gloom not only over his own corps, but throughout thearmy. 

In the many battles in which he had taken a brilliant part, he had wonan enviable fame, and his private virtues and kindly qualities of heartadded lustre to the brilliancy of his military record. 

While the fight was in progress in Crampton Pass, the booming of guns atHarper's Ferry, only seven miles distant, told us of an attempt, on thepart of the rebels, to capture that important point; and while we layupon our arms on the morning of the 15th, two miles nearer than we wereon the day before, the firing was heard to be still more fierce. OurSixth corps was ordered to press forward to the relief of thebeleaguered place; but before we had started the firing suddenly diedaway. General Franklin concluded that the place had been surrendered;and his conclusion was verified by reconnoissances. So the corpsremained in Pleasant Valley, at rest, all of the 15th and 16th. 

The surrender of Harper's Ferry was a terrible blow to our cause. Had itcontinued in our possession it must have insured, with any respectableenergy on the part of our commanders, the destruction of the rebel armyin its retreat. As it was, our loss was over eleven thousand men, and avast amount of war material. 

Of course, the surrender of Harper's Ferry, at this critical period, wasowing directly to the imbecility and cowardice, not to say treachery, ofthe officers in command at Harper's Ferry and on Maryland Heights. But, while we condemn the weakness and cowardice of these commanders, can werelieve from a share in the responsibility, the general who marched hisarmy in pursuit of the enemy at a snail pace, traveling but six miles aday upon an average, when by a few brisk marches this important pointmight have been reinforced?

Early on the morning of the 17th, the Sixth corps was on its way, hastening to the scene of conflict which had commenced on the banks ofAntietam creek. A part of the Seventy-seventh had constituted one-thirdof the picket line which had extended across the valley between thecorps and Harper's Ferry. 

These companies, by a hard march, much of it at double quick, succeededin overtaking the division just as the Third brigade was making a chargeover ground already thrice won and lost by Sumner's troops. Withoutwaiting to form the companies, the detachment joined the command, and, all out of breath and faint from their forced march, rushed with theircompanies against the foe. 

CHAPTER XIV. 

THE BATTLE OF ANTIETAM. 

 The Valley of the Antietam--Gathering of the hosts--The battle-field--The battle commenced--Splendid fighting of Hooker's forces--Successes and reverses of Sumner's troops--Timely arrival of the Sixth corps--A gallant charge--Losses of the corps--Burnside's attack--Hours of suspense--The enemy defeated at all points--Retreat of the rebels--Scenes on the battle-field--At the hospitals--At Sharpsburgh--A division of militia--Couch's division joins the Sixth corps--Visit of the President--Recruits--Energy at the north--At rest--Want of clothing--Stuart's raid--Delays--Clear Spring--General Brooks. 

Among the delightful and fertile valleys which beautify the State ofMaryland, none is more charming than the one through which the Antietamwinds its tortuous course. Looking from some elevation down upon itsgreen fields, where herds of sleek cattle graze, its yellow harvestsglowing and ripening in the September sun; its undulating meadows andrichly laden orchards; its comfortable farm houses, some standing outboldly upon eminences, which rise here and there, others half hidden byvines or fruit trees; the ranges of hills, rising on either side of thestream, diversified by charming vales or deep gullies; the turnpikeswinding along the sides of the hills and through the valleys; the lovelystream itself, now flowing smoothly over its dark bed and anon tumblingnoisily in rapids over a stony bottom, winding here far up to one rangeof hills and then turning back to kiss the base of the other; the wholescene is one of surpassing beauty, upon which the eye rests withuntiring delight. Who would have selected this lovely valley as thescene of one of the most bloody struggles ever recorded? Who, lookingdown from some height of land on the morning of the 13th of September, would have dreamed that those stacks of grain, which dotted the fieldshere and there, would soon become the only protection from the heat ofthe sun and the storm of battle, to thousands of wounded, bleeding men?or, that from those lovely groves of oak and maple, now reposing likespots of beauty upon the landscape, were to belch forth fire and smoke, carrying destruction to thousands? Yet, here on these smiling fields, and among these delightful groves, one of the grand battles which shoulddecide the march of events in the history, not only of our own countrybut of the world, was to be fought. These green pastures were to bestained with blood, and these peaceful groves marred and torn by shotand shell. 

Driven from the towns along the Potomac, from Frederick, fromHagerstown, and from Boonsboro; and forced from the strong passes in theSouth Mountains, the detached portions of the rebel army wereconcentrated along the banks of the Antietam creek, in the vicinity ofthe little town of Sharpsburgh. Hither Jackson and Longstreet, Hill andStuart, with their hosts, had gathered to offer combined resistance tothe Union army; boastfully proclaiming that now, upon northern soil, they would hurl our army to final destruction. One hundred thousand men, flushed with recent victories, and eager for one grand crowning success, proudly defied the Union army. 

Their position was well chosen. A line of steep hills, forming a halfcircle, with the convexity in front, rising at some distance back fromthe creek, and nearly parallel with it, afforded admirable advantagesfor posting batteries, in such a manner as to sweep the plain below, from right to left. Upon their left, wooded fields afforded protectionto their infantry; while upon their right, the undulating nature of thegrounds near the base of the hills, covered them from the fire of ourguns. In their rear was Sharpsburgh; and two fine roads leading to thePotomac, afforded safe lines of retreat in case of disaster. From thecrest of the hills, on which Lee had thus posted his army, the groundsloped gently back; concealing the movements of his forces from the viewof the army in their front, allowing them to maneuver unobserved bytheir opponents. Owing also to the form of their line of battle, it wasan easy matter to throw troops from one part to another. Thus, stronglyposted and confidently anticipating victory, they waited the approach ofthe Union army. 

Our own forces were also gathering toward this point. Richardson'sdivision of the Second corps, pressing closely upon the heels of theretreating rebels, had passed through Boonsboro and Keedeysville, andhad overtaken them here. 

Porter, with his regulars, was close at hand, and took position. Thencame Burnside, with his favorite Ninth corps; and the white-hairedveteran, Sumner, with troops worthy of their leader; fighting Joe Hookerand his gallant men; and Mansfield, with Banks' corps. The afternoon andmost of the night was spent in getting into position. Brisk skirmisheswere occurring with sufficient frequency to excite the men on bothsides; but no general engagement took place. The morning of the 16thfound our army ready to give battle. On our right was Hooker; thenSumner with his own and the Twelfth, Mansfield's corps; and far to theleft was Burnside. Porter's corps, secure behind an elevation in therear, was held in reserve. 

The night had passed with but now and then a little picket firing; butall felt that, before many hours, must commence a battle, which mustdetermine the fate at least of that campaign. 

Crossing the Antietam, in front of the line of our army, were threebridges. The first, on the Hagerstown road; the next on the road toSharpsburgh; and the third on the left, three miles below, on the roadfrom Harper's Ferry to Sharpsburgh. 

This last bridge, crossed the stream at a point where steep and highhills crowded closely on every side; the summits of those on the westernside of the stream, crowned with rebel batteries, and their steeplyfalling sides covered with infantry. Over the first of these bridges, onthe right, Hooker was to cross his forces; while on the left, Burnsidewas to attempt to dislodge the enemy from his commanding position. Farin the rear, a prominent hill rose above the surrounding country; herewas a signal station, and here the commander of the army established hisquarters. Hour after hour of the 16th passed away, the two armies facingeach other, watching and waiting; troops moving this way and that, maneuvering like two giant wrestlers, each willing to try the movementsand feel the gripe of the other before coming to the sharp grapple. Atfour o'clock, Hooker crossed his corps and occupied a position on thewest side of the creek, and Mansfield soon followed; a little fighting, but not severe, and then darkness closed over the scene again. Theskirmishes and artillery practice here, developed, to the quick eye ofGeneral Hooker, the position of the enemy in his front, and their planof defense. Satisfied with this knowledge, he was willing to allow hiscorps to rest until morning. Our lines were now very near those of therebels; so near that the pickets of the opposing forces could hearconversation from one line to the other. 

At an early hour on the morning of the 17th, the great battle commencedin earnest. Hooker formed his line with Doubleday on the right, Meade inthe center, and Ricketts on the left. Opposed to him was StonewallJackson's corps. First, Meade's Pennsylvania reserves, of Hooker'scorps, opened upon the enemy, and in a few moments the firing becamerapid and general along the line of both Meade's and Rickett'sdivisions. The rebel line of battle was just beyond the woods, in acornfield. The hostile lines poured into each other more and more deadlyvolleys; batteries were brought up on each side which did terribleexecution. Each line stood firm and immovable. Although great gaps weremade in them, they were closed up, and the opposing forces continued topour fearful destruction into each other's ranks. General Hooker, ridingeverywhere along the front line, knew exactly the position and the workof every regiment in his command. Cheer after cheer greeted him as hepassed along the line, inspiring the men by his presence. Thus for halfan hour the two lines stood face to face in deadly conflict; at lengththe general directed a battery to be placed in a commanding position, and the shells and shrapnel were seen to work fearful havoc in therebel ranks. The gray line wavered; then back through the cornfield andover the fences the confederates rushed, seeking shelter from theterrible storm, under cover of the woods, on the other side of thefield. "Forward!" shouted General Hooker, and his divisions pressedrapidly through the cornfield, up to the very edge of the wood, whilethe welkin rang with their cheers. Here, the fleeing foe, reinforced byfresh troops, made a determined stand. Terrific volleys poured from thewoods, thinning out the Union ranks at a fearful rate. Unable to sustainthe deadly fire, they fell back--this time the rebels following withyells and shouts; but before the cornfield was crossed, our troops madeanother stand, and the swarthy foe was brought to bay; yet the thinnedline seemed hardly able to sustain the fearful shock much longer. Hooker, fearing that his center was doomed to destruction, sent to hisright for a brigade, although his right was hard pressed and in dangerof being flanked. 

The fresh brigade pressed steadily to the front, and the rebel lineagain fell back to the woods. Mansfield's corps now came to the supportof the right wing, and well did those troops, so lately demoralized atBull Run, stand their ground. General Mansfield received here his mortalwound. 

It was at this time, when Hooker saw his forces gaining a decidedadvantage and felt that their part of the work was well done, that arifle ball passed through his foot inflicting a painful wound. Lamentingthat he could not remain to see the end of what he hoped would prove agreat victory, he left the field. The battle lulled at this point; butin the center it raged with terrible energy. There, Sumner thewhite-haired veteran, led his corps into the very jaws of death. If heseemed reckless of the lives of his men, he had no more care of his own. Across the ploughed ground, over ditches and fences, with unsurpassedardor, sweeping over all obstacles, the corps pushed forward, drivingthe enemy before it; but the right became hard pressed, and a terriblefire on that part of the line and on the center, forced the corps back. Again the ground was taken; and again the enemy, with wild yells oftriumph, drove our men back. Still determined to win, the veteran heroordered a third charge; and the third time the field was ours, but onlyto be lost again. The brave General Sedgwick, who then led one divisionof Sumner's corps, whom we were afterward proud to call the commander ofthe Sixth corps, thrice wounded, was at length obliged to leave thefield. Richardson and Crawford were carried wounded to the hospitals. 

It was at this critical moment, when Sumner's troops, weary and almostout of ammunition, were for the third time repulsed; the remnants of theshattered regiments no longer able to resist the overwhelming forcesopposed to them; the artillery alone, unsupported, holding the enemy fora moment in check; that the Sixth corps, our second division in advance, arrived upon the field. 

The scene before us was awful. On the left, as far as the eye couldreach, the lines of the contending forces, stretching over hills andthrough valleys, stood face to face; in places, not more than thirtyyards apart. The roar of musketry rolled along the whole extent of thebattle-field. The field upon which we had now entered, thrice hotlycontested, was strewed with the bodies of friend and foe. 

Without waiting to take breath, each regiment as soon as it arrives onthe field, is ordered to charge independently of the others. The thirdbrigade is first; and first of its regiments, the Twentieth New York, with their sabre bayonets, are ready; and the shout, "Forward, doublequick!" rings along the line. The Germans waver for a moment; butpresently with a yell they rush down the hill, suddenly receiving avolley from a rebel line concealed behind a fence; but the Germans, regardless of the storm of bullets, rush forward; the rebels breakingand flying to the rear in confusion, while the Germans hotly pursuethem. Next, on the left of the Twentieth, the gallant Seventh Mainecharges; rushing forward into the midst of the cornfield, they, too, aremet by concealed foes. Although they are concealed from our view, thecrashing of musketry tells us of the struggle which they maintain. 

The gallant regiment makes its way down the slope, almost to theearthworks of the enemy, when the men throw themselves upon the groundbehind a rail fence. Here, subjected to the shells from the Union andrebel batteries, the regiment can neither advance or retreat; but ourbatteries, finding that their shots are as fatal to our men as to therebels, allow the remaining fragments of the regiment to retire from theperilous position. 

On the right of the Seventh Maine comes the glorious Forty-ninth and ourown Seventy-seventh, Captain Babcock in command. On the right of all isthe old Thirty-third, within supporting distance. The men of theSeventy-seventh rush forward over their fallen comrades, making toward asmall school house which stands upon the Sharpsburgh and Hagerstownturnpike, behind which is a grove swarming with rebel troops. Our boysare almost on the road, when, at a distance of less than thirty yards, they find themselves confronted by overwhelming numbers, who pour awithering fire into their ranks. The Seventy-seventh receives the firenobly, and, although far ahead of all the other regiments, stands itsground and returns the fire with spirit, although it is but death toremain thus in the advance. The brave color-bearer, Joseph Murer, falls, shot through the head; but the colors scarcely touch the ground whenthey are seized and again flaunted in the face of the enemy. Volleyafter volley crashes through our ranks; our comrades fall on every side;yet the little band stands firm as a rock, refusing to yield an inch. Atthis juncture, General Smith, riding along the line and discovering theadvanced and unprotected position of the regiment, exclaims, "There's aregiment gone, " and sends an aide to order it to retire. The order wastimely, for the rebels were planting a battery within twenty yards ofthe left of the regiment, which would, in a moment longer, have swept itto destruction. 

The regiment reformed behind the crest, in line with the other regimentsof the brigade, all of which had been forced to fall back; but the lineheld was far in advance of that held by Sumner's troops when thedivision arrived. Thirty-three of the little band had fallen; they wereless than two hundred men when they came upon the field. In the SeventhMaine the loss was still greater; of the one hundred and seventy men whowent into the fight, one-half were killed or wounded; more than eightyof those noble forms were prostrated like the slashings in their ownforests. The Thirty-third lost fifty in killed and wounded. The totalloss to our Third brigade was three hundred and forty-three; of theSecond division, three hundred and seventy-three; of the corps, fourhundred and thirty-eight. 

Our men lay down behind the ridge to protect themselves from the rebelbatteries; yet even here the shells came, carrying death to many of ournumber. The Vermont brigade was sent to the assistance of French'sdivision, who, having expended their ammunition, were making feebleresistance to the enemy. The Vermonters behaved with their usualgallantry, resisting the advance of the enemy; and although frequentlysubjected to the fire of artillery, they held their ground bravely. Thebrigade was composed of men who could always be depended on to do whatthey were ordered to do. 

The advent of the Sixth corps upon the field had decided the contestupon the right of the line, and after the first charge by the Thirdbrigade the battle lulled. Of all the brilliant charges made in the armyon that memorable day, none was more gallant or more important in itsresults than this noble charge of the Third brigade of Smith's division. Although the infantry on both sides became comparatively quiet, artillery thundered from every eminence in possession of our own or theenemy's batteries. Shells and cannister tore through the Union ranks, making in parts of the line fearful havoc. Thus, for nine long hours, our Sixth corps endured this fiery ordeal, when darkness closed over thefield of strife. 

Meanwhile, on the left, Burnside became hotly engaged. At nine o'clockin the morning, his troops moved down toward the stone bridge, overwhich they hoped to cross. The hills on either side slope down almost tothe water's edge; the road leading to the bridge winding through aravine, and then on the other side ascending through another ravine tothe highlands. No sooner had the head of the column descended into thisamphitheater of hills, than the rebels opened a destructive fire frombehind defenses which they had thrown up along the hillsides. Riflepits, and breastworks of rails and stones, concealed thousands ofinfantry, who, from their secure position, poured volley after volleyinto the advancing column; while batteries, placed upon the heights, brought an enfilading fire upon the bridge and its approaches. In theface of this reception, the Ninth corps formed in line of battle. Onebrigade with fixed bayonets charged upon the bridge; but theconcentrated fire of the enemy forced it back. Charge after charge wasordered and executed by different portions of the command with likesuccess. At length a battery was brought to bear directly upon theenemy's position at the farthest end of the bridge, and, aided by theseguns, fresh troops charged with great enthusiasm, carrying the bridgeand planting their colors on the opposite side of the stream. Sturgis'division immediately advanced up the slope, driving the enemy before it. Meanwhile Rodman's division had succeeded, after a desperate fight, incrossing the stream below, and had also gained a position along thecrest of the hills. The enemy having the range perfectly, made theposition along the crest of the hills untenable, and the men were forcedto fall back a little; lying close upon the ground to avoid the shellsthat burst about them. 

At length, at three o'clock, General Burnside ordered a general advance. The divisions moved in fine order, but were soon met by the enemy inoverpowering numbers. The whole line became hotly engaged. All thereserves were brought into action, and still the rebels poured upon theUnion men in increasing numbers; pressing their flank and turning theattack into a doubtful defense. It seemed impossible for the corps tohold its position against the overwhelming force opposed to it. At thisjuncture General Burnside sent to General McClellan for aid. Porter'stroops were still in reserve; but McClellan refused to relieve thehardly pressed corps. Again Burnside sends word, "I cannot hold myposition half an hour longer, unless I am reinforced;" and again theappeal is met with refusal. Contrary to his own expectations, Burnside'sforces held their ground until darkness put an end to the strife. 

Thus our own Sixth corps, and Burnside's corps, held the ground they hadeach by most desperate fighting wrested from the hands of the enemy; andin spite of the peril which had threatened the right, when Hooker'sbraves were forced back, the center, where Sumner's brave men fell backfor the third time with empty cartridge boxes, and the left, whereBurnside was so hardly pressed, the advantage remained with our army;and the weary soldiers lay down in the expectation of renewing thebattle in the morning. 

Their valor had saved them from defeat; they hoped to make the battlethat should come, a complete victory. 

But the battle was ended. Toward morning, it was known to officers ofour corps that the rebels were moving back, and the fact was reported;but no attention was paid to it. A truce, under pretense of burying thedead, gave the rebels a quiet day, in which to prepare for their escape, by sending their trains and much of their artillery to the rear; and onthe night of the 18th, the whole rebel army disappeared. So thismemorable and sanguinary battle ended. A defeat for the rebels, but notthe decided victory to our arms that could have been hoped for. 

The Second division of the Sixth corps was relieved soon after noon ofthe 18th by Couch's division, which was soon afterward joined to theSixth corps. Until now our corps had consisted of but two divisions, theFirst and Second. Our men were glad to fall back enough to allow them tocook their coffee once more, and they proceeded to the work of preparinga good meal with great spirit. 

The scene on the battle-field was past description. The mangled forms ofour own comrades lay stretched upon the ground, side by side with thoseof the rebels. On almost every rod of ground over one hundred acres, thedead and wounded, some clad in the Union blue and some in confederategray, were lying. A ghastly sight, presenting all the horrible featuresof death which are to be seen on such a field. At one point in our ownfront, for more than half a mile, the rebels lay so thickly as almost totouch each other. On the field where Hooker's men had won and lost thefield, the dead and dying were scattered thickly among the brokencornstalks, their eyes protruding and their faces blackened by the sun. Wherever the lines of battle had surged to and fro, these vestiges ofthe terrible work were left. In the edge of the wood, where the rebelshad made a stand against Hooker's advancing divisions, the bodies lay inperfect line, as though they had fallen while on dress parade. Furtherto the left there was a narrow road, not more than fifteen feet wide, with high fences on either side. Here a regiment of rebels was posted;when our batteries getting an enfilading fire upon them, and theinfantry at the same time opening a murderous fire, the regiment wasliterally destroyed; not more than twenty of their number escaping. Their bodies filled the narrow road. Some were shot while attempting toget over the fence; and their remains hung upon the boards. A morefearful picture than we saw here, could not be conceived. 

Broken caissons, wheels, dismounted guns, thousands of muskets, blankets, haversacks and canteens, were scattered thickly over thefield; and hundreds of slain horses, bloated and with feet turned towardthe sky, added to the horror of the scene. 

While the excitement of battle lasts, and we hear the roar of artillery, and the shock of contending armies, the terrible reality of the occasionhardly presents itself to our minds, and it is only when we survey thebloody field, strewed with the mangled, lifeless remains of friend andfoe, or walk through the hospitals, where the unfortunate victims ofbattle writhe in the agony of their wounds, that we realize the terriblenature of a great battle. 

Sickening as is the sight of the battle-field, the scenes about thehospitals are worse, except to those who are actually engaged inministering to the relief of the wounded. To these the excitement andlabor incident to their duties, crowd out the thoughts of the ghastlysurroundings. They see only so many demands upon them for assistance, and have no time to indulge in sentimental emotions. 

Here in the rear of the army for miles, was a succession of hospitals. Every house, and barn, and haystack, formed the nucleus of a hospital, where men, shot through the head, through the limbs, through the body;with every conceivable variety of wounds, lay groaning in anguish. Surgeons toiled day and night with never lagging zeal to relieve thesesufferings, but all their labor could only afford slight relief. Thelabors of medical officers after a great battle are immense, and thereis no respite from their toils so long as a wounded man remains uncaredfor. While others find repose from the fatigues of battle in sleep, thesurgeons are still at work; there is no sleep for them so long as workremains to be done. 

The rebel army had fallen back; yet a skirmish line had been left tocover the movement. At length even this suddenly disappeared, and, firing a few solid shots, as a parting salute, the enemy took a finalleave of the field. Our forces were ordered on. We passed over the sceneof carnage, where hundreds of dead lay still unburied; and pioneers wereon every part of the field throwing the mangled, disfigured forms intoshallow graves. Along the roadsides, under the fences, and where theconfederate hospitals had been, still these gory objects met our view. We reached Sharpsburgh, and here the evidences of the terrible conflictwere to be seen everywhere. Houses riddled by shells and bullets; someof them destroyed by fire, and some battered into shapeless masses; thestreets filled with disabled wagons; horses galloping about withoutriders; knapsacks, guns and equipments cast away in the hasty flight;churches filled with rebel wounded; all helped to make up a scene ofdestruction such as has been rarely witnessed. The people of the villagewelcomed us as their deliverers, and brought water, and such otherrefreshments as they had been able to conceal from the rebels. We passedthe village and bivouacked for the night. 

On the 20th, we, of the Sixth corps, retraced our steps, passing againover the battle-field, where the stench was now unendurable. We reachedWilliamsport at daylight, where Couch's division was face to face withthe enemy, who were said to be recrossing the river, and who had lastnight forced back part of the division. 

The rebel force had, however, consisted of about four thousand cavalry, who, finding the Unionists in force, quickly returned to the south sideof the Potomac. Here we found an immense division of Pennsylvaniamilitia drawn up in line of battle. Its regiments were larger than ourbrigades. They were armed with every variety of fire-arms, from lightsporting shot-guns to Sharpe's rifles. Their uniforms had quite aslittle uniformity as their arms. Some were dressed in gray pants andjackets, others in light blue; and still others in the various fashionswhich constituted the wearing apparel at home. Grave gentleman inspectacles, studious young men in green glasses, pale young men who wereevidently more at home behind the counter than in line of battle, roughswho had not been tamed by the discipline of military life, and boys who, for the first time, had left the paternal mansion, made up theheterogeneous division. 

Remaining at Williamsport until the morning of the 23d, we marched onthe Hagerstown turnpike to Bakersville, where we remained about threeweeks. Here it was that Couch's division was joined to the Sixth corps. (The regiments of this division were, the 36th, 55th, 62d, 65th, 67thand 122d New York; the 23d, 82d, 93d, 98th and 102d Pennsylvania; the7th, 10th and 37th Massachusetts, and the 2d Rhode Island. ) On the 3d ofOctober the corps was ordered out for review by President Lincoln. Theline was formed on a fine plain, and the booming of cannon announced theapproach of the Commander-in-Chief of the armies of the United States. The illustrious visitor was accompanied by Generals McClellan, Franklin, Smith and other notable men, with an immense retinue. Conscious of thefatigues already endured by these veterans, the President simply passedalong the line of the divisions, acknowledging the salutations whichgreeted him, without requiring the columns to march in review. Thesoldiers manifested their appreciation of the interest taken by theChief Magistrate in their welfare, by loud and repeated cheers. Sumner's, Burnside's and Porter's corps had already been reviewed by thePresident. 

While at this camp, large accessions were made to our thinned ranks. Before the army left Harrison's Landing, efforts had been set on footfor filling up the skeleton regiments of our army. Recruiting officershad been detailed from every regiment, to go to the localities fromwhich their respective regiments had been raised, and bring in recruits, to fill the places made vacant by death and disease. The criticalcondition of affairs when the army was withdrawn from the Peninsula, and, afterward, when Pope was so disastrously forced back upon thedefenses of Washington, had roused to most earnest action, manypatriots, who hoped to avert further disaster by forwarding men to thefield. Under these influences, and as the result of these patrioticefforts, many recruits offered themselves; but after the battle ofAntietam, new life was added to the recruiting service. Many who thensupposed that the war was nearly ended, gladly accepted the largebounties, and in the hope of soon being "in at the death" of therebellion, enrolled themselves among the soldiers of the Union. Warmeetings were held in every town, and the utmost enthusiasm was created. In Saratoga, a large concourse of people, among whom were many of thevisitors at the Springs, gathered for a war meeting. Stirring speecheswere made. Ladies offered their diamond rings, their watch chains, theirwatches and other valuables to those who should come forward and enterthe service. Under the influence of such enthusiasm, many came forwardand enrolled their names, and received the jewels from the fair hands ofthe patriotic donors. By such efforts as these, all over the country, from two to three hundred recruits were raised for each regiment in ourcorps, and large accessions were made to the ranks of the whole army. 

The advent of the new comers was hailed with joy by the veterans, whohad become sadly discouraged by their small and constantly decreasingnumbers. 

Our men were enjoying the welcome rest and the abundant supply of foodobtained in this delightful country, and many varieties of diet, wellremembered as familiar in former years, but unknown to them since theircampaigns commenced, adorned their humble mess tables. Among otherluxuries, "hasty pudding" and johnny cake became common articles ofdiet. The process of producing these articles, was after the rude mannerof men who must invent the working materials as they are needed. One-half of an unserviceable canteen, or a tin plate perforated by meansof a nail or the sharp point of a bayonet, served the purpose of agrater or mill for grinding the corn. The neighboring cornfields, although guarded, yielded abundance of rich yellow ears; which, withoutpassing through the process of "shelling, " were rubbed across thegrater, yielding a finer meal than is usually ground at the grist mills. The meal being obtained, it was mixed with a large or small quantity ofwater, as mush or cake was desired, and cooked. 

The men complained of want of proper and sufficient clothing, and manyof them were absolutely barefooted. On whom the blame for the long delayin furnishing these necessary articles should rest, we can only refer tothe controversy between the Major-General commanding the armies of theUnited States and the Major-General commanding the Army of the Potomac. 

Soon after midnight, October 11th, the corps was ordered to move toHagerstown. In the midst of a heavy shower the march was made, andHagerstown was reached soon after daylight. Here a new cause ofexcitement occurred. Stuart, with his cavalry, was in our rear;Chambersburgh was burned, and other towns sacked. The Vermont brigadewas hastily loaded into cars and sent to Chambersburgh in pursuit of thecavalry, which was already far on its way to the Potomac. Of course theycould only return, having had an excursion through the country atgovernment expense. The Third brigade of Smith's division marchedhastily to the Maryland and Pennsylvania line, to where a stone bridgecrossed the Antietam; a battery of artillery was also here, and thebrigades and battery prepared to defend the crossing. But no enemyappeared, and the two brigades returned to Hagerstown; the Vermonters tooccupy the town as provost guard, the other to encamp in a delightfulgrove a mile beyond. 

Thus ended the famous campaign of Antietam; which had humbled the prideof the boastful confederates, and had turned back their hordes to theirmountain fastnesses in Virginia for safety. A campaign which, whileconducted with great hesitancy and a total want of that celerity ofmovement usually considered absolutely necessary to brilliant success inmilitary operations, yet had preserved the north from imminent andimmediate danger which threatened it. Our losses in killed, wounded andmissing, in this campaign, amounted to fifteen thousand two hundred andtwenty. 

The army was posted, two corps, the Second and Twelfth, at Harper'sFerry; the remaining corps along the Potomac, above and below thatpoint, for twenty miles. Here, six weeks were spent in getting ready foranother campaign; the President, meanwhile, constantly ordering anadvance across the river; General McClellan, constantly offering excusesfor delay. It is not our purpose to discuss the merits of these excuses, but it may not be out of place to mention, that although the Sixth corpswas represented as being in worse condition, in regard to clothing andshoes, than any other corps, that corps finally crossed the river beforeit received its clothing, showing that even the corps least suppliedwith these important articles could undertake the campaign even afteranother month's wear of the old clothes and the advent of the coldweather. On the 18th of October, that portion of the Third brigade ableto perform duty, was marched to Clear Spring to perform picket duty, leaving in camp the recruits, who were unarmed, and the invalids. Thusthe brigade occupied two distinct camps several miles apart. The duty onpicket was by no means severe, and the country was delightful. The boysfound little difficulty in procuring abundant supplies of luxuries, suchas soft bread, hoe cakes and other articles, from the farmers; and asthe enemy was at Winchester, they were not in great alarm from rebelraids. 

The Hagerstown camp was indeed a pleasant one. The people were generallyloyal, and seemed glad to furnish the soldiers with all the comfortspossible. There was little duty, and the invalids had time forrecovering their exhausted strength, while the recruits were afforded anopportunity for drill. 

General Slocum, who had commanded the First division of our corps sincethe corps was organized, was assigned to the command of the Twelfthcorps, in place of General Mansfield, who lost his life at Antietam. 

In the Vermont brigade an important change occurred, General Brooks, theold and tried commander of the brigade, was assigned to the command ofthe first division of the corps, succeeding General Slocum, who tookcommand of the Twelfth corps. General Brooks was one of the mostenergetic and brave brigade commanders in our army, and notwithstandinghis abrupt and sometimes very stern manners, had endeared himself by hisexcellent discipline and fighting qualities, not only to his brigade, but to the whole division. 

An amusing incident, well calculated to illustrate the mingledsentiments of love and fear entertained for the general by even those inhis own command, occurred at a meeting of the officers of the brigade, immediately after the order for the transfer. The object of the meeting, was to make arrangements for presenting the general with a suitabletestimonial of their regard. Some discussion occurred in regard to thecharacter of the gift. Some proposed a silver service, some a sword. Atlength it was proposed, that a fine horse and equipments be purchased. An officer rose and said that it was all very well to talk about buyinga horse for General Brooks, but he would like to know who would be sobold as to undertake to present it to him! Another officer suggestedthat the horse might be saddled and bridled and hitched in front of thegeneral's quarters during the night, with a note tied to the bridlestating for whom it was designed, and by whom presented. 

A magnificent silver service was finally presented to the general, who, forgetting his rough manners, received the beautiful gift of his lovedbrigade with tears standing on his brown cheeks. 

CHAPTER XV. 

THE SECOND ADVANCE INTO VIRGINIA, AND THE BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURGH. 

 Marching in Maryland--Arrival at New Baltimore--General McClellan superseded by General Burnside--Thanksgiving in camp--The grand divisions organized--The march resumed--Fatal delays--In order of battle--The crossing--Fredericksburgh bombarded--Situation of Fredericksburgh--Scenes of activity--The Bernard house--Scenes at the hospital--The battle on the right--Charges of the Pennsylvania reserves--The river recrossed--Reflections. 

Thus, for nearly six weeks, the army remained at Hagerstown, and on theline of the Potomac, resting and waiting for clothing. On the 28th ofOctober, orders came to clear all the camps of sick; and all from ourSixth corps were sent to hospitals in Hagerstown. At dark, we set out, and making a night march of a few miles, reached Williamsport, where webivouacked and remained two days, and thence went to Boonsboro. 

The march from Williamsport to Boonsboro led us through a magnificentcountry. On either side of the road, the long lines of corn shocks andthe vine-clad houses, formed a picture of wealth and comfort. We haltedat Boonsboro in sight of the field of Antietam, and passed ourbi-monthly muster. At daybreak in the morning we were again on the road. The first part of our way led through a beautiful open country, but wewere soon winding among the hills that form the slopes of "PleasantValley. "

The forests on the hillsides, glowing with the brilliant colors ofautumn, the fine old residences, appearing here and there among thetrees, and the plethoric stacks of hay and grain, combined, indeed, tomake it a "pleasant valley, " and, as the lines of troops filed along theroads, the spectacle was beautifully picturesque. We passed SouthMountain, where the rebels had met with such a bloody reception from ourforces, and not long after we were on the ground of the battle ofBurkettsville, where our Sixth corps had charged up the hill and haddriven the enemy in confusion. Every tree bore lasting marks of aterrible fight. For more than a mile, the forest was completely scarredby bullets and shells; not a tree had escaped, and many of them werepierced like the cover of a pepper-box. We halted near Berlin, in acharming valley, where we staid over Sunday. Monday morning, we crossedthe Potomac to Virginia, on pontoon bridges, passed through the littletowns of Lovettsville and Purcellville, Union Town and Upperville, thencrossing the valley almost from west to east, from the Blue Ridge to theKittoctan mountains, at length, on Thursday, reached White Plains, astation on the Front Royal and Manassas railroad, not far fromThoroughfare Gap. Here we were overtaken by a cold storm of rain, sleetand snow, gloomy enough, but not so gloomy as was the news that herereached us of the elections in New York. Whatever the attitude of thepolitical parties may have been before or since that time in referenceto the war, in our army the result of the New York elections wasregarded, at that time, as a repudiation of the war. 

We reached New Baltimore on the 9th, and the next morning we werenotified that, by order of the President, General McClellan was relievedfrom the command of the army of the Potomac, to be superseded byMajor-General Burnside. 

No sooner had the farewell order of General McClellan been read to thetroops, than the whole army was ordered into line for review by corps. The retiring and the incoming generals, each with his long train offollowers, galloped along the whole of the line of the army, whilebatteries fired salutes and bands played "The Star Spangled Banner" and"Hail to the Chief. " Many of the regiments cheered the departing generalwith great enthusiasm, while others observed a studied silence. 

A week was spent at New Baltimore, and then another week on the banks ofAquia creek, not far from Stafford Court House. 

The 27th of November was Thanksgiving day, in nearly all the loyalStates, and doubtless our friends at home, as they gathered in many afamily circle that day, to partake bounteous Thanksgiving dinners, spokeof those who were away at the war, and thought, that with them, Thanksgiving could only be a hard day's march in the rain or mud, withrations of hard bread and pork; and so, many kind hearts pitied thesoldiers as they thought that we were deprived of the luxuries whichthey were enjoying. 

But we, too, enjoyed a pleasant Thanksgiving. In the morning, throughoutthe corps, there was brigade inspection; we put on our good clothes andpresented ourselves to our generals, looking our best; then as wemarched back into the various camps, we found dinner smoking in many acook-tent, and the odor of roast meats rising throughout the whole corpslike an odor of sweet incense. Fresh sheep pelts hanging here and therein considerable profusion, told of good cheer among all the men. 

As evening approached, the voice of singing was heard from all thecamps, and groups were gathered under the shadow of the chestnut trees, where many pairs of government shoes were shuffling to the music ofviolins. Throughout the limits of the corps, good humor and mirthprevailed; the sick forgot their pains, and the homesick ones, for thetime, looked bright, as they yielded to the general feeling ofhappiness. 

General Burnside, immediately upon taking command, consolidated the armyinto three grand divisions, of two corps each. The Right, to consist ofthe Second corps, General Couch, and the Ninth, General Wilcox; GeneralSumner to command the grand division. General Hooker was placed incommand of the Center division, which consisted of the Third corps, General Stoneman, and the Fifth, General Butterfield. The Left granddivision consisted of the Sixth corps, under General Smith, and theFirst corps, under General Reynolds; General Franklin was assigned tothe command. 

The command of the Second division, Sixth corps, was given toBrigadier-General A. P. Howe. 

At length, we resumed our march, reaching Brooks' Station the firstnight; then, after a day's delay, we started again. The weather wasintensely cold, and the mud almost unfathomable. The troops, with muchdifficulty, moved about six miles, reaching the rear of FalmouthStation, opposite Fredericksburgh; but the trains, at midnight, had onlyproceeded two miles. In the ambulances, the sick suffered beyonddescription. Six soldiers from the Third brigade, Second division, diedin the ambulances that night. Even the well men in camp could hardlymanage to keep warm. Few persons in that vast army slept, and the ringof hundreds of axes and the falling of trees, which were to be piled onthe fires, were heard all night. 

The Right and Center grand divisions, had arrived in the vicinity ofFalmouth several days before; and it had been the design of GeneralBurnside to cross his army over the Rappahannock, seize the heights ofFredericksburgh, and push on toward Richmond, before the enemy couldthrow a sufficiently strong force in his front, to offer seriousresistance. In this, doubtless, he would have been successful, but "someone had blundered, " and the Commander-in-Chief suffered themortification of seeing his plans foiled, and his series of forcedmarches a failure, because the pontoons which were to meet him on hisarrival before Fredericksburgh were still at Washington; and thisthrough the criminal neglect of some one. This campaign, which promisedmore than any previous campaign of the Army of the Potomac, was nowdestined to prove a failure. 

From the time that the first troops appeared in front ofFredericksburgh, nearly three weeks were spent in waiting for pontoons;while General Lee had abundant time to bring together all his forces andpost them in such positions, as to dispute our passage at any point, fortwenty miles up and down the river. In guarding this extensive front, General Lee had stretched out his army to such an extent, that Burnsidehoped, by throwing his whole army across at one point, to pierce theweak line before his enemy could concentrate his forces. 

On the morning of the 11th of December, we marched to a point about twomiles below Fredericksburgh. The whole army was in motion. The groundhad become hardened by frost, and a light coating of snow lay upon it. The wheels no longer sunk in the mire; but artillery rolled easily overthe frozen ground. 

The Right grand division, Sumner's, had already taken its positionimmediately in front and above the city of Fredericksburgh; the Center, Hooker's, and the Left division, Franklin's, now took position below thetown. 

As we descended from the heights of Stafford, into the valley of theRappahannock, dense clouds of fog obscured the view of the oppositebank, and it was only at noon that we could distinguish objects on thefarther side of the river. Engineers were hard at work laying pontoonbridges, being submitted to a brisk musketry fire from the rebelskirmishers, who at times charged upon them, killing and woundingseveral of the workmen, and greatly hindering the work. A few volleysfrom our batteries, which were brought forward presently, put thesetroublesome parties to flight, and the work went on. Still, during allthe day, the enemy strove with artillery and infantry to prevent thelaying of the bridge, but to no avail. 

On the right, where the veteran Sumner commanded, the task of throwingthe bridges across, was far more difficult than at the lower crossing. In the storehouses and dwellings along the banks of the river, swarms ofrebel soldiers were concealed; and these, by pouring murderous volleysinto the midst of the pontoniers, compelled them to desist from theattempt to finish their bridge. Determined no longer to be thwarted bythese concealed foes, General Burnside, having previously notified thecivil authorities of the town, that if the houses were used as coversfor men who were shooting our soldiers, the town must suffer theconsequences, ordered our batteries to concentrate their fire upon itand batter down the walls. Soon after noon, the bombardment commenced. One hundred and seventy cannon belched forth the huge iron missiles uponthe devoted city. The roar of the artillery was terrific, and as thewinds rolled away the huge columns of smoke, we saw that the city was onfire, the flames leaping to the skies. The spectacle was one of awfulgrandeur. The bursting bombs, shooting forth their flashing coruscationsfrom the columns of smoke, the great tongues of flame from the burningbuildings, leaping to the heavens, the clamor of the bursting shells andthe shock of the artillery which shook the earth, made up one of themost terribly magnificent of scenes. 

In the midst of all this direful tumult, and while the conflagration ofthe city drove the confederates out of their places of concealment, Sumner's forces succeeded in laying their bridge and crossing troops;not, however, until two brave regiments had crossed in boats andcaptured or dispersed the rebel sharpshooters, who had given so muchtrouble. Hooker also effected a crossing at the same time. We had nowbridges across at three points; "Franklin's Crossing" being nearly twomiles below the town. 

The city of Fredericksburgh is upon the south bank of the Rappahannockriver. Fronting the city, on the north side of the stream, rises a steepbluff--Stafford Heights--which approaches near the river above andopposite the town, and gradually recedes from it below. This was theside held by our army. Behind the town, on the south, the ground risesin several successive terraces until it reaches an elevation called "themountain. " Each terrace commands all below it, and the whole forms aposition of unsurpassed advantages for defense. Here, between these highgrounds, and stretching on either side of the river, is the valley ofthe Rappahannock--almost a level plain of six miles in length, andaveraging two and a half miles in breadth, narrowing in front of thetown to less than a mile, and spreading out, at the point where ourlower bridges were thrown across, to at least three miles. On the crestof the heights, north of the river, were posted our batteries in greatnumbers. On the plain and on each of the terraces south of the river, the enemy was intrenched in most formidable positions. 

The advance of the enemy fell back, as our forces crossed the river, leaving us in possession of the plain on both sides, and of the town. Night came on, and the spectacle was unutterably grand, as the sheets offire burst from the mouths of the opposing batteries; but at length theroar of battle subsided, and except the firing of pickets, all wasquiet. Franklin threw but a small force across the river; a strongpicket line, well supported, holding a semi-circular tract of the plain. The Eighteenth and Thirty-first New York were the first of the Sixthcorps to cross the bridge. 

The Sixth corps returned to the heights and bivouacked for the night, leaving a few regiments to hold the plain in front of the bridge. It wasthe intention of the commanding general to press the enemy closely infront with the Right and Center grand divisions, while the Left divisionwas to make a flank movement on the right of the enemy's line, seizingthe road to Bowling Green, and rendering the rebel position untenable. 

Before dawn on the following morning, we made our way again to theriver. Thousands crowded upon the banks, or hurriedly dashed across thebridge. The rumble of wheels upon the frozen ground, the tramp ofthousands of men, the neighing of innumerable horses, mingled with theroar of musketry. The sun rose in splendor, and the spires of the city, two miles to our right, shone brightly, for only the lower part of thetown had been destroyed by the conflagration of the day before, and tensof thousands of muskets gleamed in the morning light. The broad plain, on the south bank, swarmed with the hosts of Franklin and Hooker. Musketry fire became more and more brisk, as our forces moved intoposition, but no general engagement came on. Shells from the rebelbatteries came bursting in our midst, and in reply, our own guns onStafford Heights sent their shells screaming over our heads, to burst inthe midst of the rebel artillerists. 

A fine stone mansion of large dimensions, situated on the south bank ofthe river, and a little below the bridge, was taken by the surgeons ofour Second division, for a hospital. The position was exposed to therebel fire, but it was the best that could be found. Just in front of itthe gallant General Bayard, of the cavalry, was struck by a shell, andkilled instantly. Others, some of whom had been previously been wounded, received fatal shots at the very doors of the house. The owner of thismagnificent mansion still remained in it. He was an old secesh bachelor, very aristocratic in his notions, and highly incensed at the use hishouse was put to by the "hireling Yankees. " But he was taken care of bya guard. His servants cooked for the wounded and our surgeons; his finelarder furnished us delicacies and his cellar rich old wines. 

Doubtless his feelings on delivering to us the keys of his wine cellarwere not unlike those of Sir Hugh Berkley in "The Wagoner;" who

 "--only knew they drank his wine; Would they might hang, a scarecrow line, On the next lightning blasted tree. "

Saturday, the sun appeared, bright and warm as on a spring morning. Thebattle now commenced in terrible earnest. First, on the left, thebooming of heavy guns and the rattle of musketry told of hot work in ourown front. Then gradually the battle rolled on to the right; and whileit thundered there, our forces on the left remained comparatively quiet. Then, back again came the roar of cannon, the shrieking and cracking ofshells and the din of musketry. 

The hills in our front were thickly wooded, and in these woods"Stonewall" Jackson had concealed his forces. General Meade, with hisdivision of Pennsylvania reserves, and Gibbons, with his division, bothof Reynolds' First corps, were sent to take and hold the Bowling Greenroad, which lay in the edge of the wood. Gallantly and in splendidorder, the two divisions moved up toward the edge of the wood. Gibbons'division halted at the railroad, near the wood, Meade's pressed forward, and presently disappeared among the trees. Although considerableresistance was met with, the gallant division continued to pressforward, the rebels steadily giving way. Suddenly, the roar of cannonbecame awful, and the fire of musketry almost deafening. The rebels hadopened an enfilading fire upon the division, which made fearful havoc. The men who had so gallantly marched into the woods, came hurrying backin disorder; not, however, until they had succeeded in capturing severalhundred prisoners from the enemy. A flag, one or two mounted officers, and a squad of a dozen or twenty men were all that could be recognizedas a regimental organization; all others had fallen before the deadlyfire that met them, or had lost their commands. The men quickly ralliedabout their flags and again charged into the woods, and again they weresent back in disorder. They were now withdrawn, and the rebels chargedupon the line of the Sixth corps. The troops of our Second division werelying down behind a slight elevation of ground, and, as the rebelscharged down furiously upon us, our men suddenly rose and poured adeadly volley into them. At the same time the troops of the Firstdivision met their attack with spirit, and sent them reeling back totheir cover in the forest. 

The wounded poured into our hospitals, and well did those surgeons, whohad seized the stone mansion, earn that day, lasting gratitude fromtheir division. 

Never had wounded men been so quickly or so well cared for. It was thebeginning of an era of _organized_ labor in that department. Among theearliest of the wounded was General Vinton, commanding the Thirdbrigade, Second division. A ball had passed into the abdomen, and wascut out from his back. The unfortunate men were stowed in every part ofthe great house, and in the smaller buildings surrounding it, and tentsfurnished shelter for those unable to find room in the buildings. AfterGeneral Vinton was wounded, Brigadier-General Thomas H. Neill wasordered to assume the command of our brigade, which he did on thebattle-field. 

Meanwhile, on the right, Sumner's and Hooker's forces were striving, with herculean efforts, to dislodge the enemy from his strongholds, butto no avail. His position was impregnable, and the Union forces onlyadvanced against the works to meet with deadly repulse from the savagefire of the concealed foe, and to fall back with fearful losses. Thusthe struggle lasted until evening, when the roar of battle was hushed, and our tired troops slumbered upon their arms. 

On Sunday morning the rattle of musketry and the thunder of artillerycommenced again, but, as little reply was made by the enemy, thedemonstration on our part soon ceased, and the day was spent incomparative quiet. It was said that General Burnside, unwilling to giveup the struggle, had ordered an advance of the Ninth corps, which he waspersonally to lead, against one of the rebel strongholds, but that hehad yielded to the advice of the grand division commanders to refrainfrom the attempt. 

Monday still found us on the battle-field. The thumping of artillery wasrenewed, but not fiercely. Our wounded were removed to the other side ofthe river. A kind providence had favored them, for the weather had beendelightful. Had such weather prevailed as we experienced a few daysbefore, many of the wounded, faint and exhausted from the loss of blood, must have perished with the cold. During the night the whole army waswithdrawn, with as much secrecy as possible, across the pontoon bridges. No sooner had the troops crossed to the north side of the river than thebridges were taken up, and the two armies were again separated by theRappahannock. As the bridges were being taken up, the rebels rushed tothe bank and fired into the pontoniers, but were repelled by the men ofthe Seventy-seventh New York. That regiment formed a picket line alongthe bank of the river, but were ordered not to fire unless the enemydid. "A pretty order, " said Terry Gray, of Company B, "to wait till aman is killed before he can fire his gun!" The army went into camp on aline from Falmouth to Belle Plain; the Sixth corps occupying nearly thecenter of the line, at a place called White Oak Church, from a littlewhitewashed meeting house, without bell or steeple, in the midst of aclump of white oak trees. 

The attempt to capture the heights of Fredericksburgh by a directassault was indeed a daring undertaking, and one involving a fearfulrisk. The only hope of success lay in the active and hearty coöperationof all the commands of the army. Such coöperation was not to be had. Tothe Left grand division was assigned an important work which it failedto accomplish; not because it was defeated in the attempt, but becausethe attempt was not made in earnest. The troops were brave and eager tomeet the enemy. None were ever more brave or more desirous to test theirvalor. The heroic deeds of those who did advance against the enemy willever redound to the glory of our arms; and had all the forces of theLeft grand division been brought fairly into action, the result mighthave been different. Surely such troops as composed the grand old Sixthcorps were fitted for a nobler work than standing upon an open plain, exposed to fierce artillery fire, without ever being allowed to turnupon the enemy. Our defeat had cost us more than twelve thousand men, inkilled, wounded and missing. 

CHAPTER XVI. 

THE WINTER AT FALMOUTH. 

 Camp at White Oak Church--"The mud march"--Return to camp--General Neill--General Hooker supersedes General Burnside--Burnside's magnanimity--General Hooker as a soldier--Reconstruction--The cavalry organized--Business departments renovated--The medical department--Ambulance system--Quartermasters' and commissary departments--Life in camp--Snowball battles--In the Seventy-seventh--The Light division--Review by General Hooker--General John Sedgwick--Scene at head-quarters--Review of the army by the President--Preparing for the campaign. 

The men built huts, and made themselves as comfortable as they could, intheir camp at White Oak Church, but disease spread rapidly, especiallyamong the recruits. The regiments were crowded closely together onground too low and wet for good camping ground, and the men, havingnever before erected winter quarters from shelter tents, were not soexpert as they became in the succeeding winters; so they suffered frominconvenient quarters, as well as from the low ground and crowded camps. 

[Illustration: White Oak Church]

Our army was now composed in large part, of the recruits sent from thenorth during the preceding summer and autumn, and thousands of these hadnever had any idea of fighting or of suffering the privations of armylife. They had enlisted for the large bounties which were paid at thattime, with the determination to leave the service as soon as theirbounties were paid, and a favorable opportunity offered itself forescape. Desertions became alarmingly frequent; indeed, when a few weekslater General Hooker assumed command, there were more than eighty-fourthousand absentees, with and without authority. The great number ofdesertions, we think, should be attributed to the fact that so large aproportion of the new recruits had enlisted for money, rather than tothe demoralization of the army. 

Notwithstanding the inconveniences to which the men were subjected, andthe advance to midwinter, the weather was in our favor. The sun shonebrightly, the days were warm and the roads dry. It became evident thatGeneral Burnside was determined not to allow the delightful weather andthe excellent roads to pass unimproved. Indications of a generalmovement crowded upon us, and on the 20th of January came the order tomarch. 

The whole army broke camp and moved toward Banks' Ford, two miles up theriver from White Oak Church. On the march, an order from the commandinggeneral was read to the troops, announcing to them that the auspiciousmoment had at length arrived when we were to reap the glorious fruits ofour long toils. At five o'clock we halted in the thick woods at Banks'Ford, the point selected for crossing the river, and in a few minuteswere quietly and comfortably bivouacked out of sight of rebels on theopposite side. Scarcely had we settled ourselves for a comfortablenight's rest, when the clouds, which had been gathering since morning, broke in rain, and the delightful Indian summer gave way to the rainywinter of the south. All night long the rain poured, and all the nextday. It was evident we had waited too long. But the commander wasdetermined not to abandon his effort to outflank the enemy. By morning, the roads were so softened by the rain, that horses could not haulartillery or pontoons into position. Men took the place of horses. Thewhole Vermont brigade was detailed to drag the pontoons and guns to theriver. All day long, working and tugging with the mud above their knees;here a hundred men pulling at a pontoon boat, there a party prying acannon out of the mire with long levers, and still other parties layingstrips of corduroy road. The Vermonters passed a disagreeable day. 

General Burnside was not idle all this while. Riding from one point toanother, now personally superintending the placing of a battery inposition on the bank of the river, now encouraging the men who lugged atthe boats and guns, and now selecting places to cut new roads, he passedthe night and the day in fatiguing and anxious labor. As he rode throughthe camp of our division in the afternoon, with only two staff officers, himself and his horse completely covered with mud, the rim of his hatturned down to shed the rain, his face careworn with this unexpecteddisarrangement of his plans, we could but think that the soldier onfoot, arm oppressed with the weight of knapsack, haversack and gun, borean easy load compared with that of the commander of the army, who nowsaw departing his hopes of redeeming the prestige he had lost atFredericksburgh. 

Men were detailed from each of the regiments of the corps to return toFalmouth, a distance of five miles, to bring on their backs two days'rations; those brought by the men being nearly exhausted. But during thenight it was determined to abandon the attempt to cross the river. Theenemy, by this time fully aware of our intention, was prepared for us, and a crossing could only be made at great sacrifice, perhaps withdefeat. So at sunrise in the morning we were on the road back to our oldcamp; this time for permanent winter quarters. All along the road lay amultitude of dead horses and mules, which had fallen in the tremendousbut unavailing efforts of the day before. Artillery and wagons stillstuck fast in the mud, and cannoniers and teamsters lifted and tuggedwith rails and with poles to raise the piece or the wagon from the mire. 

The mud was deep, the day was gloomy and the men were discouraged. Theystraggled badly. Regiments were not to be distinguished. The wholecolumn became an unorganized crowd, pressing toward the old camps. Tiredand discouraged as were the men, they kept up their lively sallies andjokes, as though all was smooth work. Toward evening the troops of ourcorps arrived on their old ground, now to be our home until the openingof spring, and at once fell to work to restore to some degree of comfortthat most desolate of scenes, an abandoned camp. Unfortunately, onleaving the place, little thinking that they were so soon to return, they had burned everything combustible, and thus a strip of board or apiece of timber could hardly be found within the limits of the corps. Nevertheless, comfortable quarters were soon erected, and the routine ofdrills and picket was resumed. 

Brigadier-General Neill, who was assigned to the command of the Thirdbrigade, was active in encouraging his men to provide good quarters, andin furnishing every facility in his power to make them comfortable. Thegeneral was a portly gentleman, with light red hair and whiskers, and asmall blue eye, ceremonious in his style, and a perfect pattern ofcourtliness. He had, at West Point, won the appellation of "Beau Neill, "a title which never left him. He was a good commander in camp. Heoriginated the brigade dress parade that winter, often calling out thebrigade on fine evenings, and substituting the brigade for theregimental parade. The custom was at length adopted in many brigades inthe army of the Potomac; but few gave credit for the improved parade tothe originator of it. 

The second failure of General Burnside rendered his removal from thecommand of the army a thing to be expected; and no one was surprisedwhen the order came relieving him, and assigning General Hooker to thecommand. It must be confessed that our failure at Bank's Ford had donemuch to demoralize the army and destroy the confidence in the commandinggeneral so absolutely necessary to success. On our way back from Bank'sFord, as we passed Fredericksburgh, we saw huge placards posted up bythe rebels with taunting inscriptions, such as "Burnside stuck in themud, " printed in conspicuous letters. The men caught up the words, and"Burnside stuck in the mud" passed from one end of the disordered columnto the other. When we had failed at Fredericksburgh, the men were aswilling as ever to try again under the same commander. They believed himto be at least earnest and brave. They knew that he was noble andself-sacrificing. In the noble letter to General Halleck, in which heassumed all the responsibility for the failure at Fredericksburgh, theyfound renewed assurance that he had all the qualities of a truesoldier--bravery, integrity and true manhood; but an army must havesuccess, or it cannot long repose confidence in the general. So, whilethe Army of the Potomac regarded General Burnside with great respect, itgladly welcomed the advent of "Fighting Joe Hooker" to the command. 

General Hooker had fairly won the title of "Fighting Joe" at theslaughter of Williamsburgh, where, almost single-handed with hisdivision, he had stemmed the tide of battle for hours, until reinforcedby Kearney, and then, with the help of that hero, had held the wholerebel army until it was outflanked by our Second division. 

In all the battles of the Peninsula he had been conspicuous, and atSouth Mountain and Antietam his fighting propensities were exhibited inmore than their wonted splendor. In person he was of large stature, withfine features, brilliant eye, his side whiskers and ruddy countenancegiving a more youthful appearance than his light gray hair wouldindicate. His gleaming eye told of the spirit which animated the man, and his determined air betokened the persistent and fearless soldier. Inbattle or on review he rode a magnificent milk white steed, a powerfulanimal and of extraordinary fleetness. Mounted on this superb war horse, he was the most conspicuous, as he was always one of the handsomest menin the army. 

The energy of the new commander soon began to be manifested in thereconstruction and reorganization of the whole army. The first step inthe progress of reconstruction, was the revocation of the order makingthree grand divisions of the army. By the abolition of the granddivisions, Generals Sumner and Franklin were relieved from theircommands; and the corps commanders, no longer subject to intermediatecommanders, were again directly responsible to the general-in-chief ofthe army. Doubtless General Hooker had seen that the creation of thesegrand divisions had much to do with the failures of General Burnside. 

The cavalry next engaged the attention of the general. The whole forcewas thoroughly reorganized and put in an efficient condition, undercommand of Major-General Stoneman. Hereafter, men were not to ask, "Whoever saw a dead cavalryman?" To General Hooker, the cavalry of the Armyof the Potomac owes its efficiency and the glorious record it from thattime made for itself. 

The superiority of the rebel cavalry, in the early part of the war, wasgenerally attributed to the supposed fact that the young men of thesouth were so much better horsemen than those of the north. In reality, this had little, if anything, to do with it. It is even very doubtful ifthere was any difference in favor of the superior horsemanship of thesouthern cavalry. Their strength lay in their union. The rebel cavalrywas organized from the beginning; ours was an incoherent mass of men, having no proper relations or dependencies within itself. From the daythat it became organized, the superiority of the rebel cavalry passedaway forever. We had always better horses, and our men were certainlynever inferior to the rebels. All that was needed was the propercombination of action; and, as soon as this was secured, our cavalrybecame the finest in the world. 

The business departments were also thoroughly renovated. The changes inthe medical, quartermasters' and commissary departments were such as tobring each to a standard of perfection, which had never before beenreached by those departments of any army in the field. No army had everbeen provisioned as was ours that winter. Soft bread, potatoes, beets, carrots, onions, fresh beef, flour, sugar and coffee, constituted theregular rations of the men, and facilities were afforded for procuringluxuries not in the regular supply. 

The medical department became so thoroughly systematized, that woundedand sick men were cared for better than they had ever been in an armybefore. This radical change had commenced under General Burnside; butwas perfected under General Hooker, by the efficient and earnest medicaldirector of the army, Dr. Letterman; to whom belongs the honor ofbringing about this most desirable change. 

By the new system, the surgeons were enabled to accomplish a far greateramount of work, and in much better order than under the old; and thewounded were better and more quickly cared for. By this system thehospital of the division was the unit. From the division, a medicalofficer of good executive ability was selected, to whom was assigned thegeneral oversight of the hospital. One or more surgeons of well knownskill and experience were detailed from the medical force of thedivision, who were known as "operating surgeons;" to each of whom wasassigned three assistants, also known to be skillful men, who wereeither surgeons or assistant surgeons. To the operating surgeons allcases requiring surgical operations were brought, and thus the woundedmen had the benefit of the very best talent and experience in thedivision, in the decision of the question whether he should be submittedto the use of the knife, and in the performance of the operation in caseone was required. It was a mistaken impression among those at home, thateach medical officer was the operating surgeon for his own men. Onlyabout one in fifteen of the medical officers was intrusted withoperations. 

From each brigade an assistant surgeon was detailed to provide food andshelter for the wounded. His duty was to superintend the erection ofhospital tents as soon as there was a prospect of an engagement, and tohave hot coffee and rations of food ready for the wounded as soon asthey came to the hospital; he was to attend to their clothing, beddingand rations as long as they remained in the hospital. 

Another assistant surgeon from each brigade was selected to keep therecords; to take the name and character of wound of every one who wasbrought to the hospital, with the operation, if any; and the list ofdeaths, the place of burial, and all other matters necessary to record. An assistant surgeon was to remain with each regiment, and attend togetting the wounded from the field into the ambulances, and to arresthemorrhage in case of necessity. 

Thus, all labor was systematized. Every officer and nurse knew exactlywhat to do: each had his own part of the work assigned to him, and therewas no conflicting of orders or clashing of opinions. 

Our ambulance system was also very perfect--so complete, indeed, that, after a year of trial in the Army of the Potomac, congress adopted it asthe ambulance system of the United States. To Doctor Letterman, also, belongs the honor of originating this system. 

The ambulances of each corps were under command of a captain, who actedunder directions from the medical director of the corps. A lieutenantcommanded the ambulances of a division, and a second lieutenant those ofa brigade. To each ambulance was assigned a driver, and twostretcher-bearers; and to three ambulances a sergeant, mounted. Theambulances of a division always went together, behind the division, andon the march were attended by a surgeon, an assistant surgeon, ahospital steward, a cook, and three or more nurses, who were to attendto the wants of the sick in the ambulances, and at night, if any wereunable to return to their regiments, to erect tents for them, and supplythem with food and bedding. In an engagement, the stretcher-bearers ofeach regiment, with the sergeant, reported to the assistant surgeon inattendance with the regiment. As soon as a man was wounded, he wasbrought to the medical officer, put into an ambulance, and taken to thedivision hospital. By this means, ordinarily, every man was carried tothe hospital of his own division. 

The improvements in the quartermasters' department were nearly as great;and we have already alluded to the abundant supplies furnished by thecommissary department. 

Great difficulty was experienced by the troops of our corps in gettingwood. The men of our Second division lugged wood on their backs a mileand a half, with which to do their cooking and warm their tents. Butnotwithstanding the hardships they endured, the inclemency of thewinter, and their severe picket duty, the men were gay. In many of theregiments, the sounds of the guitar and accordion could be heard everyevening; and on pleasant afternoons and evenings, parties assembled inthe company streets and danced cotillions, and polkas, and jigs, to themusic of violins. When snow covered the ground, mimic battles withsnowballs were a frequent amusement. At times, one regiment wouldchallenge another, and a general melee would follow. Snowballing was, particularly, a favorite amusement with our friends of the Twenty-firstNew Jersey, who never let an opportunity pass for indulging in theirfavorite sport. Each party carried its flags and was led by officerschosen for the occasion. The capture of a flag, or of a number ofprisoners, from an opposite party, caused great glee among the victors. A good deal of interest was excited throughout the Second division by asnowball battle between one of the Vermont regiments and theTwenty-sixth New Jersey. Both regiments formed in line of battle, eachofficered by its line and field officers, the latter mounted. At thesignal, the battle commenced; charges and counter-charges were made, prisoners were taken on either side, the air was filled with the whitemissiles, and stentorian cheers went up as one or other party gained anadvantage. At length victory rested with the Vermonters, and the Jerseyboys surrendered the field, defeated. 

Another favorite amusement in the corps was the game of base ball. Therewere many excellent players in the different regiments, and it wascommon for the ball-players of one regiment or brigade to challengeanother regiment or brigade. These matches were watched by great crowdsof soldiers with intense interest. 

In our Seventy-seventh regiment, matters went on much the same as inother regiments of the corps. We had our share of disease anddesertions. We had our ball-players and our violinists; our singers andour story-tellers, as every regiment had. At regimental head-quarters, matters went on gaily. It was the custom of the officers of the fieldand staff to collect in one of the tents as evening came on, and, incompany with friends from other regiments, pass the hours in livelyconverse, in singing and relating amusing stories. 

We had a glee book and an old copy of the "Carmina Sacra, " and then ourfriend, Colonel, now Major-General, Connor, was never at a loss for asong, and Colonel French often displayed his genius with the violin, andour friend, the chaplain, could always tell a good story or perpetrate ajoke. Chaplain Norman Fox was an accession to our staff, who joined uswhen we first encamped at White Oak Church. He was a gentleman ofenterprise and talent, who, soon after his arrival in camp, instituted aseries of religious meetings on week days, in addition to the regularservices of the Sabbath, and a good deal of religious interest wasawakened among the men. 

Among other changes, we lost one of our most valuable and belovedofficers. Dr. Campbell, who had for weeks been declining in health, wasobliged to resign. The doctor was a most genial and companionable man, and an excellent officer. We greatly missed his hearty laugh, his fundof stories and ready wit in our social gatherings. The doctor wasafterward appointed surgeon of the Fortieth New York, but was attackedwith spotted fever, from which he recovered only after a long illness, during which he again resigned. 

The First brigade, Second division, which for some time past had beenunder command of General Calvin A. Pratt, was broken up, and a newbrigade, called the "Light division, " was formed from the regiments ofthe First brigade, and one regiment from each the First and Thirddivisions. The regiments were, the Fifth Wisconsin, the Sixth Maine, theThirty-first and Forty-third New York, and the Sixty-first Pennsylvania. Colonel Burnham, of the Sixth Maine, was placed in command. 

Among other reviews in the Sixth corps during the winter, was one byGeneral Hooker, of our Second division and the Light division. Thetroops were formed in line, and the general and staff were escorted tothe ground by the Twentieth New York, of Neill's brigade, in splendidstyle. The regiment was composed entirely of German Turners. Their drillsurpassed that of any regiment of regulars, and the exquisite neatnessthey displayed in their dress and in the care of their equipments, together with the perfection of their movements, made them the finestappearing regiment in the service, when on parade. It is to be regrettedthat the prestige of the regiment was not always sustained on thebattle-field. As the regiment and cavalcade appeared on the field, itwas a brilliant pageant; first came our brigade band, one of the finestin the army, then the pioneers of the Twentieth, their axes, shovels andpicks polished so that they glistened in the sunlight like burnishedsilver; then the Twentieth regiment, in column by company, marching withstep as perfect as though all were directed by a single will; followingthe regiment, rode General Hooker on his superb white horse, a head andshoulders above all his cavalcade. The immense suite, consisting ofGeneral Hooker's own staff, and a large number of major-generals andtheir staffs, completed the brilliant column. The division was drawn upin a line, stretching a half a mile across the field, straight as theflight of an arrow, with artillery on either flank. The general and hisbrilliant retinue, rode to the right of the line, and advanced slowlyalong the front of the whole division, inspecting closely each regimentas he passed, the bands playing "Hail to the Chief, " the colors dipping, and the bugles pealing notes of welcome. Having passed the entire frontof the line, the chief now rode at a rapid pace along its rear to thepoint of beginning. He then, with his attendants, took a position on aslight elevation of ground at a distance from the line, when the wholedivision, in column, marching to the place, passed in review before him, and the pageant was ended. 

An important change in the command of our corps occurred about thistime. General Smith, who had so long commanded our division, and forsome time past our Sixth corps, was relieved of his command, and orderedto the department of North Carolina. His successor was General JohnSedgwick, then well known as one of our best division commanders, andone of the sternest soldiers in the Army of the Potomac. Bred as asoldier, he had served with great distinction in Mexico, and at thebreaking out of the rebellion he had joined the Union army, and was soonplaced in command of a division in Sumner's corps, which, under hiscommand, became the best division of the corps, as the Sixth corpsbecame the best in the army. Modest and retiring in his ordinaryintercourse with his fellows, he exhibited the most brilliant qualitiesin time of battle. The dignity of his bearing fitted him to command, andhe needed not the insignia of rank to command the deference of thoseabout him. 

None who witnessed the farewell reception of General Smith, will forgetthe scene at corps head-quarters. The two generals, the old and lovedleader of the Second division and of the corps, and the new commander, stood side by side. General Smith, tall, well dressed, his regulationcoat buttoned closely about him, his easy and graceful manner andconversation; General Sedgwick, of stouter build, wearing a loose blouseand coarse blue pants, such as are furnished the private soldier, strongand manly in his appearance, and somewhat abrupt in his manner. Officersreturned to their camps satisfied that although the corps had lost afavorite commander, it had also gained a brave leader. 

One of the grand events of the winter was the review of the whole armyby President Lincoln. The review continued two days. The first wasoccupied in reviewing the Second, Fifth, Sixth and Third corps; thesecond of the remaining corps. It was a most imposing spectacle, neverto be forgotten by those who were actors or spectators. The President, in his civilian's dress and tall hat, accompanied by General Hooker, andfollowed by an immense suite, was welcomed by the thundering ofartillery as it fired the national salute. The different corps weredrawn up in line, each occupying a plain within sight of the others. Riding in front of the corps, the President and the immense cavalcadepassed along the whole line, inspecting carefully each regiment, thenreturned in the rear. This inspection over, the President and staffstationed themselves in some favorable position, and the whole corpspassed in review before him. The same process was repeated with eachcorps. 

How one unaccustomed to such physical fatigues could endure such labor, commencing early in the morning and only resting at dark, was a wonder. It seemed as if the President's physical, like his mental constitution, could bear up under the most trying and continued labors. As the warmweather of spring appeared, the men adorned their camps with evergreentrees and beautiful arches, so that the camps presented a pleasantappearance; but we had little time to enjoy these, for as soon as theroads began to be passable, preparations were pushed forward for thespring campaign. 

CHAPTER XVII. 

THE CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN. 

 Orders to move--The river crossed--Sedgwick's command--The First corps withdrawn--Gallant conduct of the Light division--Advancing to the heights--The line of battle--The columns of attack--Attack of Howe's columns--Of Newton's column--Of Burnham's--Misfortune following victory--Fight of Bartlett's brigade--The First division at work--A critical position--The Sixth corps surrounded--Savage fight of Neill's brigade--The corps withdraws to Banks' Ford--Recrosses the river--Hooker's operations on the right--Position of the corps--Rout of the Eleventh corps--The rebels repulsed--Jackson renews the attack--The rebels again repulsed--Hooker recrosses the river. 

On Tuesday, the 28th of April, the Sixth corps received orders to breakup its camp and be ready to march at a moment's notice. Eight days'rations had been issued to the men, who were in the highest spirits, having forgotten all their former discouragements, and were now onlyanxious for an encounter with the enemy. A storm of rain of someviolence set in on the morning of the 28th, which rendered marchingdifficult. At twelve o'clock we received the order to "fall in, " and infive minutes we were on our way to take our place in the line of battle. A march of six miles through thickets and bogs, brought us to the rearof Falmouth Station, at a short distance from the river. Here webivouacked for the night, and were awakened before daylight in themorning by the sound of artillery and musketry at the river, whereRussell's brigade, of the First division, was forcing a passage acrossthe stream. The Second division only had been allowed to rest quietlyduring the night. The men of the Light brigade had toiled from darkuntil nearly dawn, carrying the pontoon boats on their shoulders to theriver side, and launching them in the stream. So noiselessly had theyconducted their operations, that the pickets of the enemy took no alarmuntil they suddenly saw the braves of Russell's brigade approaching inthe boats, just as dawn was breaking. The astonished confederates fireda few volleys of musketry, and our guns threw among them a few chargesof cannister, and the rebels fled precipitately. A number of prisonerswere captured, among them the officer of the picket-guard. ColonelIrwin, of the Forty-ninth Pennsylvania, who had, at Antietam, commandedthe Third brigade of the Second division, was among the wounded on ourside. 

At sunrise the Second division filed down to the river side, and tookposition in line of battle. Our horses cropped the green blades whichhad sprung from the grain scattered for their food nearly five monthsbefore. The division was upon the very spot where it lay before, at thefirst battle of Fredericksburgh. The bridge also was in the same placethat Franklin's bridge had been. The point was known as Franklin'sCrossing. 

The First division of our corps (Brook's) was on the other side of theriver, holding the plain for some distance. The pickets of that divisionformed the half of a circle of about three-fourths of a mile indiameter, the center being at the pontoon bridge, where some earthworkswere thrown up. At our left, about a mile down the river, the Firstcorps had also effected a crossing. The rebels had offered strongresistance, but the crossing was gallantly accomplished by Wadsworth'sdivision in boats. Like the First division of our own corps, Wadsworth'sdivision was holding a semi-circular portion of the plateau; but beingable to maintain the position by some fighting. 

Sickles' Third corps was upon the high ground in the rear, ready to cometo the assistance of the corps at the river. The three corps, First, Third and Sixth, were under command of General Sedgwick. 

The rebels spent the day in throwing up intrenchments and shellingReynolds' position. Toward night the artillery practice ceased, and theFirst and Sixth corps bivouacked where they had stood during the day, but Sickles and his corps were ordered to the assistance of Hooker, onthe right. 

The morning of the 30th was lowery, but the clouds dispersed as the dayadvanced. About noon the troops were massed by brigades, and acongratulatory order from General Hooker was read to them, amid greatcheering. "The enemy, " said the order, "must now come out and fight uson our ground, or retreat ingloriously. " Nothing more of interestoccurred that day; but, in the afternoon of the following day, the Firstcorps became engaged in a fierce artillery duel with the enemy, in whichthe corps lost a large number of its men in killed and wounded. Atsunset an order came from General Hooker, at Chancellorsville, forGeneral Sedgwick to assume a threatening attitude--to make a severedemonstration--but to make no attack. There was much marching andgetting into position, and regiments and divisions were marched andcountermarched in such a manner as to convey to the rebels theimpression that a grand attack was to be made at that point. The enemywas evidently deceived by these maneuvers, and heavy columns of rebelinfantry commenced to form upon the old battle-field. While we stood inline of battle, one of our bands near the skirmish line struck up theair, "Dixie. " The rebels, hearing the strains, set up defiant cheers, which were answered by our army in the most tremendous shoutsimaginable. The contest seemed for the time to depend on strength oflung, and our boys certainly beat them at shouting. 

As the sun disappeared behind the hills, when Hooker's guns werethundering, we retired to our tents. All day long the earth had beenshaken by tremendous firing of artillery on the right; and now, asdarkness gathered over the scenes of conflict, the thundering of theguns and the trembling of the earth seemed like a succession ofearthquakes. The spirit of our boys rose, as the battle on the rightprogressed, and there seemed to be indications of work for them. Groupsmight be seen at any time, when we were not standing in line of battle, telling yarns, singing songs, playing ball and pitching quoits, whilethey momentarily looked for the order to advance upon the heights, intothe very jaws of death. 

Saturday morning, May 2d, the First corps was withdrawn from itsposition; its bridges were taken up, and the corps moved past us up theriver to join the main body of the army under Hooker, on the right. TheSeventy-seventh was sent to do picket duty on the ground occupied by theFirst corps the night before. Our reserve was posted a little way fromthe river, in a pleasant field, where the fresh clover furnished a softbed for the men, and a dainty bite for our horses. Just in front of uswas a lovely spot--the residence of Doctor Morson, for fifteen years asurgeon in the United States navy. The place was in remarkable order;the gardens in full bloom, the mocking birds building their nests, andthe greenlets warbling sweetly among the flowering shrubs. 

We strolled along the banks of the beautiful river, gathering flowersand glancing at our "secesh" neighbors on the opposite bank, only a fewyards distant; or we lounged in the shade of our tents, enjoying thecharms of a lovely May day, while the terrible din of battle on theright, where Hooker's forces were contending, shook the ground beneathus, and we knew that ere the sun set, thousands of our brave comradesmust be sacrificed. 

As the evening drew near, we who were on the north side of the river sawour skirmishers, of the "Light division", drive back the skirmish lineof the enemy. It was a gallant feat, and finely executed. Our heartsleaped for joy as we watched our brave fellows, their line as perfect asthough on drill, advance, firing rapidly, and pressing the enemy at"double-quick. " They made no halt until they had crossed the wholebreadth of the plain and reached the base of the hills. 

Few who were then in the Sixth corps will ever forget that scene. Thesun, just sinking behind the hills where Hooker was at work, threw abeautiful golden light over the plain, and crowned the heights withbrilliant hues. It was one of those evenings of surpassing loveliness, such as gladdened our hearts only at long intervals. Prominent in theforeground of the beautiful scene was a noble white steed, with itsgallant rider, dashing from one end of the skirmish line to the other. None who witnessed the spectacle will forget the white horse and thefearless rider; and few of the Second or Light divisions need bereminded that the horseman was Colonel Baker, of the Forty-third NewYork, who was then in charge of the skirmish line. 

The "Light division" was, as we have before stated, the First brigade ofour Second division, with regiments from the First and Third divisionswhich had been, a short time before leaving camp, detached to form anindependent organization. The arrangement was broken up immediatelyafter this battle, and the regiments put in the First and Seconddivisions again. 

Immediately after the brilliant advance of the "Light division, " theSeventy-seventh regiment was ordered to leave the picket line and joinits brigade. The Second division crossed the river and took position, the Third brigade in front, the Vermont brigade in rear. TheThirty-third and Forty-ninth New York, of the Third brigade, wentforward as pickets in front of the hills, relieving pickets of the"Light division, " which moved to the right. We remained in line allnight, sometimes throwing ourselves upon the ground to catch a moment'ssleep, then roused in expectancy of an advance. 

At four o'clock in the morning we did advance. Straight across the plainwe went, until we came nearly to the base of the heights, where thehosts of the enemy awaited us, then taking the Bowling Green road, filedto the right and proceeded to the rear of Fredericksburgh; theSeventy-seventh in front, the Twenty-first New Jersey, the Forty-ninthNew York, Twentieth New York, Seventh Maine and Thirty-third New York, constituting the Third brigade, under command of General Neill, following in the order mentioned. Then came the Vermont brigade, ColonelL. A. Grant commanding; these two brigades forming the whole of Howe's(Second) division of the Sixth corps since the First brigade wasdetached. 

As we gained the rear of the eastern part of the town, the batteries ofthe enemy opened upon us, and swarms of infantry rose up in our frontand poured volleys of bullets into our ranks. The "Light division" andNewton's Third division of our corps had passed through the streets ofthe town, and were now on our right. The skirmishers from Wheaton's andShaler's brigades had struck those of the enemy near a large mansion, where, each party dodging behind the garden fence, the cherry trees andthe outhouses, they kept up a lively engagement for several minutes, butNewton's advance was forced to yield the ground. 

In the meantime, the long line of rifled cannon which surmountedStafford Heights, on the north side of the river, as at the first battleof Fredericksburgh, were throwing huge shells across the wide valley andstream into the works of the enemy. One or two field batteries near thehead of our own column, and some attached to the other divisions, gotinto position and opened a fierce cannonade. 

General Howe quickly formed his troops in line, as did the otherdivision commanders. 

The line of battle of the corps extended from the pontoon bridge atFranklin's Crossing to the right of the town of Fredericksburgh. First, on the left, Brooks' division held the plain in front of the crossing. Next, on the right, in front of Marye's Heights, was Howe's Seconddivision; then the "Light division, " Colonel Burnham; and on the extremeright was Newton's Third division. Gibbon's division of the Secondcorps, which, because its encampment was in plain view of the enemy, hadbeen left behind, also crossed into the town by a bridge which it threwover, and took position on the right of the corps. 

General Sedgwick, finding that the heights could only be carried bydirect assault, directed storming columns to be formed in the Second andThird divisions and the Light division, which order was at once carriedinto execution. 

In the Second division, General Howe directed General Neill to lead theadvance. The plan of attack of the division was in two lines of battleof three regiments each. 

The first line consisted of the Thirty-third New York, Colonel Taylor, the Seventh Maine, Colonel Connor, and the Twenty-first New Jersey, Colonel Van Houten, preceded by the Seventy-seventh New York, ColonelFrench, as skirmishers. The line was commanded by General Neill[1]. Thesecond line consisted of the Sixth Vermont, Colonel Barney, theTwenty-sixth New Jersey, Colonel Morrison, and the Second Vermont, Colonel Walbridge, and was under command of Colonel L. A. Grant. Bothlines were arranged from right to left, in the order above mentioned. 

 [1] "I was ordered to form three regiments as the _advance of a column of assault_ against the heights of Marye's Hill, back of Fredericksburgh. I led the Thirty-third New York, Twenty-first New Jersey and Seventh Maine Volunteers, preceded by the Seventy-seventh New York, who were acting as skirmishers, under a heavy fire of shot and shell. "--_Neill's Report. _

The Forty-ninth and Twentieth New York formed the right reserve, and theThird, Fourth and Fifth Vermont, under Colonel Seavor, the left reserve. 

The next column was composed of the Seventh Massachusetts, ColonelJones, and the Thirty-sixth New York, Colonel Walsh; both under thecommand of Colonel Jones--the Fifth Wisconsin, Colonel Allen, acting asskirmishers. Supporting the column, in line of battle, were the SixthMaine, Colonel Harris, Thirty-first New York, Colonel Jones, and theTwenty-third Pennsylvania, Colonel Ely. 

The right column of all consisted of the Forty-third New York, ColonelBaker, and the Sixty-first Pennsylvania, Colonel Spear--the tworegiments under command of the latter officer, who fell, mortallywounded, while leading the charge. The Sixty-seventh New York, ColonelCross, and the Eighty-second Pennsylvania, Major Bassett, under commandof Colonel Shaler, supported this right column. 

At half-past ten, the arrangements for storming the heights werecompleted, and Newton's batteries opened upon the enemy. At the sound ofNewton's first gun, General Howe ordered his batteries to direct theirfire upon the heights, and then ordered the storming column forward. 

The division advanced toward the bold bluffs, which, bare of trees aswell as the plain below, allowed the enemy an excellent view of all ourmovements. A railroad traversed the plain near the bluffs, and in a deepcut through which the road passed, were rebels. They rose up as weadvanced, and poured showers of leaden hail into our line; but one ofour batteries, getting an enfilading fire on the road, sent thegray-coated occupants hurriedly to the rear. For a moment we halted, thebatteries on either side playing into each other with spirit. 

It was a moment of contending emotions of pride, hope and sadness, asour gallant boys stood face to face with those heights, ready to chargeupon them. At double-quick, and in splendid style, they crossed theplain. Our line was perfect. The men could not have made a more orderlyappearance had they been on drill. Proud of their commands, GeneralsHowe and Neill, and Colonel Grant, cheered the men onward, whileLieutenant-Colonel French, in charge of the skirmish line, inspired, byhis own intrepid behavior, the utmost confidence and bravery in his men. They took the matter as coolly as though on parade. 

Just in rear of the division, three batteries of Parrott guns wereplaying into the works of the enemy, while from the heights above, allthe opposing batteries poured a terrible and destructive fire upon theadvancing lines. Having gained the rifle pits at the base of the hills, they pushed forward to capture the heights. 

[Illustration: STORMING OF MARYE'S HEIGHTS BY HOWE'S DIVISION. ]

A more grand spectacle cannot be imagined. There were the hills, enoughto fatigue any man to climb them without a load and with no one tooppose. At the foot of the hills were thousands of the enemy, pouringinto them volleys of musketry, and on the heights were their lines ofearthworks, with their artillery, from which poured grape and cannisterin a frightful storm. But the boys pushed nobly, steadily on, the rebelssteadily retreating, the division coming up in splendid style. GeneralsHowe and Neill and Colonel Grant directing the movements and cheering onthe men, as they pressed undauntedly against the murderous storm of ironand lead that met them from above. Our men were falling in everydirection, but the lines were immediately closed, and on they passed. With shouts and cheers that drowned the roar of artillery, the nobledivision, with bayonets fixed, mounted the heights, the rebelsretreating in confusion. Of that noble column the skirmishers of theSeventy-seventh first reached the heights of Marye's Hill, theThirty-third New York, in line of battle, followed, and then the SixthVermont, [2] the other regiments of the two brigades being but a momentbehind. But the work was not all done yet. On our left was an earthworkof strong profile, from which now the rebels turned their guns upon us. Against this the column turned, and soon gained possession of it also. Athird stronghold then fell into our hands, and we were in undisputedpossession of the heights. While the troops under Neill and Grant hadthus nobly stormed the works in front, Colonel Seaver, with his threeregiments, had scaled the heights further to the left. 

 [2] General L. A. Grant, in his report, does unintentional injustice to a brave regiment. He says: "The Sixth Vermont followed the Thirty-third New York, _and was the second_ to gain the heights of Fredericksburgh. " The Thirty-third was not the first to gain the heights on that part of the line. The testimony of General Neill, as well as of the members of the regiment, and the many trophies it captured, fully establish the claim of the Seventy-seventh to the honor. 

With one or two exceptions, every regiment in the division had behavedwith great gallantry. 

The Seventy-seventh New York captured a stand of colors belonging to theEighteenth Mississippi regiment, two heavy guns, a large number ofprisoners, among whom was Colonel Luce of the Eighteenth Mississippi, and great numbers of small arms. 

As the regiment reached the heights, and took possession of the guns, General Howe rode up, and, taking off his hat, exclaimed: "NobleSeventy-seventh! you have covered yourselves with glory!" The general'swords were greeted with tumultuous cheers. 

In the second work, the Thirty-third New York captured a piece of heavyordnance and a number of prisoners. The regiment had exhibited greatspirit and bravery. Six color-bearers had been shot down successively. 

It was at the signal of the first gun in Newton's front that GeneralHowe had ordered the charge of the Second division. The Third divisionand the Light division had not been idle while the events we havedescribed were going on. It will be remembered that the column on theright consisted of the Forty-third New York and the Sixty-firstPennsylvania, supported by a line of battle; and that the other columnconsisted of the Seventh Massachusetts and Thirty-sixth New York, alsosupported by other regiments. 

The ascent in front of the Third and Light divisions, though steep, wasless precipitous than in front of Howe's column, and a good road led tothe heights. But a stone wall skirted the base of the hills, behindwhich the rebels swarmed in great numbers. 

Under the fire of the rebel batteries, Newton's and Burnham's regimentslay, some in the outskirts of the town, some in the cemetery, untilGeneral Sedgwick gave the order for the advance. Then, almost at thesame time, both commands moved up the glacis towards the heights. Colonel Jones, with his two regiments, the Seventh Massachusetts andThirty-sixth New York, pushed forward up the telegraph road, against thestone wall, bearing to the right of the road; their knapsacks andhaversacks were left behind that they might be unencumbered withneedless burdens. As they approached within three hundred yards of thewall, a murderous volley checked the advance, and threw the head of thecolumn into disorder. In two minutes the men were rallied, and againthey approached the wall, this time nearer than before; but again theywere broken. A third time they were rallied; this time they pushedstraight forward to the works. 

The column under Colonel Spear started briskly forward, divested, likethe others, of knapsacks and haversacks. Sallying from the town atdouble quick, in column of four ranks, they crossed the bridge justoutside the city, when the gallant Colonel Spear received his mortalwound, and fell at the head of his men. The Sixty-first, which led thecolumn, shocked at the death of their beloved leader, broke, and inconfusion turned toward the town. This unfortunate confusion spread tothe men of the Forty-third, who, checked by the disordered mass infront, and submitted to a galling fire, also commenced falling back. Finding any attempt to get the men through the disordered mass in front, the gallant Wilson drew his colors to the right and rallied his regimentaround them. Then, bounding forward, the regiment reached the heightsscarcely behind any of the regiments on the left, capturing a gun andmany prisoners. 

The line of battle under Colonel Burnham advanced on the left of theroad; the Fifth Wisconsin on the skirmish line, the Sixth Maine, theThirty-first New York, and the Twenty-third Pennsylvania in line. Fourmore gallant regiments could not be found in the service. Leavingeverything but guns and ammunition, they started forward, encountering ashower of bullets, grape and canister, as soon as they rose above theslight knoll which had concealed them. We of the Second division lookedwith admiration upon the advancing line; our flag--it was the flag ofthe Sixth Maine--in advance of the others, its brave color-guardbounding forward, then halting a moment while the men came up, thendashing forward again, and finally gaining the heights before us all! Itwas a noble spectacle, and filled our hearts with pride for our bravecomrades of the Light division. The Light division secured as trophiesabout seven hundred prisoners and five cannon. 

Thus the heights were won. It was a glorious day for the Sixth corps. Never was a charge more gallantly made. But it was a sad day, for manyscores of our brave comrades lay stretched in death, along the glacis, and on the steep ascent, in the ravines and along the road. 

The Seventh Massachusetts, the Sixth Maine, the Fifth Wisconsin, theSecond Vermont, and the Seventy-seventh, Thirty-third and Forty-thirdNew York, were among the greatest losers. The Sixth Maine reached therebel works with the loss of six captains and the major, and aproportional number of enlisted men. Two color-bearers andLieutenant-Colonel Newman were shot in the Thirty-first, and ColonelJones, of the Seventh Massachusetts, was seriously wounded, while onehundred and twelve of his brave men were either killed or wounded. 

The wounded had been taken to the city, where they were kindly cared forby the surgeons of the corps, who had seized the town for hospitalpurposes. Churches and private dwellings swarmed with the unfortunatemen, whose mangled forms told of the fearful work of the day. Surgeonswere hard at work ministering relief to the suffering, binding up thewounds or removing the mangled limbs which offered no hope of recovery;while nurses administered food and coffee, and prepared beds, such ascould be extemporized from blankets spread upon the floors. More thanthree thousand wounded were brought into the city before nightfall. 

Upon the very heels of the brilliant success of the corps commenceddisaster. An order from General Hooker had directed General Sedgwick toadvance toward Chancellorsville, and form a junction with the main army. So the corps which had so nobly won the heights pressed on for furtherachievements. The heights were left behind. Brooks' division, which nowtook the lead, had advanced as far as Salem Church, on theChancellorsville pike, when, instead of meeting any portion of Hooker'sarmy, a few shells from rebel guns warned the division of the presenceof the enemy. 

A dense thicket was in front, and Bartlett's brigade, which had theadvance, was deployed to skirmish and ascertain the position of theconcealed foe. Presently, having fallen upon a strong line ofskirmishers, the brigade was formed in line of battle; theTwenty-seventh New York on the right, then the Fifth Maine, then the OneHundred and Twenty-first New York, and on the left the Ninety-sixthPennsylvania; the Sixteenth New York holding the skirmish line in front. General Bartlett advanced his line to the thicket, the Sixteenth drivingthe rebel skirmishers, the brigade following closely. At the edge of thethicket General Bartlett halted the line, but being ordered by GeneralBrooks to advance rapidly, he pushed on again. 

Advancing through the thicket about thirty rods, the brigade suddenlyfound itself face to face with a rebel line. The confederates were lyingdown in a road which traversed the thicket; and, when the Union line waswithin twenty yards, they suddenly discharged a volley, which, had itbeen well aimed, must have almost annihilated the brigade; but the firewas returned with effect, and presently, the confederates were glad toleave the road, which was almost filled with their dead and wounded, andseek shelter behind rifle pits. The rifle pits were but a few yards inrear of the road, and here a very strong force was posted. The Unionforces occupied the road, and directed their fire against the works; butthe rebel fire cut down their unprotected ranks like grass before thescythe. For fifteen minutes the gallant regiments endured this murderousfire, and then fell back in good order, having lost, within twentyminutes, nearly seven hundred men; of whom two hundred and seventy-threewere from the One Hundred and Twenty-first New York. 

The New Jersey brigade, and the whole division, had by this time beenbrought into action, and great slaughter was made in almost everyregiment. Newton's division was also fiercely engaged on the right, Wheaton's brigade holding its position only by the most stubbornfighting. The enemy having forced the First division to retire, advancedagainst our line; but the batteries under Williston, Rigby and Parsons, by splendid practice, repulsed the onset. The Second division, formingthe rear of the column, had not been brought into the engagement. 

Darkness came to the relief of the corps, and the men slept soundly ontheir arms after the arduous duties of the day; but there were manymisgivings among officers in regard to what to-morrow might bring forth. 

While we rested, the enemy was bringing up reinforcements from thedirection of Richmond. Very early in the morning the siege guns onStafford Heights, opposite the town, sent some shells screaming acrossthe valley to the heights of Marye's Hill, giving the alarm to those inthe town and to those who had so recently left it. Lines of rebels wereseen all along the outskirts of the town and on the crests above. Fifteen thousand confederate troops were between the Sixth corps andFredericksburgh Heights. The surgeons immediately prepared to send thewounded across the river, but, supposing that to accomplish the wholebefore the rebels should take possession of the town would beimpossible, made every preparation for being themselves taken prisoners. A small detachment of Gibbon's division still guarded the town, butnearly all his troops had recrossed the river and were on StaffordHeights. But the small force in the town seemed sufficient to convey tothe rebels the impression that it was well guarded, for they made noattempt to seize the immense amount of hospital stores which was attheir mercy, or to molest the wounded or the surgeons. 

The Sixth corps was now in a critical position; its communicationsentirely cut off, and surrounded by hosts of the enemy. The corps wassandwiched between the rebels on the heights and Lee's whole army; whileon its left was a strong force, and on its right an impassable river. Dispositions were at once made to meet the emergency. 

Brooks' division was drawn back, and Howe's, still in the rear, changedfront and quickly extended the line of battle to the river, so as toinclude Banks' Ford, six miles above the city, over which communicationswere at once established. 

The whole of Early's rebel division occupied the crest of Marye's andCemetery Hills; the divisions of Anderson and McLaws were on our flank;and the brigades of Hays, Hoke and Lawton, supported by Lee's wholearmy, were in our rear. We were in the vicinity of Salem Church, and ouronly line of retreat was upon the road leading to Banks' Ford. 

The first demonstration of the rebels, on the morning of the 4th, wasagainst the position held by Neill's brigade. A company from the SeventhMaine, and two companies from the Forty-ninth New York, in conjunctionwith a part of Martin's battery, and supported by the remainingcompanies of the Forty-ninth, gallantly repulsed and routed a wholebrigade of rebels, capturing two hundred prisoners, and the colors ofthe Fifty-eighth Virginia regiment; which last trophy was borne off bythe men of the Forty-ninth, and was the second stand of colors taken bythat gallant brigade in this engagement, the Seventy-seventh havingcaptured the other. 

The day wore away with little fighting till five o'clock. General Howehad so disposed his troops as to occupy two positions. 

In front was the Third brigade, holding a crest which overlooked aravine through which the rebels must pass. Behind the brigade wasanother ravine, in which was a thin skirt of woods. In rear of thissecond ravine, and behind a swell of ground, the Vermont brigade wasstrongly posted, forming the second line of battle. There were in eachof these two brigades about three thousand men. 

Now came the most fearful struggle of the campaign. At five o'clock therebel hordes came, with deafening yells, upon the division. Thedivisions of Early, Anderson and McLaws rushed upon the single brigadeof less than three thousand men, massing their troops in the ravine, andcharging with impetuous fury. But the noble regiments heroicallywithstood the shock, the Germans of the Twentieth only going to the rearin confusion. The stubborn resistance of the brigade prevented therebels from piercing our lines, and cutting off our retreat, and thus, by its gallantry, enabled the corps to cross at Banks' Ford. But onethousand men--more than one-third of the brigade--fell on that crest. Colonel Van Houghton, of the Twenty-first New Jersey, was mortallywounded, and many other choice spirits were among the fallen. GeneralNeill was injured by the fall of his horse, which was shot. General Howenow ordered the brigade to fall back, and the decimated regiments leftthe front line, and fell behind the strong position held by theVermonters. The rebels, thinking this a retreat, followed with yells ofexultation, but were met by the second line of battle, which, from itsposition behind the swell of ground, was concealed, with a murderousfire, which sent them reeling back to the cover of the first ravine. Their charge had inflicted little damage upon the Union line. It was nownearly dark, and the reception which the rebels had received had socompletely routed and broken them, that they made no further attemptupon our lines. 

About nine o'clock, the division was ordered to fall back to Banks'Ford, now two miles distant from us. We fell back quietly, and foundthat the other divisions had preceded us, and were snugly behind riflepits. They had fallen back as soon as it was dark, leaving the Seconddivision to cover the retreat. 

Meantime, comparatively little fighting had been done by the otherdivisions, though a constant skirmish was kept up, and in the eveningthe confederates managed to get in the rear of a part of the picket ofthe Light division, capturing a large number of prisoners from theForty-third and Thirty-first New York, and Sixty-first Pennsylvania. 

The position at Banks' Ford might have been held until reinforcementscould have reached the corps from Hooker; but, unfortunately, thatgeneral, receiving from General Sedgwick first, intelligence that hecould not safely hold the position, then that he could, ordered thecorps to be withdrawn, and afterward countermanded the order; but thelast order was only received when the movement had been accomplished. 

Toward morning the corps recrossed the Rappahannock on pontoon bridges;not without the utmost difficulty; one bridge being destroyed by rebelartillery, and the other barely saved from destruction long enough toallow the troops hurriedly to pass over. 

The corps had passed through a fearful ordeal, and had shown itself tobe made of heroic material. No two more brilliant feats had beenperformed during the war, than the storming of the heights ofFredericksburgh, and the splendid resistance when surrounded andattacked by overwhelming forces. The men came out of the fight, notdemoralized, but as ready to scale those terrible heights again, ifcalled upon, as they had been on the 3d of May. 

General Sedgwick had manifested during the fights, those masterlyqualities which made him one of the greatest soldiers of the age. Hisconduct on the retreat was cool and unimpassioned. Personally examiningevery part of the ground in front and rear, riding from one end of theline to the other, now ordering a battery placed at some commandingpoint, and now looking out a new position to which his troops might fallback in case of necessity, he was everywhere present, full of energy, asdetermined to save as he had been to win. 

Throughout the land the glorious deeds of the Sixth corps becamehousehold words; but its glory had been dearly purchased. Five thousandof the heroes who crossed the Rappahannock on the 2d of May, were eitherdead or wounded. Colonel Van Houghton, one of New Jersey's bravest sons, had received a mortal wound, from which he died in the hands of theenemy. Captain Luther M. Wheeler, of the Seventy-seventh, was shot whilewe halted at the foot of Marye's Hill. It was a sad loss to hisregiment, and the corps. Few more gifted young men could be found in thearmy. He was one of our bravest and most efficient officers. Gentle inhis relations with his fellows, cool and daring in battle; his youthfulface beaming with fortitude, was a continual joy to his men in time ofdanger. He died as he had lived, a hero. 

The Forty-third had lost Captain Knickerbocker and Lieutenant Koonz. Twoyoung men of brilliant promise, greatly loved and respected in theirregiment and in their native city, Albany. 

The wounded men in the hospitals exhibited the same heroic fortitude intheir sufferings that they had manifested in the charge and in theretreat. A few instances are given as illustrations of many: ErskineBranch of Company D, Seventy-seventh New York, when his leg was torn toshreds by a shell, hobbled off on the sound one and his gun, singing"The Star Spangled Banner. " Corporal Henry West was shot through thethigh, and he was brought to the rear. "I guess, " said he "that old JoeWest's son has lost a leg. " The corporal died soon after. While in thehospital, suffering from extreme anguish, a wounded man at his sidelamented that he had come to the war. "I am not sorry that I came, "instantly responded the brave corporal. 

Let us now turn back and glance hastily at the maneuvers of the mainarmy at Chancellorsville. We, of the Sixth corps, could only see by theballoon which, like some huge bird, hovered over the army, where it heldits position, and the unceasing roar of artillery told us of a severestruggle with its foe; while rumor brought, now reports of brilliantsuccess, and anon tales of sad defeat. We knew little of the true stateof affairs at the right, and it was only when we mingled with ourcomrades of the other corps that we learned the details of the battle ofChancellorsville. We now repeat it as it was given to us. On the daythat the army broke up its winter camp, General Hooker led the Fifth, Eleventh, Twelfth and Second corps, except Gibbon's division of thelatter, up the river, until he reached Kelley's Ford, about twenty milesabove Fredericksburgh. Here he crossed his whole force, and pushingsouthward and eastward, uncovered the United States Ford eight milesbelow, which was guarded by a brigade of rebels, and struck theintersection of the Gordonsville plank road with the Orange countyturnpike, about five miles from United States Ford; having by greatexertions crossed two rivers and marched twenty miles. At the crossingof the two roads, west of the turnpike, and south of the plank road, stood a single large mansion, the Chancellor house. Here General Hookermade his head-quarters, and from this point he disposed the corps of thearmy so as to form a line of battle, which should face south and east, with a single corps to guard against an advance from the west. The Thirdand First corps soon joined Hooker's forces, and the corps were postedas follows: The Eleventh corps, under General Howard, was on the rightof the line, three miles southwest of Chancellorsville, facing westward;next, to the left of Howard, but far to the south, and holding theturnpike five miles in front of Chancellorsville, was Sickles with hisThird corps; back almost to the plank road, and left of the turnpike, was Slocum with the Twelfth corps; and still to the right, and behindthe plank road, the Fifth corps, under General Meade, faced toward thesouthwest; behind Meade and Slocum, the Second corps was posted, onedivision guarding the approach to the bridge. The country was denselywooded. Except an open space about the house, it was a tangledwilderness. The ground was low and marshy, and nearly level. Earthworkswere thrown up in front of all the corps, and everything seemed inreadiness for the enemy, for whom General Hooker now waited, hoping, that by fruitless assaults upon what seemed an impregnable position, theenemy would be so exhausted that he might turn upon him with freshdivisions, and rout the retreating forces. His programme was to secure aposition in the rear of the rebel positions at the fords, while thatportion of the army left at Fredericksburgh was to divert attention fromthe principal movement. Stoneman, with the cavalry, was to make a grandraid on the communications of the rebel army, burning the bridges andtearing up railroads. The main body of the army having secured itsposition, and accomplished its work, the Sixth corps was to pressforward and harass them in their retreat toward Richmond. 

Saturday afternoon, almost at dark, the First corps, Reynolds', whichhad that morning parted company with the Sixth corps, crossed the riverand took position near the ford, four miles in rear of Howard. 

The rebel army had been on the southeast of ours. Sickles, on theafternoon of Saturday, discovered a train of wagons and ambulancesmoving across the pike far in his front. He sent a force to cut it intwo, and was successful in taking a large number of prisoners and increating a panic in the train. He advanced, and was met by a strongforce of the enemy. He now sent to General Howard for reinforcements. General Howard led a brigade to his assistance in person, and then atfull speed galloped back to his corps. He was just in time. Burstingshells on the right of his line told of the presence of the enemy. "Stonewall" Jackson, with an immense force, had passed round our army, and now came like an avalanche upon the right division of the Eleventhcorps, General Devins. The men were cooking their coffee, when suddenlythe whizzing of innumerable bullets aroused them from their culinaryengagements. The hosts of Jackson, with yells and shouts, fell like athunderbolt upon the astonished division, and it melted away like asnowflake in summer. The next division, Shurz, tried to maintain theground, and did what men could do, but could not withstand the shock offifty thousand men. General Hooker, fearing that the flying Germanswould stampede the whole army, directed the cavalry which was with him, to charge upon the fugitives and arrest their flight; but no power couldhalt them. The commanding general at once directed General Sickles toattack the enemy on the flank, and, if possible, check his fartheradvance. 

General Howard, with great presence of mind and perseverance, succeededin stopping the rout at a stone wall, behind which he posted his line. Forty pieces of artillery were also, by General Hooker's order, concentrated to oppose the confederates, who again rushed forward withmad desperation, and were met with terrific fire from this long line ofguns. They staggered back, but soon rallied, and again charged, andagain met with a terrible repulse. The conflict now ceased for thenight. Hooker drew in his lines, making them more compact, changed thedisposition of some of the corps: throwing the Eleventh corps from theright to the left of the line, and bringing Meade, with the Fifth corps, to the right. Sickles and Slocum, with the Third and Twelfth corps, werenear the Chancellor house. Artillery was massed to command theapproaches to the turnpike, and earthworks went up in the night as if bymagic. At daylight, Sunday morning, Jackson, with all his forces, advanced on the turnpike, against the Chancellor place, not with thethin line of battle, but in solid mass. His men poured from the woodslike a torrent, their shouts and yells making a pandemonium of thewilderness. Suddenly, from the mouths of forty cannon was hurled againstthem a cruel storm of grape and canister, which ploughed through theadvancing column, carrying death and destruction in its course, whilethe infantry from the Third corps poured into the faces of the desperatefoe a terrible hail storm of bullets which almost decimated the heavycolumn. With the desperation of madness, the rebels rushed against thisterrible fire, almost reaching the muzzles of the guns, only to behurled back again by the fearful tornado in front. The Third corpsseemed hardly able to hold its position, but now General Hooker sent twodivisions of the Second corps to attack the enemy in the flank. These, with the Fifth corps, came with great force upon the left of the column. It reeled, the huge mass wavered to and fro, and then fell back inflight. The troops at the house, however, had been forced back, andGeneral Hooker again shortened his lines, making his forces still morecompact. 

Again, in the afternoon, the rebels came on exultingly, but not with thedesperation that marked the attack of the morning. Hour after hour theystrove to drive back or break in two the Union line, but it wasimmovable. Artillery poured into the ranks of the assailants the mostdeadly fire, until they fell back, long before nightfall, disheartenedand defeated. Hooker had at length succeeded in accomplishing a part ofhis object. He had allowed his enemy to fight him until his army wasexhausted and dispirited, while he himself had half his army fresh andready to charge upon the weakened foe. Now came the time for action. Ifhe now succeeded in putting the enemy to flight, the rebel cause wasdestroyed; if, on the contrary, he suffered a repulse, what would be theresult? The river was swelling rapidly; the pontoons could even now withdifficulty be held together. If, haply, they were to be swept away, allmeans of retreat would be cut off, and a repulse would amount toannihilation. Sedgwick and the Sixth corps were driven back, andStoneman, who had gone with his cavalry toward Richmond, was not heardfrom. In the midst of these doubts, he called a council of corpscommanders, who agreed, not unanimously, that it was advisable torecross the river. So the army, on Wednesday, was withdrawn across theriver, when victory seemed ready to rest on our banners. [3] Withoutdoubt, had the general known of the panic created by the cavalry in therear, or had he been sure that his communications would remain intact, the result would have been far different. 

 [3] The author makes no attempt to discuss the merits of the controversy, which grew out of this battle, between two of the best soldiers of our army. The reader will find, in the Report on the Conduct of the War, 1865, all the facts and arguments on both sides, by those most competent to give them--Generals Hooker and Sedgwick. 

The loss to the whole army, in this campaign, was over seventeenthousand in killed and wounded. [4] Very many of these were left in thehands of the enemy. 

 [4] The following statement exhibits the loss to the various corps in killed, wounded and missing:

 1st, 292 2d, 2, 025 3d, 4, 039 5th, 699 6th, 4, 925 11th, 2, 508 12th, 2, 883 Cavalry, 145

CHAPTER XVIII. 

SECOND ENCAMPMENT AT WHITE OAK CHURCH AND THE PENNSYLVANIA CAMPAIGN. 

 The army in its old position--A trip to Dixie--The wounded at the hospitals--Introduction of army badges--Adornments of the camps--The "Third crossing"--The Barnard mansion--Exchanging papers--A broken lieutenant--The Pennsylvania campaign commenced--Restriction of baggage--A severe march--An army bathing--At Centreville--Bristow Station--March to Maryland--General Hooker succeeded by General Meade--Position of the army. 

The army now turned back to its old position, encamping in line nearlyas before, only all the troops which had encamped on our left, betweenthe Sixth corps and Belle Plain, were placed far to the right, leavingthe Sixth corps on the left of the army, instead of being nearly in itscenter. The corps occupied a line nearly a mile in rear of the old camp, where the ground had been unoccupied, and where a growth of young pines, and, in places, considerable groves of oak timber, afforded far moreattractive surroundings than the old quarters. 

The wounded were taken to an immense field hospital at Potomac creek, where hospital tents sufficient to accommodate eight thousand woundedmen were erected in a locality where cool breezes could play freelyamong the encampments, and where pure water could be obtained. On the9th, many of our wounded were brought to the side of the river atFredericksburgh and sent over to us by the enemy, in pontoon boats, under flags of truce. On the morning of the 10th, the surgeon of theSeventy-seventh was ordered to proceed at once to Banks' Ford to receivewounded officers who were to be removed from the enemy's lines. Thedoctor was soon at the ford, where he found a boat and a flag of truceat his disposal. He crossed the river and met the officer in command, who received him courteously, but declared that he knew nothing of anyofficers to come there. The surgeon addressed a note to General Wilcox, commanding the brigade at Banks' Ford, but he knew as little about it asthe officer at the river. "There are plenty of federal officers here, "said he, "and we shall be glad to send them across to your lines at anytime when General Hooker shall apply to General Lee for them; but I knowof no arrangement of the kind now. " Believing that some arrangements hadbeen made for the transfer of the wounded officers, but that the orderhad not yet reached General Wilcox, the surgeon spent the day among therebels, conversing with their officers, while his boatmen, having withthem a canteen of brandy, soon made themselves very popular with thecrowd of rebel soldiers who gathered about, dressed in motley colors, buff, blue, gray, butternut, and colors indescribable. They were all ingood humor and lively, and the hours passed pleasantly, as the men fromthe two opposing armies chatted in the shade of some oak trees. Findinglittle prospect of executing his peaceful mission, the surgeon obtainedpermission from General Wilcox to get the remains of Colonel VanHoughten, of the Twenty-first New Jersey regiment, who was shot at SalemChurch, and died from his wound next day. Doctor McNiel, of theTwenty-first, with a party of men, proceeded to the place where thecolonel was buried, a mile and a half from the ford, and brought theremains to the river and across to our own lines. On reporting atGeneral Hooker's head-quarters, the surgeon found that no agreement hadbeen concluded until late in the day for the delivery of the woundedofficers; so he had spent the day in rebeldom to little effect, exceptthe restoration of the body of the colonel to his friends, and leaving acompany of nurses to assist our surgeons who were already in attendanceupon our prisoners. 

Nearly all our wounded were at length returned to us, and were sent toPotomac Creek, or to Washington. At Potomac Creek, the coöperation ofthe Sanitary Commission was of great assistance to the surgeons; andmany comforts and luxuries, the gifts of our friends at home, cheeredthe hearts of the wounded and suffering heroes. Sheets, pillow cases, handkerchiefs, with jellies and canned fruits, were distributed inprofusion. Here was the place for manifesting the overflowing interestand noble generosity of the people of the north, and thousands blessedthem for their munificence. 

A mistaken idea prevailed among friends at home, that the agents of theSanitary Commission resorted to the battle-field, ministering to thewants of the wounded, dressing the wounds, bringing the crippled fromthe field, and feeding the hungry. Our illustrated papers were filledwith fine engravings, representing these acts of mercy on thebattle-field. These were pictures of the imagination. Nothing of thesort was done. No Sanitary or Christian Commission agents frequented thebattle-field. All wounded were brought from the field by soldiers, placed in ambulances of the government and taken to the field hospitals, where all the wounds were dressed by surgeons or their nurses, and whereall were fed by officers selected for this special duty. The Sanitaryand Christian Commissions had a great mission. They were therepresentatives of the lively interest felt by the people of the north, for the army it had sent forth to maintain the institutions of theircountry. They found abundant opportunity for accomplishing their missionat the large hospitals after the roar of battles had passed away; butthey had nothing to do with the care of the wounded on the battle-field. 

Just before leaving camp for the campaign just closed, General Hookerhad issued an order assigning to each corps and division its badge, which was to be worn by every officer and soldier connected with eitherof the corps. The men of the Sixth corps now regarded their cross withgreater pride than had ever ancient knight looked upon the heraldrywhich emblazoned his arms. It had been baptized in blood, and amidwonderful achievements of heroism. Every member of the noble corps feltan exulting pride in his relation to it, and regarded his badge as amark of great honor. 

The introduction of these badges became of great service to the army. Every man could easily recognize the corps and division of any other onein the army; and each corps learned to feel a pride in its own badge. 

We had seven corps in the army; First, Second, Third, Fifth, Sixth, Eleventh and Twelfth. The badge of the First corps was a lozenge, thatof the Second a shamrock, of the Third a diamond, of the Fifth a Maltesecross, of the Sixth a Greek cross, the Eleventh a lunette, and of theTwelfth a star. The badge of the First division of each corps was red, that of the Second white, and of the Third blue. All wagons andambulances were marked with their appropriate badge, and the sicksoldier who fell to the rear with a pass to the ambulances, had nodifficulty in finding his own train; and quartermasters and othersconnected with the trains were greatly assisted in their duties by thisingenious device. 

The camps of all the regiments of our divisions were pleasantly located, and great pains were taken in laying them out and in decorating them. When regiments were not sheltered in groves, pines were transplanted inthe company streets in great profusion; and arches and bowers of themost elaborate and elegant designs, formed of the boughs of the redcedar and pine, exquisitely entwined with the bright green holly, formeda most attractive and beautiful feature of our second camp at White OakChurch. At division head-quarters, General Howe had caused to be erecteda most elegant hall of these rural materials, which was a wonder ofarchitectural beauty as well as exquisite taste and ingenuity. Itsalcoves, its vestibules and its arches, were marvels of elegance. Herecame officers, high in command, and brilliant dames, and passed a nightin the service of Terpsichore, while bands discoursed stirring music. 

In the camp of the Seventy-seventh, the adornments were profuse andbeautiful. At head-quarters, a palace of green arose among the treesnear our tents. For days, mule teams hauled huge loads of cedar boughs, which were woven into massive pillars or elegantly turned arches, andthe structure rose like one of those fair bowers we read of in fairytales. Our surgeon and quartermaster were preparing the elegantstructure for the reception of their wives. It was almost complete, needing only a few finishing touches, and the anxiously awaited guestswere expected on the following day; when, alas for the expectations ofmen, an order came to be ready to march at daylight next morning! Theladies, although too late to enjoy this rustic palace, arrived in timeto find the corps in line of battle, and witness fierce artillery duelsbetween the opposing armies. In their eagerness to watch the flight ofthe shells, they sometimes manifested greater bravery than theircompanions, whose experience had taught them to regard with suspicionthe shrieking missiles. 

We had passed a pleasant month at this camp, and the men were eager, notwithstanding their comfortable quarters, for active campaigning. Thehealth and spirits of the soldiers of the corps had never been better, and in spite of the failure at Chancellorsville, they felt a great dealof confidence. So the order to move was received with pleasure, and weturned away from our pleasant camps willingly. 

We left camp on the morning of June 5th, one of the loveliest of days, and, taking the road we had already trod on two occasions, halted in thevalley of the Rappahannock, on the very spot where we had rested at thefirst and second battles of Fredericksburgh, and prepared, for a thirdtime within six months, to cross the river. A correspondent of one ofthe daily journals, writing from head-quarters of the army, says:"Howe's splendid division of the fighting Sixth corps was selected forthe work of crossing, and the point for laying the bridges was justbelow the mouth of Deep Run, at the identical spot where we had crossedtwice before. "

Pontoons and batteries of artillery formed long lines behind the littleridge which runs parallel with the river, and the infantry marched andcountermarched to get in right positions. Here, behind the little ridge, we rested, until about five o'clock in the afternoon, our men mountingthe ridge, and gazing across the river, where the enemy had turned therifle pits thrown up by our First division, to their own use; and, inreturn, the rebels raised their heads above the breastworks, or venturedto the river side, wondering what could be the intention of the army, sorecently driven from these grounds, in making such preparations foranother crossing. There seemed but a small force opposed to us; a strongpicket on the bank, and the reserve posted behind the breastworks, wereall that could be seen, though we well knew that the heights beyondswarmed with opposing hosts, as they had twice before. At length theengineers drew the pontoons to the edge of the river, theSeventy-seventh being detailed to assist in unloading. The rebels betookthemselves to the rifle pits, and opened a brisk fire; but presentlythey were glad to draw their heads behind the earthworks, for five ofour batteries, Williston's, McCartney's, Cowen's, Haines' andMcCarthey's, were run out upon the plain, and opened a fierce fire, whole batteries firing by volleys, until the whole plain, on the furtherside, was a sheet of flame from the bursting shells, and huge clouds ofdust, plowed up by the shrieking missiles, rose so as to obscure theheights. The rebels could only load, and thrust their guns above theearthworks, firing at random, for no man could raise his head withoutcoming in the way of the fiery messengers of death, which filled theair. Still their fire, although at random, was annoying, and it wasevident that the safest method was to cross men in boats, enough todrive the rebels from their pits, or capture them, and then build thebridge without opposition. 

The Twenty-sixth New Jersey and Fifth Vermont regiments leaped into theboats, quickly crossed, and, rushing from the bank, charged upon thepits. The rebels were now, for the first time offered an opportunity forflight; for while the artillery was filling the whole plain withbursting shells, there remained no alternative but to hug the earthbehind the rifle pits; now that the artillery ceased, they scatteredacross the plain in hot haste, before the rapid charge of our boys. Thetwo regiments pursued the fugitives, and many of them threw down theirarms; we captured about seventy-five prisoners; of these, thirty-sixwere captured by Captain Davenport, who, with eighteen of his men, wasmarching up the ravine through which passes the Deep Run, when they cameupon the rebels, whom they obliged to surrender, their captaindelivering his sword to Captain Davenport. Five or six men of theengineers were killed, and some wounded. The Vermonters and NewJerseymen, also, had a few men wounded. 

The Seventy-seventh had one man killed. Sergeant Rex Haines was shotthrough the head. He was a brave man, and one of the best soldiers inthe regiment. He had, until that very day, been confined to the hospitalwith severe illness. A few of our men, also, received slight wounds. 

The engineers proceeded at once to lay the bridges, and on the followingmorning the whole division crossed. Our picket reserve made theirrendezvous at the ruins of the fine mansion which we had used for ourSecond division hospital at the first battle. Now nothing but the barewalls and heaps of rubbish marked the place where the beautifulresidence had stood. A regiment of Mississippians had occupied theplace, and had ruthlessly and willfully burned it. Yet the finechestnuts and broad-spreading oaks afforded as luxurious a shade as inthe palmy days when the old bachelor proprietor lounged beneath theirshadow. 

The picket line extended nearly to the railroad, and, as before, formeda semi-circle, radiating from the pontoon bridge. The enemy had alsoformed a strong picket to oppose us, and the two lines of skirmisherswere within a few yards of each other. 

It was a beautiful Sabbath, and all day long the troops lay upon theplain, wondering what was to be done. There were the frowning batteriesof the enemy on the hills in front, apparently able to blow the wholedivision into the air, and we could, with our glasses, discover greatnumbers of infantry at the base of the hills, half hidden by the lowgrowth of pines. The main body of our army still remained in camp; onlyour Sixth corps had moved. Evidently the enemy concluded that theadvance was rather one of observation than attack, and quietly awaitedour movements. Some firing was for a time kept up on the skirmish line, and now and then a shell would come crashing through some of the housesat the right, where our pickets were concealed; but at length, by mutualconsent, the pickets of each army watched the movements of theiropponents without molesting them. During this quasi-truce, a spirit ofsociability manifested itself, and our boys soon struck up anacquaintance with their dangerous neighbors. At length an exchange ofpapers was proposed, and upon mutual agreement of temporary amity, aYankee and a Johnnie would step into the open space between the twolines, shake hands, inquire each other's regiment, trade papers andretire. 

There came at this time, to each company of one regiment, a copy of theNew York Observer, Independent, Christian Examiner, Evangelist and otherpapers, and Mr. Alvord, the agent of the Tract Society, had just beenamong the men, distributing copies of the American Messenger. These weresoon collected and carried over to be exchanged for copies of theRichmond Enquirer, Sentinel, and Examiner. The trade was not kept whollywithin the limits of literary exchange, but sugar and coffee passed intothe rebels' hands in return for plugs of tobacco. At length an ordercame from division head-quarters, stopping this illicit practice. Ourboys declared that they were acting the part of colporteurs to thebarbarian rebels, and, if they had been allowed to continue thedistribution of religious papers among them, they would soon beconvinced of the error of their ways, and desist from further fighting. 

During the night of the 8th, our division was withdrawn to the northside of the river, our place being taken by the Third division. Weretired to Stafford Heights and bivouacked. Our bivouac became ourencampment for a week. There we lay, wondering what was next to be done, while the artillery on either side exchanged shots. The 32-pounders onour hills sending their huge shot across to the opposite heights, andthe rebel guns replying, sometimes with shells of most improved pattern, and at other times throwing over huge pieces of railroad iron. 

An incident of much interest to Neill's brigade occurred while we werehere. A lieutenant, belonging to the Twenty-first New Jersey regiment, had been tried by a court-martial, and convicted of cowardice at thebattle on May 3d. The whole brigade was brought out at the hour forevening parade, and formed in a hollow square. To the center of theinclosure the culprit was brought. His sentence was then read to him, which was that he be dismissed the service in disgrace. Theadjutant-general of the brigade then proceeded to execute the details ofthe sentence. The sword of the cowardly officer was taken from him andbroken over his head; his shoulder-straps and buttons were then cut off, and his pistol broken and thrown away. The sentence, and the manner ofits execution, were ordered to be published in the newspapers of thecounty where the regiment was raised. A similar sentence was executed inthe Seventy-seventh regiment on the same evening. Lewis Burke, ofCompany F, was convicted of cowardice at the same battle. He was broughtbefore the regiment, which stood in line; his sentence read, his buttonsand the blue cord on his coat cut off, and a placard marked "Coward"hung to his back. A guard, with fixed bayonets pointing at his back, then marched him off, the band playing "The Rogues' March. " Burke wentto serve out his time at the Dry Tortugas at hard labor, without pay orallowance. 

As we looked upon the execution of these humiliating sentences, we couldnot help feeling how much better it would have been to have fallen noblyon that field of battle, honored and lamented, than to live to be thusdegraded and despised. It had never been so forcibly impressed upon ourminds, how much better it was to die nobly than to live in disgrace. When we thought of the noble Wheeler and his brave companions, who hadgiven their lives for their country on yonder heights, and then turnedto the sickening scene before us, we could but exclaim, "How are thedead to be envied!"

At length, on Saturday night, June 13th, we withdrew fromFredericksburgh, and commenced the memorable Pennsylvania campaign. There had been, for several days, indications that General Lee wasthrowing his army to our right, and was crossing the Rappahannock in thevicinity of Culpepper. At length this had become a certainty; and thewhole army was quickly moved to come up with him. All day long thehurrying of trains, the movements of troops, the intense activity at therailroad station, where everything was being hastily thrown into cars, had indicated a sudden leave-taking. 

At length the trains were off, and the whole army in motion. Our owncorps being rear-guard, started at ten o'clock at night. The darknesswas intense, and a thunder shower prevailed. Our route for a long timelay through a thick woods, where the branches of the trees, meeting overour heads, shut out the little light that might have penetrated thethunder clouds, and the column was shut in perfect darkness. The roadwas terribly muddy, and the batteries which were trying to pass over thesame route, were frequently stuck in the mire. Our men stumbled overstones and fallen trees, often falling beneath the feet of the horses. Men fell over logs and stones, breaking their legs and arms. Thus wecontinued the hasty and difficult march, while the rain poured intorrents upon us. Later in the night the road became more open, and therain ceased. The darkness was not so black, still it was difficult tosee the road. We were passing over corduroy; some of the logs were afoot, and others a foot and a half through. They were slippery from therain, and the men, heavily laden with knapsacks, guns and cartridges, tumbled headlong, many of them going off at the side, and rolling fardown the steep embankments. A laugh from the comrades of the lucklessones, while some one would call out, "Have you a pass to go down there?"was the only notice taken of such accidents; and the dark column hurriedon, until at three o'clock in the morning, we halted at Potomac creek, where we slept soundly upon the ground until morning. 

The following day was Sunday. Our corps did not march until evening; welay resting from the fatigues of the night before, and watching theimmense army trains hurrying by, the horses and mules lashed to theirfull speed, or viewing the destruction of the great hospitals which hadbeen established here. 

There were here immense quantities of stores; bedding, glass andearthenware, instruments and medicines, with cooking and other utensilswhich could not, in the haste of breaking up, be transported; so theywere thrown in great heaps and burned. 

All day long the trains crowded by, four and five wagons abreast; thedrivers shouting and lashing their beasts to their greatest speed. Noone who has not seen the train of an army in motion, can form any justconception of its magnitude, and of the difficulties attending itsmovements. It was said that the train of the Army of the Potomac, including artillery, at the time of which we speak, if placed in asingle line, the teams at the distance necessary for the march, wouldextend over seventy miles. 

At Fairfax Court House, soon after this, the trains were greatlyreduced, and again at Fairfax Station; and after General Meade tookcommand of the army they were still further reduced. Yet, notwithstanding all these curtailments, our trains were said to bebetween thirty and forty miles long. 

How little did the impatient people, who clamored at all times, inwinter as well as summer, for an immediate "advance" of the army, consider that this immense body must always advance with the army; thatit must always be protected; that the army on every march and at everyhalt must be so disposed as to prevent the enemy from reaching it fromfront, flank or rear; and that when an advance was commenced, if thetrains were to become blocked up, or stuck fast in mud, the whole armymust wait for them, no matter whether it had reached a favorableposition for a halt or not. It was no small undertaking to move an armywith such a train; yet there were many at home who thought the armycould move from one place to another with the greatest ease. 

It is true that the enemy got along with smaller trains than ours, andit is true that the rebel army on that account was more easily movedthan our own. It was one of the disadvantages of too liberal agovernment that our movements for two years were weighed down with thesecumbersome trains; and even after so long an experience of their evil itwas with strong feelings of opposition that the reduction was acquiescedin. 

A captain or lieutenant of the line was allowed a small valise, in whichto carry his company books and his clothing; and a staff officer was butlittle better off. Must this little be reduced? Surely the ammunitionand the commissary trains could suffer no diminution. The amount ofhospital supplies carried in the wagons was already limited; could it bereduced? The people were clamoring to have wagons of the Sanitary andChristian Commissions admitted to the hospital trains, to carry articleswhich, although they were gratefully received by the soldiers, yet werenot absolutely necessary. The ambulance train was surely not too large, and we could spare no artillery. 

Yet the train was reduced. Small as was the valise of the line officers, it must be still smaller; little as was the baggage of the staffofficer, it must be less; and inconveniently contracted as was the sizeof the mess chests, they must be still further reduced. 

Thus, through the day, we watched the hurrying trains as they swept bywith immense clatter and tumult; and the files of troops, guards to thetrains, pressing forward, amid the clouds of dust and the rattle andnoise of the wagons. As the sun sunk in the west, we gathered about agreen knoll, in the shade of a pine grove, and sung old familiar hymns;then the chaplain made a prayer; thus was offered the evening sacrificefor the Sabbath. Few who gathered--

 "Where through the long drawn aisle or fretted vault, The pealing anthem swells the note of praise, "

offered more heartfelt thanksgiving, or more earnest supplications forfuture protection, than the band of veterans seated on that mossy bank, while about them was the confusion of a great army, pressing to meet itsfoe. 

At length, at nine o'clock at night, we took the road, and, joining themighty column, marched rapidly forward. The night was dark, and theroads uneven, yet the men pressed forward with wonderful spirit. Theyhad heard during the day that Lee with his army, avoiding us on theright, and moving with secrecy, had already eluded us, and was rapidlymaking his way into Maryland, taking his route through the ShenandoahValley. This was enough to stimulate men whose greatest desire was tomeet their opponents in open fight, even on rebel ground. But now therebels were invading northern soil; Maryland, Pennsylvania, and even NewYork, were threatened, and the men knew no limit to their enthusiasm. "We can whip them on our own soil, " said they. "There is no man whocannot fight the better when it is for his own home. " Such expressionspassed from lip to lip as the dark column pushed on during the wholenight. At times there would be a halt; not for rest, for the men, expecting momentarily to move on, would stand in the ranks; then, onagain. Here and there were the camps of troops who had occupied theextreme right of the army. Fine arbors and avenues had been erected fromthe cedar boughs; these were set on fire, and the whole heavens wereaglow with the flames. Morning dawned, the march was becoming tedious. The men were faint, and wanted rest and coffee; but there was no halt. 

Faint and weary, yet with determination, the masses of men toiled along. At length, as the morning advanced, the heat of the sun was almostintolerable, and the dust suffocating. Not a leaf stirred on the trees. Vegetation drooped under the scorching rays, and the clouds of dust wasso dense, that one could not see half the length of a regiment. 

The men at length began to fall from exhaustion. One after another, withfaces burning with a glow of crimson, and panting for breath, would turnto the surgeons of their regiments, and receive passes to the ambulancesand a draught from the surgeon's flask; but at length no more passescould be given; the ambulances were crowded, and so many were falling onevery side, that it became useless to require or attempt to give passes, or even for the surgeons to attempt to relieve the sufferers. 

In every corner of the rail fences, and under every tree and bush, groups of men, with faces glowing with redness, some with streams ofperspiration rolling down their cheeks, and others with their red facesdry and feverish, strewed the wayside and lined the hedges. Here thecolor-bearer of a regiment, his color lying beside him, lay gasping forbreath; there a colonel, his horse tied to the fence, strove to fan theair into a little life with his broad-brimmed hat. Under one littleclump of cedars might be seen an exhausted group of line officers, captains and lieutenants, and under the next, a number of enlisted menwho could no longer keep the road. The spectacle along the roadsidebecame appalling. Regiments became like companies, and companies losttheir identity; men were dying with sunstroke; and still the march wascontinued. This could not last much longer, for the brave men who stillheld out were fast losing strength, and soon there would be no troopsable to move. At length, at nearly three o'clock, we came in sight ofthe little, old, depopulated town of Dumfries. Here, to the joy of all, we saw men filing into the fields for a halt. There was no cheer, noexpression of gladness; for the tired men, with feet blistered and raw, worn out by seventeen hours' constant march, almost melted andsmothered, cared little for demonstrations. Throwing themselves upon theground, they rested for half an hour, and then, rousing long enough tocook their coffee, they refreshed themselves with their hard tack, porkand coffee, and were ready to sleep. Here the Vermont brigade was drawnup in line, and some half a dozen men, skulkers, principally from theTwenty-sixth New Jersey, were drummed out of camp, the bands of thebrigade playing "The Rogues' March. " All who were participants of thatday's work, remember it as the most trying march of the Army of thePotomac. Very grateful to the weary army was sleep that night, but, attwo o'clock in the morning, the shout passed along the line, "fall in!fall in!" And so, without coffee, we rolled our blankets and fell intoline. But, as often happens, when the whole army is to move, some partsmust wait long before the others are out of the way. So we of the Sixthcorps waited until four o'clock, and got our coffee finally before therest of the column had made way for us. It was another hot, dusty day, but not so intolerable as the day before, and about two or three o'clockwe arrived at Occoquan creek, crossing at Wolf Run Shoals. Here we hadtwo or three hours' rest. The men had no sooner halted than they plungedinto the stream, and the wide creek was soon alive with swarms of mensplashing and diving in the cooling element. 

It was a novel sight. An army bathing. A brigade of nine months Vermonttroops, had been stationed here during the winter. They were fullregiments, never thinned by exhausting labors, hard campaigns or thetrying ordeal of battle. They now bade farewell to their comfortablequarters and picket duty, and joined the Grand Army on a real campaign. Although we had already made a long march, at four o'clock we were againon the road, and before dark we reached Fairfax Station, six miles fromWolf Run Shoals. This was a more cheerful march than the others. Themen, refreshed by their bath, and strengthened by a good dinner and twohours' rest, now went shouting, singing and laughing, as though marchingwas but play. 

This day we heard that some part of Lee's army was in Pennsylvania! Themen were as anxious to go forward as were their commanders. The corpsbivouacked in groves on the turnpike, which led from Fairfax toManassas, resting for the night and the following day. Here our trainunderwent a process of purging. Needless articles, and many useful ones, which could be disposed of, were sent to the rear. The trains were to gowith smaller loads, and many teams were to be taken from them. 

We had marched, since setting out from before Fredericksburgh, through acountry, well enough by nature, but neglected, barren and depopulated. How large a portion of this great State was in this sad condition? Itsnaturally rich fields were grown up to scrub pines, mugworts andwormwood. Its fair valleys desolate of inhabitants, or inhabited by lowwhite trash, as idle as ignorant. The groves and fields where we nowrested were pleasant for a bivouac, but the fields were waste land, andthe oak timber was all that seemed of any value, as far as we could see. Yet we were now within a few miles of Washington, where articles of foodbrought fabulous prices, and wood could scarcely be procured. Why werethese fine lands desolate? Was it because agriculture was unprofitable?Surely, with Washington and Alexandria so near, and Baltimore at a shortdistance farther, there should be a good market for produce. Was itbecause the war had put a stop to agricultural pursuits? The scrub pinesand dwarf oaks growing upon deserted tobacco fields, where the ridgeswere still plainly visible, showed that before the war indolenceprevailed. 

At five o'clock on the morning of June 19th, we were again on the march, reaching Fairfax Court House before noon. Again our train wasoverhauled, baggage reduced, and teams sent to the rear. By this timethe train began to assume more reasonable dimensions. General officerswere strictly forbidden the use of ambulances, henceforth all ambulanceswere to be used for their legitimate purposes, and general officers andtheir staffs were to get along with a more reasonable amount of baggage, while regimental officers were to be allowed only the most limitedamount of transportation. A single small valise only was the extent ofbaggage for each regimental officer, and a mess chest of the size of acracker box, was to be the allowance for all officers of a singlecompany. 

About Fairfax Court House was stationed a division of cavalry and someinfantry, under the command of General Stahl. These troops, like thebrigade of Vermont troops, had been employed in guarding the countryagainst the inroads of guerilla bands. These were now also to join theArmy of the Potomac, and their gallant conduct at Falling Waters, a fewdays after, showed them to be composed of the best material. 

General Hooker, unwilling to favor General Lee, by uncovering thecapital, and wisely judging of his wary enemy's motives, instead ofpushing rapidly forward to Maryland, as Lee desired, threw the differentcorps into positions, which should at once be favorable for watching hismovements, and resisting any attack. Accordingly, our own corps, turningpartly back from our line of march, on the 20th, marched towards BristowStation. 

We passed through Centreville, its powerful forts and redoubtsgarrisoned by large regiments of men, who wore bright new uniforms, andwhose officers had red tufts upon their caps. These new uniforms weresoon to be as grimy and dusty as those of the veterans, at whom they nowgazed with so much interest, and the full regiments were soon to findtheir ranks thinned by the same terrible process which had made thosepassing by them only fragments of regiments. 

The works about Centreville were of most powerful character, having beenmade even stronger than at the last battle of Bull Run. In the forts andredoubts upon the commanding positions, was mounted heavy artillery, andthe long lines of trenches and breastworks, stretching far to theflanks, and commanding declivities where musketry and artillery couldsweep an advancing force with terrible effect, rendered the positionimpregnable from any direct assault. The few dilapidated houses stillremaining to mark the site of the village, presented a forlorn andpitiful appearance. Deserted by their owners, occupied as stables andstorehouses some of them falling in ruins, and all dirty anddilapidated, they were a mournful commentary on the ruthless destructionwhich follows in the footsteps of war. Still further on, our route ledus along the Manassas Gap railroad. Here were more sad pictures of thehavoc of war. The track was torn up, the ties burnt. Every now and then, numbers of car wheels and axles, iron bands and braces, couplings andreaches, showed where whole trains had been burned. 

Here and there, the incombustible materials among the debris showed thelading of particular cars. The remains of fruit cans, tin plates, blacking boxes and glassware, told of sutlers who had disposed of theirwares at less than the usual exorbitant prices. Heaps of spikes andhandleless hammers, and iron bars, reminded us of disconcerted plans inrailroad extension, while numberless solid shot, bullets and fragmentsof shells, showed where car loads of ammunition had been consumed inharmless explosions. 

At length, after a hard day's march, we arrived at Bristow Station, where the corps turned into the fields and bivouacked. 

The tower and wind-mill which had been used for raising water to thetank, remained alone to show where the station had been; all the otherbuildings being destroyed, except where still remained the dismantledruins of what had once been a hotel. 

Here, as for miles back on the road, were the remains of ruined cars andtheir contents. 

The surrounding country was delightful. A mile or two south of us was alittle church in the midst of an oak grove. It is an agreeablepeculiarity with the southern people, that they are accustomed to locatetheir country churches in the midst of pleasant groves, sometimes at adistance from any residence. In this respect, they certainly exhibitbetter taste than the people of most of our northern States, who havesuch a propensity for setting the church on the summit of some high hillwhere not a tree or shrub adorns the grounds, and the aspiring steepleseems, like Babel, to be striving vainly to reach the heavens. 

On the morning after our arrival here, we heard the sounds ofcannonading not far off, and learned that the cavalry under GeneralPleasanton were hotly engaged at Aldee and Upperville, with Stuart'srebel cavalry, and that our forces were getting the best of thedesperate encounter, winning laurels for themselves and gaining anotherof that series of victories which was destined to remove the derision inwhich that arm of the service had been held, not from any previous wantof good fighting qualities on the part of our cavalry. GeneralPleasanton had attacked Stuart's forces near Middleburgh, driving therebels in confusion through Upperville to Ashby's Gap, taking somepieces of artillery and a large number of prisoners. General Kilpatrick, in this engagement, had exhibited fighting qualities of the first order, riding in front of the men and leading the way when they hesitated. Hisgallant conduct inspired for him the confidence and admiration of hismen. It was the commencement of a brilliant career which made him one ofthe first cavalry commanders in the army. His dashing ride from thePeninsula to Fredericksburgh, with but a handful of men, eluding thewatchfulness of the wily Stuart, had already established his talent forbold adventure, and his conduct on this occasion proved his personalbravery. These are the two great qualities needed for a cavalry officer, and Kilpatrick's name at once became a tower of strength among his men. 

In this pleasant locality the corps remained, an outpost for the army, guarding the passes from the Shenandoah, for five days. The weather wasdelightful, and the men enjoyed, to the utmost, the needed rest. Theylounged in the shade of their tents or in the neighboring groves, orstrolled along the railroad track, examining curiously the ruinedremains of the trains. In a delightful spot at a distance from thecamps, almost surrounded by a grove of oak trees, the hospital tents ofour Second division were erected. To this quiet and lovely spot, wherecool breezes always played, were brought the sick and weary, andcarefully nursed. 

But General Lee despaired of inducing General Hooker to uncover thecapital, so, leaving Virginia with his whole army, he pushed towardPennsylvania, determined at least to draw our army as far away fromWashington as possible, and to reap rich harvests of spoils among theoverflowing granaries of the Keystone State. No sooner had the movementof the main body of Lee's army into Maryland commenced, than GeneralHooker, with his forces, commenced the pursuit. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

THE GETTYSBURGH CAMPAIGN. 

 The rebels in Pennsylvania--Panic at Harrisburgh--Alarm at Baltimore and Washington--Sixth corps leaves Bristow Station--A surprise--General Meade takes command--Position of the army--Marching through Pennsylvania--An unprecedented march--Exciting news--Battle of Gettysburgh--Death of Reynolds--First and Eleventh corps fall back--Second day's battle--The battle-field--Fighting at Round Top--On the right--The grand onset--The battle decided--Rebel and Union wounded. 

Meanwhile, great excitement prevailed at the north, especially inMaryland and Pennsylvania, on account of the invasion of the rebel army. As early as the 15th of the month, more than a thousand rebel cavalryhad reached Chambersburgh, which they had sacked. Two days before, thebattle of Winchester was closed. Ewell, with overwhelming numbers hadfallen upon General Milroy's force, which had unwisely been, by order ofsomebody, thrust far away from its base, and out of the reach ofreinforcements, routing the division, and in its flight capturing itsartillery and a large portion of the infantry. 

Nothing now opposed the march of the invaders through the ShenandoahValley. In Harrisburgh, the excitement rose almost to a panic. All thepaintings, books, papers, and other valuable articles, were removed fromthe capitol, packed in boxes and loaded into cars, ready to be sent offat the first sign of immediate danger. The citizens formed themselvesinto military companies, and worked day and night throwing up redoubtsand rifle pits about the city. Men unaccustomed to manual laborvigorously plied the pick and the spade, and kept up their unwonted toilwith an earnestness worthy of veteran soldiers. To add to this confusionand alarm, the trains of Milroy's division that had escaped capture wererattling through the streets in search of a resting place. Throughoutthe State of Pennsylvania business was suspended. The governor wascalling loudly for men to rush to arms in defense of their homes; andGeneral Couch was striving to organize the militia which presenteditself. 

Baltimore and Washington were like besieged cities. Stuart wasthreatening the Baltimore and Ohio road, and bodies of rebel cavalry hadpenetrated within half a dozen miles of Washington. Bells rung out thealarm, and the affrighted citizens rushed to arms. Loyal leagues werenow of service, forming the nucleus of many an improvised company ofdefenders. All these facts we learned from the newspapers, a few straycopies of which fell within the path of the army, and from the highlycolored accounts of citizens, who, with expressions of the utmost alarmand anxiety, related what they had heard or seen. 

On the night of the 26th of June, the Sixth corps left Bristow Station. The darkness was intense, and a drizzling rain rendered marchingdisagreeable. The march was rapid, and some of the men fell behind, andwere next day collected and marched off to Richmond, by the guerillaparties that constantly hung upon our flanks and rear. Before daylightwe halted at Centreville. The men threw themselves upon the wet ground, and slept for two hours, while the rain beat upon them. Then, at sixo'clock, they were again roused, by the order to be ready to move atonce. While taking our coffee, and waiting for the final order to march, some villain, belonging to the troops stationed at Centreville, set fireto the little Episcopal chapel that stood not far from us, and was theonly building remaining in the little village which pretended to anyappearance of modern architecture. Those vandals who follow an army, bent on nothing but destruction, are among the unavoidable evils of war, and even the most severe discipline is insufficient to effectuallyarrest all mischief of the kind. 

Our march was a severe one for men who had been on the road all night, and the men were glad when we bivouacked a little before dark, in abeautiful oak grove near Drainsville. Very early next morning, descending into the lovely valley of the Potomac, we reached Edwards'Ferry, where troops were crossing; after a delay of one or two hours, waiting for troops of another corps to cross the pontoon bridge, wefollowed, and were in Maryland again. All day long troops were passingover the bridges and taking their positions upon the neighboring hills, ready for starting anew in the morning; for nearly the whole army wascrossing at this point, and as the process was necessarily slow, thosewho went over first waited for those behind. 

On Sunday, we left Edwards' Ferry; marched through Poolesville andBarnstown to Hyattstown. A halt was made at Barnstown for dinner, andthe Sixth corps left the road and occupied a pleasant valley, where thechestnut trees afforded a grateful shade for the men. They had justunslung knapsacks, when we were all startled by the sound of a churchbell, which seemed in our midst. The boys gazed for a moment in muteastonishment in the direction from which the sound came, when theydiscovered at a short distance from them, a little church half hiddenamong the trees, and the parishioners gathering for service. When thefirst surprise was over, the word passed from one to another, "It isSunday!" "It is Sunday!" and they set up a shout that demonstrated thatthey had not forgotten to love the institutions of civilization, evenafter so long an absence from a civilized country. Few who were presentat this time, will ever forget the thrill of pleasurable surprise whichwe all experienced at hearing once more the sounds which so forciblyreminded us of home. 

Some of the men attended the service. It was a Catholic church, a smalledifice which had once been white, but, by the action of the weather formany years, it had now become brown. The seats and altar had never beenpainted, and the plaster of the inner wall had, in places, fallen fromthe lath. The parishioners seemed quite devout people, and the pastor asincere man. In his prayers he remembered the President and thegovernment, and he supplicated for peace. The reverend father said that, owing to the confusion in town, there would be no sermon, but he wishedthe good people to pray for sister A. , who was at the point of death, and for the repose of the soul of brother B. , who was already dead. Someof our officers engaged in a pleasant conversation with the pastor afterservice. He was an agreeable, shrewd man, and professed to be a goodUnionist. 

It was at Hyattstown that we first learned that General Hooker had beensuperseded, in the command of the army, by General George B. Meade. Theannouncement of this unexpected change at such a time, was received withastonishment, and by many with indignation. To deprive the leader of agreat army of his command just upon the eve of a great battle, when, bythe most brilliant marches and masterly strategy, he had thrown thisarmy face to face with his enemy, thwarting his designs of moving uponthe capital, without some offense of a grave character, was an actunheard of before in the history of warfare. It seemed, from laterinformation regarding this extraordinary measure, that a difference hadarisen between General Hooker and his superior at Washington in regardto the disposition of troops at Harper's Ferry, and that, each refusingto surrender his opinion, General Hooker was relieved. His successordemanded the same disposition on the very next day, and it was granted!

The army was not dissatisfied with the appointment of General Meade; thesoldiers would as readily fight under Meade as under Hooker. They wereanxious to retrieve what had been lost at Chancellorsville, and wouldhave been glad could General Hooker have shared in the victory whichthey believed they were about to achieve; but the men of the Union armyfought for their country and not for their leaders. So they at oncetransferred their hopes and their obedience to the new commander. General Meade was well known to the army as a good soldier, the bravegeneral who had, with his single division, dashed upon the rebels at thefirst Fredericksburgh, and as the leader of a corps which behavedgallantly at Chancellorsville. All were willing to try him, and hopedfor the best. 

The movement from Fredericksburgh had been conducted with consummateskill and energy, and now the army was moving in several columns byroads nearly parallel, with the twofold object of greater rapidity ofmovement, and of sweeping a greater extent of country. 

The Sixth corps was now upon the extreme right, marching towardManchester; next, on our left, was the Twelfth corps, at Taneytown, alittle hamlet named in honor of the chief justice of the United States, whose residence was there. At a point a dozen miles north and west ofus, was the head-quarters of the army, and the Second and Third Corps. Further to the left, at Emmitsburgh, were the First, Fifth and Eleventhcorps. Upon either flank of this line, extending twenty miles, wascavalry. Thus the army was guarding a great extent of country, at thesame time that the different corps were within supporting distance ofeach other. 

The rebel army under General Lee, one hundred thousand strong, occupiedan equally extended line to the north and west of us, stretching fromHarrisburgh through Chambersburgh and Cashtown. 

At five o'clock, Monday morning, 28th, the corps marched again, passingthrough Monroville, New Market, Ridgeville and Mount Airy Station, halting for the night at Sam's creek. As the corps passed throughWestminster on the following day, the people welcomed us withdemonstrations of joy, which were all the more earnest, as the rebelcavalry had, but two hours before, taken a hasty leave of them. At nightwe were at Manchester, at least twenty miles from the left of the army, and between the line of march of the enemy and Baltimore. We rested hereuntil evening of the next day. The plot was thickening, and the hostileforces were moving cautiously, each watching the movements of the other, and each ready to seize any opportunity for rushing upon its enemy todestroy it. Thus far our marches had been of most fatiguing character. We had, in the last four days, passed over one hundred miles of road. Itis to be remembered that these marches were made under burning suns, andthat each soldier carried with him his gun, knapsack, haversack, containing five days' provisions, and forty rounds of cartridges. Themen had kept up wonderfully during this trying campaign, but the greatmarch of all, in which this magnificent corps was to outdo all that wasever recorded of wonderful marches, was yet in store for it. 

We waited at Manchester until evening. The inhabitants were wellsupplied with rye whisky, and it must be confessed that soldiers have away of finding out the existence of that luxury, and of supplyingthemselves with it; and as the men of the old Sixth corps were in norespect behind their comrades of the other corps, many of our bravefellows became, long before dark, considerably inebriated. 

At nine o'clock in the evening of the 1st of July, we were on the road, but it was eleven before we were fairly under headway. Those who duringthe day had indulged so freely in the rye whisky of the farmers, as todisable them from marching or even standing in line, were quietly throwninto the clumps of bushes by the roadside, and left to be gathered up bycavalry squads that were scouring the country for stragglers. Those thatwere left by our own provost-guards were picked up by rebel scouts. 

The column now pushed rapidly on; all night the weary march was kept up. A halt of ten minutes for breakfast, and then on again. Now we heardthat a part of the army, the First corps, had already engaged the enemyat Gettysburgh, with doubtful issue, and that its commander, GeneralReynolds, was killed. 

New ardor was now kindled in the breasts of the men of the Sixth corpsat these tidings, and they pressed forward at a pace unusual, even forthem. The day was bright, the sun pouring scalding rays from a cloudlesssky. The men strove hard to keep in the ranks, for few in that corpswere willing to be left behind in a fight. 

Yet some gave out from exhaustion, but even these, at a slower pace, followed the rapidly moving column. 

At the houses on the roadsides, the citizens, their wives and daughters, were bringing water, from which the soldiers filled their canteens asthey passed. At Littletown we saw citizens bringing the wounded from thefield in their carriages, and many wounded soldiers who could walk weremaking their way to the village. The marching was more rapid. Ourfriends were waiting for us. Soon we saw above the valley that laybefore us, clouds of smoke and the white puffs of bursting shells. Asyet we could distinguish little of the sound of battle, but those smallfleecy clouds which appeared so suddenly, flashing forked lightning, told us of work ahead. It was five o'clock when the Sixth corps arrivedon the battle-field, having made an unprecedented march of thirty-fourmiles! We halted in reserve, not to rest, but to wait a few momentsuntil our place should be assigned us in front. We had more marching todo! Four miles more of marching and countermarching that night, madethirty-eight miles in a single day. Such marching as had been done bythe Sixth corps since leaving Bristow Station, is unparalleled in thehistory of armies. 

The roar of battle was terrific. On our left, where rose a hill coveredwith timber on the top and side, a fearful struggle seemed in progress, and the roll of musketry and the rapid discharge of artillery was almostdeafening. 

Let us now turn back and review the operations of the First and theEleventh corps since yesterday morning. We give it as it was related tous by members of the First and Eleventh corps. General Buford, commanding the cavalry on the left flank of the army, had advanced northof the town of Gettysburgh, and had fallen in with large bodies ofcavalry, supported by infantry. He became hotly engaged with this force, and at once reported the information to General Meade that he had foundthe enemy in large force. General Reynolds, who, with the First corpshad by this time reached Marsh creek, within easy striking distance ofGettysburgh, was directed to urge his troops forward to Gettysburgh asrapidly as possible. The corps pushed on, and reaching Gettysburgh, filed through the town, leaving it to the rear. General Buford was foundfiercely struggling to maintain his position against the infantry of theenemy. At once, General Reynolds proceeded to select a position for hisline of battle. Without a moment's hesitation, the corps was deployed;the division of Wadsworth, leading the van, was in position; a batterywhich had been brought to the front was slowly forced back, but thegallant Wadsworth, bringing more infantry into line, arrested theretreat, and in turn forced back the hostile forces, who were now foundto be in large numbers. It was at this time that General Reynolds, riding forward with a few members of his staff, to inspect the fieldwith the view of bringing the rest of his troops into favorableposition, was shot through the neck, the enemy having, at the moment, opened a full volley of musketry. The noble commander, feeling thewound, turned to his soldiers and shouted, "Forward men! for God's sake, forward!" and fell, dying, into the arms of one of his companions. 

This sad loss only fired the hearts of the soldiers to more desperatedetermination, and they rushed into line upon the run, burning to avengetheir beloved leader. General Doubleday, of the Second division of thecorps, was next in rank, and took command. The encounter was sharp, andthe rebels were giving way. Three hundred prisoners were brought in, andthe corps was put into position to hold its ground. The force of theenemy now engaged, proved to be the corps of General A. P. Hill, and theprisoners declared that the rest of the confederate army was close athand. A column of the enemy now moved toward the left of our line, debouching from a piece of woods, and occupying a close proximity to ourforces. Volley after volley was poured into the advancing column, without avail, except to stretch many of its men upon the ground, wounded and dying. 

At length the brigades of Doubleday's own division were ordered tocharge upon the obstinate line. They obeyed with alacrity, their cheersand shouts ringing above the roar of musketry. The rebels gave waybefore this impetuous charge, and several hundred more prisoners werebrought in. 

Thus far the First corps was victorious, but its ranks were becomingterribly thinned. 

In the meantime, General Howard, with the Eleventh corps, was hasteningto the assistance of the First. Just before receiving his fatal wound, General Reynolds had sent a messenger to Howard, who, with his corps, was ten miles behind, to hasten forward as rapidly as possible. 

The men of that corps were burning to wipe out the unfortunate record ofChancellorsville, and the roar of artillery before them, inspired vigorin their movements and urged them forward; but the noise of the battlewas heard by others. 

Ewell, with his confederates, was but three miles off; and while theUnionists looked for the coming of help, a fresh corps reinforced therebels. But the opposing forces were, for the time, willing to allow alull in the battle. So, from ten o'clock until half-past two the Firstcorps held the enemy at bay. By this time a division of the Eleventhcorps was on the ground and another on the other side of Gettysburgh. General Howard took command. The Union reinforcements were justarriving; those of the rebels had already taken their position, and wereready for a desperate charge. 

Suddenly, rushing from the cover of the woods in which they haddebouched from the York road, the old corps of Stonewall Jackson, nowunder Ewell, charged, with yells, down upon the Eleventh. The Germans, this time stood their ground, returning with spirit, the volleys oftheir old antagonists. 

On the left, Hill was also charging fiercely upon the First corps, andthe sturdy divisions of Wadsworth and Cutler were almost destroyed. 

The rebel line now overlapped that of the Union forces on either flank, and the two corps under Howard were in danger of being surrounded by thegreater numbers of their adversaries. The lines began to waver under thefearful storm of lead and iron, and the order was given to fall back. The lines retired in good order until they reached the town. There, inpassing through the streets, the Germans became confused and alarmed, and the retreat of the corps became a rout. Twelve hundred were takenprisoners in the streets. The First corps maintained its line of battleand held its foe at a distance in spite of the deadly fire which wasdecimating its ranks. The heroic Wadsworth cheered and encouraged hismen by his own noble example, while the messengers of death shriekedthickly about him. On the right of the corps, Hill had already forcedback the line, and now the Eleventh corps having left him, both flanksof his division were exposed. It was useless to protract the hopelessstruggle, and these sturdy troops also fell back, retiring slowly andfirmly, while the rebels, flushed with victory, were pouring into frontand flank the most deadly fire. It was a moment of vital importance toour army and our cause. A rout of these two corps, while the remainingtwo-thirds of the army was separated in columns far distant from eachother, must insure the destruction of each column in detail, and give tothe rebels undisputed sway throughout the north. But the christian hero, whose empty sleeve testified of hard fought fields before, was stillsufficient for the crisis. Halting the retreating divisions as theyreached the line of hills upon the south side of the town, and selectinga ridge called Cemetery Hill for his second line of battle, he reformedhis disordered ranks, and planting batteries so as to sweep thedeclivity in front and on right and left, awaited the onset of thevictorious hosts. On they came, until half through the town, when, fromthe whole line of guns on the crest, burst a murderous fire, from whichthe assailants staggered in consternation. 

The tide was turned; for now a part of Hancock's Second corps was comingup, and in half an hour the rebels retired, and the one-armed generalwas master of the situation. But the day had been a fearful one for thetwo corps. 

The First corps had lost its general, loved and admired for his bravery. Hundreds from the ranks of the corps, lay beyond the village stretchedin death. Of those who went into the fight in the morning, but one-halfremained. 

The havoc was almost as fearful in the Eleventh corps. Hundreds had beenkilled and a greater number captured. Yet there was no faltering amongthose veterans, and when, toward evening, the Third and Twelfth corpsarrived upon the field, their confidence and hope rose, and all nowbelieved that our army was yet destined to achieve a grand victory. 

No further demonstrations were made on either side that night. Eachparty was gathering its strength for the grand conflict. Late in theevening General Meade arrived on the field, and with General Howardproceeded to inspect the ground, and make arrangements for posting thetroops of the army. 

The Eleventh corps was still to occupy Cemetery Hill, just opposite thetown. Upon a knoll to the right of the Eleventh corps was the Firstcorps, and still farther, and forming the extreme right of the army, wasthe Twelfth corps, General Slocum. On the left of Cemetery Hill, occupying the extension of the ridge and a prominent hill, Round Top, the Third corps, General Sickles, was posted, and the Second corps, General Hancock. The Fifth corps was to be held in reserve until thearrival of the Sixth corps. Thus through the night, the two armies layupon their arms, each watching the other, to wake to a contest morefearful than the last. 

At daylight Thursday morning, July 2d, the rebel skirmishers opened fireupon parts of our lines of pickets, but there was little betokening anygeneral engagement. Occasionally a few of the skirmishers of the enemy, would make a charge upon parts of our line forcing back the pickets, buta gun from some one of our batteries would hastily send them to the rearagain. Doubtless it was for the purpose of disclosing the positions ofour batteries, that their dashes were made. Thus the day wore on untilfour o'clock. 

General Sickles, with the Third corps, had moved out beyond the generalline of battle nearly a mile, and had come upon the advance of theenemy, where Longstreet, with one-third of the rebel army, wasconcentrating his forces against the left flank, with the hope ofturning it and seizing the ridge. 

The battle opened at once. Seven batteries of artillery opened uponfront and flank of the exposed corps, and large bodies of infantry incolumn by division. The corps withstood the shock heroically, and wassoon strengthened by troops from the Second corps. Our artillery nowopened upon the rebels from the ridge, and hurled destruction upon them. The valley was filled with bursting missiles, and the smoke rolled up inhuge columns. It was at this stage of the great battle that the Sixthcorps arrived on the ground, after its unparalleled march, and the Fifthcorps was at once ordered into the fight. For an hour the Sixth corpswas the reserve of the army, but even this reserve was soon called intoaction. 

The writer, while our corps waited for orders, rode along the front, from where the Second and Third corps were engaged in their deadlystruggle with the enemy, across Cemetery Ridge and to the hill where, onthe right of the line, Slocum had established his head-quarters, and hewill attempt to describe the field as he saw it. 

To form a correct idea of the position of the armies, one should imaginetwo ranges of hills, between which was the valley and the village ofGettysburgh. 

These ridges are nearly parallel, and are from a mile to a mile and ahalf asunder. Their course is not a direct line but curving. The ridgeon which our forces are posted, bend outward and backward, so that theline is in the form of a half circle, fronting from the center, whilethe rebels were forced to occupy an exterior line facing towards thecenter. 

At Gettysburgh several roads converge, first, on the right is theBaltimore turnpike, next is the road to Taneytown, and further to theleft is the Emmitsburgh road. These all meet at Cemetery Hill, which isthe key to the whole situation. 

Cemetery Hill is in the center of a range of hills running south andwest from Gettysburgh, and considerably in front of the others. Standingupon its summit, the spectator looks down upon the village, a little tohis right and upon the long declivity stretching between the crest andthe town. 

The crest of this ridge is bristling with batteries, which are soarranged as to sweep the declivity, the valley below, and the oppositerange of hills. Here, by the side of the Baltimore pike, General Howardhas his head-quarters, and just in front lie long lines of infantry, whowear the crescent badge, which distinguishes the Eleventh corps. 

Stretching to the left and rear, Cemetery Ridge gradually diminishes inelevation, until it reaches an abrupt peak which rises considerablyabove the other hills of the range. This is Round Top. It is coveredwith timber at its summit, its sides are rugged, and, toward the enemy, quite steep. On the north slope of Round Top, the Second and Third corpsare maintaining the unequal struggle with one-third of the rebel army. The roar of musketry is awful beyond description, and the whole valleytrembles with the thunder of the artillery. On the right of CemeteryRidge is another elevation, Slocum's Hill, where the commander of theTwelfth corps sits among the huge fragments of rock, watching his ownand the enemy's line in his front, and where is another battery, whichfrom time to time is sending its screaming messengers to the hillsbeyond or across a little stream which winds along the right of hisposition. 

In rear of Slocum's Hill is a little whitewashed cottage, surrounded bya picket fence. There are two or three wall tents in the yard, and manyhorses are tied to the fence. This is the head-quarters of the army. From this point General Meade is directing all the movements of theUnion forces. 

It will be seen that our troops could be sent from one point to anotherof the line, easily and quickly, while the rebels, who occupied theexterior of the circle, must make long circuits in order to reinforceone part of the field with troops from another. For the first time sinceMalvern Hill, our forces had the advantage of position. 

The rebel lines which had so fiercely attacked the Third corps, steadilyadvanced, pouring destruction before them, while the two corps, unableto resist the weight of the advancing columns, steadily fell back. Atthe moment that the Sixth corps reached the field, the Fifth wererushing to the assistance of the wavering lines on Round Top. 

It was a glorious spectacle, as the veteran wearers of the St. Andrew'scross rushed along the rear of the peak and among the rocks, atdouble-quick, and then suddenly moving by the flank, formed in line ofbattle. Through the woods and down the slope they rush, fall upon theadvancing columns, and check their progress. The Union line now advanceupon the rebels, who fall back more. Shot and shells pour in a fearfulstorm from the rebel batteries, sweeping the slope of Round Top and thecrest of Cemetery Hill. Here, near Howard's quarters, a train ofambulances and army wagons attract the fire of the enemy, and thebursting shells soon send them hurrying through the narrow defile in therocks through which the road passes, panic stricken. For more than twohours the desperate battle rages on the left, while the right, exceptthat on either side artillery belches forth its thunders, is quiet. TheSixth corps, the only reserve of the army, is also put into the line onthe left; only one brigade, Neill's, is sent to the right to reinforceSlocum, who has also sent a great portion of his corps to the left, andagainst whom the rebels are now charging. The doubtful contest ceases asdarkness gathers over the battle-field, leaving the rebels still inpossession of some of the ground occupied by Sickles' corps at fouro'clock. 

Both armies again lay upon their arms, waiting for daylight, by which torenew the contest. The losses in the Second and Third corps had beenfearful, and scarcely less were those of the Fifth. From our own Sixthcorps, there were many killed and wounded, but compared with theseothers, the loss was slight. General Sickles had been wounded early inthe fight, and suffered amputation of a leg. The morning of July 3ddawned brightly, and at once the rattle of musketry told of the renewalof strife. On the right, where Slocum with a single division of his owntroops and our Third brigade of Howe's division, Sixth corps, held thelong line, an attempt was made to retake the rifle pits which the rebelshad captured yesterday. The rebels in turn charged furiously. They hadpossession of some of our pits, and now they hoped to turn our flank androut the army; but the small force replied to the desperate charge ofthe whole of Ewell's corps with the most stubborn resistance. Chargeafter charge was made, but to no avail. At length Neill's brigade passedfar to the right of the rebel line, and poured an enfilading volley intothe gray-coats. They, supposing that a heavy force had got on theirflank withdrew, when our forces charging in turn, drove them with greatloss from the rifle pits, which were held during the remainder of theengagement in spite of repeated efforts to dislodge our forces. By noonquiet prevailed along the whole line, except that now and then a shotfrom some of our batteries screamed across the valley, but eliciting noreply. The rebel lines could be seen moving here and there as ifpreparing for a desperate struggle. The men at our batteries declaredthat so completely had they got the range of the other crests that therebels dare not open a piece. Little did they imagine that more than ahundred guns were concentrating just behind the little strip of woodsbelow them. 

This unwonted silence continued until about one o'clock, when suddenly, as though pandemonium had broken loose, the air was filled with theshrieks, screams, howls and clangor of bursting shells. The sky wasfilled with smoke, amid which flames darted in every direction, and thevalley and hills quaked with the thunders of artillery. Never on thiscontinent had been heard such cannonading as this. For two hours thisstorm of shell and shot raged in all its fury. At the first opening ofthe storm, parts of our line were forced back, but they quickly advancedagain. Horses and men fell together, mangled and torn by the screamingmissiles. In some of our batteries every horse was destroyed, and themen drew back the pieces by hand to save them from capture. One hundredand twenty-five guns were concentrated against our left center, whichcontinued for two hours to belch forth death and destruction. At length, when it was supposed that our guns were silenced, and our infantryconfused by the fearful cannonade, came the expected charge of infantry. Longstreet's corps, massed, with Picket's division in front, rushedforward with the well known yells, which rang above the clangor ofmusketry and artillery, and threw themselves with utmost fury upon theUnion lines. Our men had waited the onset with unflinching courage, andnow poured into the assailants a most murderous fire, which hurled themback and strewed the ground with their dead and dying. Again, with thefierceness of desperation, they rush forward, and again are met with thesame deadly reception. Hundreds from the attacking columns, in order toescape the certain doom, threw down their arms and came in as prisoners. The tide of battle lulled for a time. 

Again artillery did its work alone, until about four o'clock, when thelast desperate charge was made, the grand effort which was to sweep theUnion lines in confusion, or result in the total defeat of the rebelarmy. 

The heavy masses swept up as before, with the desperation of madness. They advanced until they were fairly on our lines, and, at some points, actually pushed them back. Then they were met with enfilading fires, from which the carnage exceeded all that had been before. Nearly thewhole of Picket's division, finding itself unable to retreat through thefiery storm, was captured, and the remaining divisions reeled back inconfusion, leaving the ground literally covered with dead. 

This decided the fate of the battle. The enemy had staked all upon thislast desperate charge, and had been hurled back in confusion and withenormous losses. 

No pursuit was attempted, but, although the rebels were not at oncedriven from their position, they had suffered a terrible defeat, andthey must retreat with all speed to their defenses in Virginia, orsubmit to the destruction of their army. Our wounded were collected ingreat numbers in and about the field hospitals, which were composedchiefly of hospital tents, some farm house with its large barns, servingas a nucleus for each. To these, thousands of our brave comrades werebrought with mangled limbs, torn bodies or bleeding heads, yet, notwithstanding their terrible wounds, exhibiting their accustomedheroism. Long trains of ambulances were bringing in crowds of poorfellows with arms or legs torn to shreds, yet who never uttered a wordof complaint, and who, indeed, appeared cheerful, and some even gay. 

In this respect there was the greatest contrast between the wounded ofthe Union and the rebel armies. A Union soldier, if so severely woundedthat he could by no possibility assume a cheerful countenance, wouldshut his teeth close together and say nothing. While a rebel, if hecould boast of only a flesh wound, would whine and cry like a sickchild. One unaccustomed to such scenes as can only be witnessed about afield hospital in time of battle, would be filled with astonishment atthe stoical bravery manifested by the northern troops. If one had passedalong where our men were lying in rows, he would only now and then haveheard a groan escape from some poor fellow who had received a bulletthrough the abdomen or some such fatal and painful wound. But let agroup of wounded rebels be placed in some part of the hospital, andtheir groans were heart-rending. This contrast is not overdrawn. Everysurgeon who has had opportunities to observe the difference in thebearing of wounded men of the two armies, can testify to the greaterheroism of the northern soldier at such times. 

CHAPTER XX. 

PURSUIT OF LEE'S ARMY. 

 Scenes of the field of Gettysburgh--The rebel hospitals--The sightless rebel soldier boy--The Sixth corps at Fairfield--"Hurrah for the Union"--Kilpatrick's handiwork--At Waynesboro'--On picket--A division of militia--The Vermonters at Funkstown--The army at Funkstown--Meade's failure to attack--New York riots--Return to Virginia. 

The battle was over and the invading army which had suffered such acrushing defeat, had only to gather up its shattered remnants andhastily retrace its steps southward. We were in no condition to renewimmediate hostilities. Every man and every gun had been brought intoservice. Never before had all of our army been fought at once. AtGettysburgh, every man of the infantry reserve, and every gun of thereserve artillery had been brought into action. The men were exhaustedby their tedious marches and hard fighting, while our ammunition waswell nigh spent. 

During the night of the 4th of July, Lee's army retreated, and on themorning of the 5th, our Sixth corps, Sedgwick's cavalry as the corps wascalled, was sent in pursuit on the Fairfield road. The battle-field washorrible. Dead men were thickly strewed over the fields with their facesblackened, and eyes starting from their sockets; and upturned, swollenhorses lay, sometimes in groups of six or eight, showing where somebattery had suffered fearfully. As we passed the scene of the conflicton the left, at the foot of Round Top, was a scene more than usuallyhideous. Blackened ruins marked the spot where, on the morning of thethird, stood a large barn. It had been used as a hospital. It had takenfire from the shells of the hostile batteries, and had quickly burned tothe ground. Those of the wounded not able to help themselves weredestroyed by the flames, which in a moment spread through the straw anddry material of the building. The crisped and blackened limbs, heads andother portions of bodies lying half consumed among the heaps of ruinsand ashes, made up one of the most ghastly pictures ever witnessed, evenon the field of battle. But we passed these direful scenes to meet withothers of less shocking but still sad character. Every house and barnfrom Gettysburgh to Fairfield was a hospital; and about most of thelarge barns, numbers of dilapidated hospital tents served to increasethe accommodations for the wounded. 

All of the worst cases were left in these hospitals, the number beingestimated, by the rebel surgeons in charge, at no less than fifteenthousand. Never had we witnessed such sad scenes as we were passingthrough to-day. The confederate surgeons were doing what they could fortheir wounded, but they were destitute of medicines and surgicalappliances, and even food sufficient to supply those in their charge. Atone of these barns some of our officers stopped, and as they passedamong the gray-clad sufferers who were lying in rows upon the barnfloors, one, a boy apparently not more than sixteen years of age, attracted the notice of one of the company, a surgeon. The lad lookedmore like a delicate girl than a soldier; his hair fell from his fairforehead in long flaxen curls upon his pillow of straw, some of themmatted with blood; his cheek was rosy, and his soft white hand told of ayouth spent amid more tender scenes than those of the camp. A piece oflinen laid across his face covered a ghastly wound where a ball hadpassed through his face, and had torn both his eyes from their sockets. 

The surgeon spoke a kind word to the youth, who stretched out his hand, saying, "Come near me, I want to touch you. " The doctor stooped overhim, and the boy, pressing his hand in his own, said, "You are a friend, are you not?" "Yes, I am a friend to all the unfortunate. " "But are younot a confederate?" "No. " The boy clung to the hand of the surgeon insilence for a moment, and then said slowly, "I did not think a federalwould speak so kindly to me; your voice sounds like that of a friend, and your hand feels like one; will you not stay with me?" When the othertold him that he must follow his command, he replied: "Oh! I shall neverhear any one speak so kindly to me again; my mother lives in NorthCarolina, but she will not see me. Can you not stay?" The doctor was farfrom being a rebel sympathizer, yet he turned away from the poor boy, with a sad face and a deep drawn sigh, to join the moving column. 

Early next morning we passed through the somewhat dilapidated village ofFairfield. Our advance threw a few shells down the street, scattering abody of cavalry, which had been left in town, and killing some of thehorses attached to their battery. A mile beyond the town the SouthMountain range rose in our front, the road running through a narrowpass. Here the rear guard of the rebel army was strongly posted. Neill'sand the Jersey brigade advanced against the rebel skirmishers, but afterlosing some six or eight men they were ordered to halt. General Sedgwickdeeming the position too strong to assault with his corps from thefront, reported to General Meade that the pass was very strong, and onein which a small force of the enemy could hold in check for aconsiderable time, a force much larger than its own. The main body ofthe army, therefore, was moved around their flank by way of Frederick;while Neill's brigade, with Colonel McIntosh's brigade of cavalry andtwo light batteries, all under command of General Neill, were made toform a flying division to harass the enemy in the rear. 

Our march over the mountain that day was by a wild, romantic route, thanwhich none more charming could be asked by tourist in search of nature'swildest moods. Before each little log house by the roadside would standa wondering group, astonished at seeing such multitudes of men in thosesecluded regions, where scarcely a dozen travelers usually passed in aweek. At one place, as the column was passing a cottage half hidden bysunflowers and flowering beans, those at the head of the column wereheard cheering heartily; and, as we advanced, other voices took up thecheer, exciting the curiosity of those behind. In the midst of thenoise, sounded a shrill voice; and as we approached, we saw, sittingupon the fence in front of the cottage, a little boy, about four yearsold, his face flushed with excitement, his flaxen hair flying in thewind, as he was waving his little hat, and with childlike indistinctnessshouting in his shrill tones, "Hurrah for 'e Union! Hurrah for 'eUnion!"

Soon those in the rear of the line heard those ahead shouting again, andanother shrill voice was heard between the cheers of the men. There bythe roadside stood an old man, over whom more than eighty years hadpassed, with voice indistinct with the tremor of age, all excited as thelittle boy had been, his hair tossed about by the breeze, as with hatswinging he too was shouting, "Hurrah for the Union! Hurrah for theUnion!" And the cheers of the multitude again rang in response to theold man's shout. We could but note the similarity and the disparity. Onevaguely dreamed of those blessings which the other had fully realized, and for which he had struggled; and the same shout was lifted up bythose two children--the one of four, and the other of fourscore--the onewith the flaxen curls of childhood, and the other with the white locksof age--the one voice with the shrill treble of infancy, and the otherwith the high-keyed tones of decrepitude. Those people, who had seen therebel army pass a few hours before, now felt the value of the Union. 

On the summit of the mountain we passed Monterey Springs, a charmingsummer retreat, where the Pennsylvanians resort to indulge in the sportsof trout-fishing and deer-hunting. Passing down the western slope of themountain, the handiwork of Kilpatrick was strewed along the roadside formiles. As the battle of Gettysburgh drew to a close, and General Meadeknew that Lee must retreat toward Virginia, he had sent the dashingKilpatrick with his brigade of cavalry to harass the rebels in theirflight. Reaching these mountains, the cavalry had come upon a long rebeltrain of wagons and ambulances, hastening with all speed, with theirlading of stolen goods and provisions and their wounded men, towards thePotomac. With shouts and cheers the horsemen dashed from the cover ofthe woods, upon the flying train, shot the leading horses and mules, captured the drivers and remaining animals, appropriated the stolengoods to their own use, and burned the wagons. Now, as we marched downthe forest road, the wildness of the scene was heightened by the remainsof the ruined wagons which lined the wayside, some burned, some with thewheels disabled by cutting the spokes, others tumbled off the steepembankment. For more than three miles, these remnants of the rebeltrains met our view. 

It was near the middle of the afternoon when the column, the army underGeneral Neill, descended into the beautiful Cumberland valley, andarrived at the village of Waynesboro. The people gave our little army ajoyous reception, and we encamped at a little distance from the village. One regiment, the Seventy-seventh, was sent on picket on the banks ofthe Antietam creek, and so pleasant was the duty that the regimentpetitioned to be allowed to remain until the army moved, to whichrequest General Neill very graciously assented. Our picketing on theAntietam became one of the bright sports in the history of ourcampaigning. We were a mile in advance of the other troops, and thepicket line was two miles long, so that we were not at all crowded. Theweather was fine, the country delightful, and the people kind andhospitable. The most friendly relations sprang up at once between thepeople and the soldiers, the inhabitants supplying the boys withluxuries, and taking them into their houses as welcome guests, thesoldiers on their part guarding the people against the depredations ofstragglers and militia. 

The grain was ripe for the harvest, and the farmers were short of help;but the boys laid aside their guns, and swung the cradle and the scythewith a zest that showed that they worked with a good will. Day after daythe boys of the Seventy-seventh reaped and bound in the fields, whilethe good ladies worked day and night to make bread and cakes for theveterans, who had so long been accustomed to diet on pork and hard tack. Soft bread, milk, poultry and the staple luxury of Pennsylvania, applebutter, was a glorious improvement on the usual bill of camp fare, andkind sympathizing Union people were much better calculated to render ourstay among them agreeable, than the bitter rebels among whom we had solong been. 

The left wing of our extended picket line was under command of MajorBabcock, who, with the line officers of his part of the picket, established head-quarters at the house of a miller, whose comfortablerooms and well filled larder afforded substantial inducements to ourfriends; but the great attractions at the miller's house were doubtlessthe three charming daughters, whose merry faces and bewitching eyesrejoiced the hearts of our gay major and his associates. Word came tothe right of the line that our friends on the left were in the enjoymentof far more than the usual allowance of pleasure for men on picket, andthither started the colonel and the doctor, and our friend, ColonelConnor, of the Seventh Maine, to investigate the matter. Riding througha lovely region, now rising to the summit of some gentle eminence, fromwhence they could look away upon the surrounding country, its richfields of grain ready for the harvest, its charming groves of oak, andits neat farm houses, making up a most delightful landscape, nowdescending into some green valley where babbling brooks danced overpebbly beds, and now reining up to listen to the complaint of somecottagers, who said that "the militia were robbing them of their pigsand their poultry, and but for the old soldiers, who were perfectgentlemen, they would be stripped of everything they had;" now fordingthe bright waters of the Antietam, and anon halting to converse withsome group of men who were reclining beneath the shadow of some clump ofchestnuts or oaks, doing picket duty as amateurs, the party at lengtharrived at the miller's house, nestled in a pleasant grove by the sideof the beautiful river. Here was the major, and here were the happy lineofficers, and here was the main reserve of the left wing of the picket, all exhibiting the most abundant good humor. Here, also, they found ourchaplain, and Chaplain Osborn, of the Forty-third New York. It wasevident, at a glance, that the reports of gay soldiering which hadreached the right of the line were in no way exaggerated. The millertook the horses, and the party was ushered into the house, when the goodlady and her merry daughters welcomed them heartily. The miller broughtout his best wines and his biggest apples. The ladies were smiling, thewines were good, and the apples delicious, and the hearts of thesoldiers were gladdened. The ladies retired, leaving the gentlemen inpossession of the airy sitting-room. They sung Old Hundred, andCoronation, and Lenox, and Cambridge. Now our friend, Colonel Connor, would lead off in a rollicking soldiers' song; then our chaplain wouldfollow with "Benny Havens, Oh!" and all would join in the chorus. Chaplain Osborn, of the Forty-third, could tell a good story, and relisha glass of wine; and so they passed a happy hour, singing and chatting, till called to dinner, where the long table was loaded from theabundance of the miller's stores. Dinner over, the company strolledamong the fruit trees and along the banks of the river; but at length, as an end must come to all pleasures, our party, who had left the rightof the line in the morning, galloped back to their quarters, satisfiedthat picket duty was not necessarily the most vexatious in the service. 

The Forty-ninth was provost guard for the town, and a merry time the menhad of it. Here in the principal hotel, General Neill established hishead-quarters, and in regal style amid flowers and fruits he receivedthe homage of the citizens and soldiers. The remaining regiments of thebrigade were stationed in a lovely grove half way between the town andthe picket line. They lounged in the shade of their beautiful camp, orstrolled to the village or to the picket line on the Antietam. Theypurchased from the people fruit and bread, apple butter and otherluxuries, enjoying a pleasant respite from labors, while the Forty-ninthguarded the town and the Seventy-seventh the river. But notwithstandingall the pleasures of this bright episode in our campaign, the boys werenot without a source of annoyance. 

Soon after our arrival at Waynesboro, we were joined by a large divisionof New York and Pennsylvania militia, under our old commander General W. F. Smith, who still held a prominent place in the affections of theboys. The militia was composed mostly of young gentlemen who had lefttheir places behind the counter or at the desk, for the double purposeof lending their aid to their country in its hour of need, and ofenjoying a month of what they hoped would be amateur soldiering. 

On the evening of their arrival, they were all complaining bitterly ofthe terrible marches they had endured, and swore they would shoot thegeneral if they ever got into a fight. They had marched all the way fromHarrisburgh, to which point they had been brought in cars, at the rateof from eight to fifteen miles a day! In addition to the severe marches, they had been subjected to great privations; many of them had not tastedany _butter_ for more than a week, and nearly all declared that they hadabsolutely nothing to eat for several days. The writer, who listened tothese grievous complaints from some who had been his friends in civillife, pointed to their trains of wagons loaded with boxes of hard bread. "What, " replied the militia-men, "You don't expect us to eat that hardtack do you?"

These regiments of militia were undisciplined and unaccustomed to thehard fare of the soldier's life, and the majority of the men took toplundering the inhabitants of the neighboring country, and perpetratingother depredations equally dishonorable in the eyes of the old soldiers. As the veterans constituted the picket and the guard of the town, andwere intrusted to guard many of the houses of the citizens outside ofthe village, they found great annoyance in attempting to resist theincursions of the militia, and rather frequent collisions resulted, inwhich the old soldiers usually got the best of the encounter. 

The citizens very soon learned to look upon the veterans as theirfriends and their protectors, while they regarded with dread any squadof soldiers that might approach, if they were clad in new uniforms. 

But, on the 11th of July, we drew in our picket line, the brigadeassembled, and at dark the troops, veterans and militia, were fordingthe Antietam, the water nearly to their waists. We marched rapidly allnight, halting at a place called Leytirsburgh. At daylight next morning, we were again marching. The day was extremely hot, and large numbers ofthe men fell by the wayside from sun-stroke. At Smithville we fell inwith the First corps, which was moving towards Hagerstown, and thehearts of the men were gladdened by the sight of the old familiar flagsof the Army of the Potomac. We had been absent from the main body of thearmy for a week, and it seemed now as though we had fallen in with oldfriends from whom we had been long separated. Falling in the rear of theFirst corps, we marched toward Hagerstown. At 2 o'clock a most terrificthunder-storm arose, such as had never overtaken our army, even inVirginia. Huge black clouds rose from the north and from the west andsouth, and meeting overhead poured down great volumes of water, untilthe road through which we were marching, and which was bordered by highbanks on either side, was filled with a mad torrent which reached to theknees, and in places to the waists of the men. At sunset we reachedFunkstown, where the main body of our corps was in line of battle, having yesterday met the rebels and driven them more than a mile. Ourfriends of the Vermont brigade had, as usual, given a good account ofthemselves; and the head-boards of pine, here and there among the trees, showed that the victory had not been gained without a struggle. 

In marching from Boonsboro towards Funkstown, the Vermont brigade inadvance of the corps, the little stream, Beaver Creek, was passed, andGeneral Howe found Buford's cavalry in his advance holding a strongposition against the skirmishers of the rebel infantry. At GeneralBuford's request, General Howe sought and obtained permission to sendthe Vermont brigade to relieve the cavalry. Colonel Lewis with his FifthVermont and part of the Second, and Colonel Barney with the Sixthregiment, at once deployed as skirmishers, forming their line two mileslong. The Third and Fourth regiments were supporting a battery, and thebalance of the Second was held in reserve. They saw the rebel infantryapproach a strip of woods in front, and at once advanced and occupied itthemselves. Against this long thin line of skirmishers, the rebelsopened a severe fire of artillery and musketry, and advanced to drivethe skirmishers from their position; but the brave mountaineers neverdreaming that a Sixth corps skirmish line could not hold a rebel line ofbattle, resolutely refused to leave and sent the presumptious rebel lineof battle to the rear in confusion; not, however, until ColonelStoughton with the Fourth and Colonel Seaver with the Third, cameforward to the support of the Fifth and Sixth. Again, the rebels, disgusted at being repulsed by a skirmish line, came up in several linesof battle and charged upon the Vermonters and they again went to therear in confusion. A third charge was made against the obstinateskirmish line, and a third time the attack was broken. Meanwhile astrong force attempting to cross the Antietam and come in on the flank, was repelled by the Second Vermont. 

The gallant brigade had repelled Anderson's brigade, of seven largeregiments, from its front, and another from its flank. 

An instance of a skirmish line, a mile and a half from any support, resisting repeated attacks of troops in line of battle, is rarely foundin the history of armies. 

The men used from sixty to eighty rounds of cartridge, and when thefirst supply was exhausted, a fresh one was brought to the front onstretchers. 

The victory cost the brigade a loss of nine men killed and fifty-ninewounded, while the enemy lost more than two hundred men. 

The men of Neill's brigade were rejoiced to find themselves once morewith the glorious old corps, and when their brigade flag, bearing theinsignia of the Greek cross, was once more thrown to the breeze, it wasgreeted with vociferous cheers. Brisk skirmishing was going on along theline, and frequent charges were made by our Union pickets upon the rebelline, which usually resulted in the capture of a greater or less numberof the enemy's pickets. All things indicated a great battle on themorrow. The two armies were facing each other in a line in front ofHagerstown, near a hamlet called Funkstown, the line of battle extendingseveral miles. The rebels had occupied the higher grounds, and hadthrown up strong earthworks to dispute our progress. Night came on withrain, and all expected to be roused early by the sound of battle. Butmorning came and passed, and the day wore on with little activity on ourpart. Here and there skirmishers kept up a rattle of musketry, but nogeneral engagement came on. Much as the veterans, who knew too well therisks of battle, usually dreaded a general engagement, this time thereseemed a universal desire, on the part of the men, now to strike a blowwhich should destroy their adversaries before they should be able tocross the river again. 

Deserters and prisoners from the rebel army represented it in adeplorable condition; and the men of the ranks in our army believed thatthis was the grand opportunity for striking a final blow. Andnotwithstanding the assertion of general officers that the Potomac wasso swollen as to prevent the crossing of the rebel army, there were fewprivates in our ranks who were not ready to declare that, unless we gavebattle at once, the prey would surely escape. Thus, as the day wore on, great dissatisfaction was expressed all along the ranks--men openly andfreely cursing the hesitancy which held them back, as they believed, from a certain victory. So, when they arose on the morning of the 14th, to find that there was no enemy in our front, they were more incensedthan surprised. There was certainly a very general ill-feeling pervadingour army at this easy escape of the rebel army, which even the gloriousnews of Vicksburg and Port Hudson failed to pacify. 

Brisk firing in the vicinity of the Potomac, however, warned us thatthere were still rebels enough left on the north side of the river tooffer some resistance. We learned, late in the day, that the firing wascaused by a brilliant charge of Kilpatrick's cavalry upon the rear guardof the rebels at Falling Waters, where they captured several hundreds ofprisoners; thus adding one more brilliant success to their many daringachievements during this campaign. Marching until nightfall, we reachedWilliamsport, and encamped very near the spot that had been ourresting-place on a former occasion, nearly a year before. 

Why General Lee and his army were allowed to cross the Potomacunmolested, we do not attempt to explain; nor do we condemn thedetermination of General Meade not to give battle. When men of suchwell-known military ability and bravery as General Sedgwick adviseagainst a movement, it may be well to hesitate; yet it will doubtless bethe verdict of history, that the hesitancy of General Meade at this timewas his great mistake. 

A hard march on the 15th brought the Sixth corps to Boonsboro, where ourSecond division encamped on precisely the same ground that we hadoccupied on the 31st of October last. Neill's brigade made the march ata breakneck pace, leaving the Vermonters far to the rear, who declaredthat the recent associations of the former with the cavalry hadtransformed them into a flying brigade. While resting here, a large bodyof rebel prisoners was marched past. They were mostly those who had beencaptured by Kilpatrick's men at Falling Waters. The rebels were hungryand destitute of rations. Our men at once divided their rations of hardbread and coffee with them, who, officers and all, declared that it wasthe best meal they had enjoyed for several days, and expressedthemselves greatly pleased with the generosity of their guardians. 

Notwithstanding our glorious success at Gettysburgh, and the good newsfrom the west, we were now hearing news that made our hearts sick, andcaused the cheeks of the New York soldiers to burn for the disgrace oftheir native State. It was a source of the deepest mortification to thebrave New Yorkers, to feel that their own State and the great metropolishad been outraged by the most disgraceful riot that had ever stained theannals of any State or city in the Union, all for the purpose ofoverawing the government in its efforts to subdue the rebellion. Ourcompanions from other States, with the generosity that characterizessoldiers, never derided us with this disgrace, but alluded to the riotas an uprising of foreigners, who had for the moment overpowered thenative element. Even the fact that the governor of that great State had, in the midst of these terrible scenes, addressed the miscreants as his"friends, " was alluded to with a delicacy that won our hearts. 

It was one of the pleasant indications of a union of hearts as well asof States, that the soldiers of our sister States looked upon theseriots in the light of a general calamity, rather than a disgrace to aparticular State. 

Crossing the South Mountain range, from Boonsboro to Middletown, theSixth corps reached Petersville, three or four miles north of Berlin, where the army was to cross the Potomac. Here, nearly the whole army wascrowded into a space of not more than three miles, all waiting for theorders to cross. The men were universally eager to push forward, and thenecessary delay caused by crossing the men and material of so large anarmy seemed to them a wearisome expenditure of time. While waiting here, the Second division was honored by the presence of several ladies, wivesof officers of different regiments, who had been waiting in Washingtonan opportunity of visiting their husbands, and had met them here. As amemento of this brief visit, the Seventy-seventh New York received fromthe wife of the surgeon the gift of a pair of beautiful guidons, whichthe regiment boasted were unequaled in the army. The design was a whitecross, the badge of our division, upon a ground of deep blue silk. Inthe center of the cross were wrought the figures "77. " These beautifulguidons were carried by the regiment until its final discharge from theservice, when, with the old banner, the tattered national flag, and themagnificent new flag which was presented afterward by the ladies ofSaratoga, they were presented to the State of New York, on the Fourth ofJuly, 1865, in the presence of General Grant and a great concourse ofillustrious men. 

On Sunday, the 19th, the Sixth corps crossed the pontoon bridge toVirginia, the bands playing "O carry me back. " As usual, while the corpswas crossing a bridge or passing a difficult place, General Sedgwickstood at the farther end of the bridge preventing confusion and hurryingup teams which might obstruct the way. We climbed the rocky defile, and, at four o'clock, found ourselves well on the Virginia side of thePotomac. On our march we passed through the little village ofLovettsville, and, much to the surprise of all, the doors and windows ofthe dwellings were filled with ladies, whose hair and dresses weredecked with ribbons of red, white and blue, and scores of Union flagswaved a welcome to our soldiers. Such a sight had not greeted us beforein Dixie, and it was most refreshing to witness such a demonstration ofloyalty in Virginia. 

The corps encamped about ten miles from the river, near a beautifulclear stream of water, which was very soon filled with bathers. Hereorders came for each regiment in the army to send, to the State in whichthe regiment was raised, a certain number of commissioned officers andenlisted men for recruiting duty. 

The march on the 20th was slow and through groves and pleasant meadows. Twelve miles were made, and we halted for the night and the next day. Wednesday we passed through Union town and Snickersville, reaching thebase of Cobbler's mountain, a high spur from the Blue Ridge, not farfrom Ashby's Gap. Thursday the Sixth corps proceeded to Ashby's Gap, and, halting there for a few hours in a most delightful valley, againstarted southward. Vines of the trailing blackberry covered the ground, and the delicious fruit grew in such profusion that the men enjoyed acontinual feast. Never had we, in our wanderings in the south, foundsuch an abundance of fruit, and the effect upon the health of the menwas marvelous. By the time that we reached Warrenton the occupation ofthe surgeons was almost gone. At no time, perhaps, in the history of theArmy of the Potomac, did the medical reports exhibit a more generalstate of health than during our stay in the vicinity of Warrenton. 

Thus, marching along at the foot of Blue Ridge, now turning aside toenter some mountain pass, and again proceeding on the general course, the army, on the 25th of July, reached the vicinity of Warrenton, ourSixth corps occupying a line from Warrenton to Waterloo, the scene ofsome of the early engagements of General Pope's army at the first rebelinvasion. The First division was stationed in and about Warrenton; theJersey brigade being provost guard of the town, where the gentlemanlyconduct of the men, and the strict order preserved in the town, won forthem the good opinions of the town's people, as well as of armyofficers. The Third division was in the rear of the other two divisions, and guarding the flank. The Second division encamped about an oldBaptist church, which, inclosed by a thick growth of trees, large andsmall, had been, before the war, the only house of worship for milesaround. No paint had ever stained its seats or casings, and no steeplefrom its roof had ever pointed toward heaven. The pulpit, the whitefolks' seats and the black folks' seats, were all in ruins now. TheRappahannock river was but a half a mile distant, and theSeventy-seventh and Fifth Vermont were sent to perform picket duty alongits banks. On the following day the camps of the two regiments weremoved to the vicinity of the river, in front of the remainder of thedivision, and we were ordered to perform picket duty while the divisionremained in its present camp. The camp of the Fifth Vermont wasestablished a fourth of a mile from that of the Seventy-seventh, itslines joining ours on the left. On the bank of the river just below ourcamp, was the residence of Mr. Hart and a grist-mill; hence the placewas called "Hart's Mills. "

CHAPTER XXI. 

CAMPS AT WARRENTON, THE CENTREVILLE CAMPAIGN AND THE BATTLE OFRAPPAHANNOCK STATION. 

 Camp at Hart's Mills--A ride to the Sulphur Springs--Contrabands going north--The Vermonters go to New York--Jersey Brigade at Warrenton--The Sixth corps at Cedar Mountain--Retreat to Centreville--Battle of Bristoe Station--Advance to Warrenton--Battle of Rappahannock Station--Flight of Lee's army. 

The camp at Hart's Mills was truly a pleasant one. It was situated inthe midst of a most delightful oak grove, on a projecting hill, aroundwhose base the Rappahannock coursed in a beautiful curve. Along itsbanks was our picket line. Westward the view extended over a charmingvalley to the Blue Ridge, some ten miles away; and at evening, when thesun sank behind those fine hills, tinging them and the clouds withgorgeous colors, the prospect was truly delightful. The village ofWarrenton was some four miles distant, and the celebrated WarrentonSulphur Springs about three miles down the river. 

Under the direction of Chaplain Fox, a place in the grove was selected, a speaker's stand was erected, surrounded by rows of log seats, and hereservices were held on the Sabbath; and on other days of the week therewere other regimental gatherings, which the men greatly enjoyed. Atevening, the place would be lighted by Chinese lanterns of variouscolors, hung among the boughs of the oak trees, giving to the grove amost romantic appearance. 

On one evening the regiment, with many invited guests from the division, assembled in this lovely spot and listened to speeches from severalgentlemen of eloquence, the brigade band lending the aid of fine musicto the evening's entertainment. 

Thus pleasantly passed the time of the two regiments--theSeventy-seventh and Fifth Vermont--in doing picket duty for the Seconddivision, along the banks of the Rappahannock. Our friends of the FifthVermont were, in addition to the pleasant location of their camp andtheir easy picket duty, favored with the presence of the wives of someof their officers. A ride to the Sulphur Springs was always a pleasantpastime; and we recall with pleasure one of these excursions. A smallparty, including one of these ladies, enjoying a morning's drive, turnedtheir horses' heads towards the Springs. A merry gallop across threemiles of delightful country, through pleasant groves and over rollingmeadows, fording clear sparkling streams and leaping fences, brought theparty to the former Saratoga of the south. 

The morning had been cool and cloudy, but as our friends reached thelittle settlement the clouds were breaking away, and the sun began topour blazing rays upon them. They secured their horses and walked intothe grounds, in the midst of which General Birney, commanding a divisionof the Third corps, had established his head-quarters; and as it wasthen the dinner hour, the general and his staff were gathered around theboard under the shade of the chestnut trees, while a band discoursedsweet music for the benefit of those at table. 

Oak, chestnut and ailanthus trees form a rich and grateful shade for thegrounds, which dip so as to form a kind of basin, in the center of whichrises the cupola which covers the spring. As we step down into theinclosure of the cupola, indeed as we approach it at a distance, astrong sulphurous odor is perceived; but there is a delightful coolnessas we sit down upon the benches which are placed around the area of thecupola. Several Vermont officers greeted our friends as they approached, offering the odorous drink to the lady. There are two springs or vatswithin the cupola, each inclosed by marble sides; and the water standsso high that we may dip it ourselves, thus dispensing with the necessityof the "dippers, " such as take our dimes at Saratoga. 

A glass of the sparkling fluid was presented to our lady friend, whoraised it to her lips, and then turning her face away, with anexpression of infinite disgust, and saying, with a good deal of energy, "I don't want any, " handed back the glass. The gentlemen endeavored toconvince her that the water was good; but even after adding a littlefine brandy, she could not be induced to quaff the liquid, which shedeclared carried with it such powerful suggestions of unserviceableeggs. 

Our friends lingered about the grounds for some hours, enjoying the coolshade and examining the old buildings, the principal one of which wasoriginally a fine structure, but it had been burned the year before byour soldiers. The massive columns and high walls were still suggestiveof the hilarious old times when the chivalry used to congregate here inall its glory. Encircling the grounds was a row of long one and twostory buildings, most of them painted yellow. These were divided intosmall apartments which had been used as lodging rooms. There were adozen or more of these buildings, all dilapidated by age rather thansuffering from the ruthless usage of war. They inclosed the grove whichoccupied ten or twelve acres of land. 

Except the circle of buildings immediately surrounding the grove andsprings, there were but very few dwellings in the neighborhood, thoseevidently intended for the purpose of receiving summer boarders. It wassaid that about five hundred boarders used to spend the summer hereevery year, and double that number of visitors took rooms at Warrenton, a mile and a half distant, from which place they rode to the springsmorning and evening to quaff the odorous fluid, or to stroll about thegroves. The new White Sulphur Springs in the Shenandoah Valley had, forsome years past, diverted the patronage from the Warrenton springs, andthither, at the foot of the Blue Ridge mountains, great numbers offashionable southerners had resorted. 

It was evidently a blessing that this resort had been despoiled by war. It sadly needed renovating and modernizing, and so long as the oldbuildings stood, no southerner had the enterprise to pull them down andreplace them with better ones. A few thousands of dollars in the handsof an enterprising Yankee would soon make this one of the mostdelightful resorts in the southern states. 

One of the characteristic features of our picket duty on theRappahannock, was the great number of contrabands who came through ourlines. 

Squads of gray-headed old negroes, young negro women and children, carrying in bundles all their worldly store, constantly applied forpermission to enter the lines on their way to the north. The cavalry whoscouted in front on the south side of the river, returned with wagonsloaded with little darkies, whose mothers and elder sisters andgrandsires trudged along on foot. All wagons going to Warrenton withoutother lading were filled with these refugees from slavery, old andyoung, some black, some olive and some white; some with black curlywool, some with wavy black hair, and some with brown ringlets. 

Our northern soldiers had, by this time, begun to look upon slavery inits true light. They had also learned that the negroes were theirfriends. It required a long schooling to teach them this lesson, but itwas thoroughly learned at last. We heard now no jeering and hooting whena negro or wagon load of negroes went by. The soldiers treated them withthe greatest kindness, and aided them in every way to get off to thenorth. 

While our boys did not hesitate long to take from the white inhabitantsany articles that they thought they were in need of, it was consideredan act of outrageous meanness to take a chicken or any other propertyfrom the negro people. 

While passing through Orleans, on our way to the present camp, a greatmany slave children were standing along the streets watching us. Many ofthese children were nearly white. The attention of one our captains, whowas one of the last relics among us of that class of men who were loyalto their country but despised the negro, was fixed upon a beautifulchild of olive complexion and wavy hair, who stood gazing in innocentwonder at the passing column. The child was indeed a picture ofunadorned beauty, in her long coarse garment of "negro cloth. " Thecaptain turned to a staff officer and as a tear stole down his roughcheek at the thought of the degradation of the beautiful child, heexclaimed, "Isn't it horrible. "

It is hardly necessary to say that the captain's sentiments from thatmoment underwent a radical change, and ever after there were none moreready to afford assistance to the needy refugees, than our generous buthitherto prejudiced captain. 

Many of these colored refugees had the greatest faith in what theydeemed the promises of the Bible. There was an almost universal faith inthe ultimate overthrow of the south by the north, and this belief wasfounded in most cases upon their supposed Bible promises. 

[Illustration: "WHAT'LL OLE MISSUS DO NOW?"]

One of these people, a gray-haired negro, bent with age and leaningheavily upon his staff, who hoped to spend the evening of his life infreedom, said to the writer: "Our massas tell us dat dey goin to whip deYankees and dat Jeff. Davis will rule de norf. But we knowd it warnt socause de Bible don't say so. De Bible says that de souf shall prevailfor a time and den de norf shall rise up and obertrow dem. "

Where the old man found this strange prophecy he did not say, but manyof the slaves declared this to be Bible truth and all asserted it in thesame way. [5]

 [5] Since the above paragraph was in print, a friend has called my attention to the passage in Daniel, chap. Xi, verses 13-15, as the probable origin of this belief among the negroes. He further assures me that he is informed that the negroes in North Carolina entertained the same belief. 

Among those who were thus fleeing from bondage, were two fine boys, eachabout twelve years of age and from the same plantation. Each gave hisname as John, and as they were both remarkably bright little fellows, they were at once adopted into our head-quarters family. Their sprightlymanners, their ready wit and their kindly good nature soon brought theminto general favor. We were very early one morning startled by anextraordinary commotion in front of head-quarters, where the two Johnsstood swinging their hats, leaping and dancing in most fantastic manner, and screaming at the top of their voices the wildest exclamations ofdelight. Looking in the direction to which their attention was turned, we saw a group of eight or ten negro women and small childrenaccompanied by an aged colored patriarch. One of the Johns suddenlyforgetting his ecstacy of delight, rolling up the whites of his eyes andholding his hands above his head, exclaimed with impressive gravity, "Ohmy Lor a massa! What'l ole missus do now?"

The party consisted of the mothers and younger brothers and sisters ofthe two boys with their grandfather. Forgetting for a moment their joyat the escape of their friends from slavery, the boys were overpoweredwith the vision of "ole missus" left desolate, without a slave tominister to her many wants. 

On the morning of the 6th of August, we were astonished to find the campof our neighbors of the Fifth Vermont deserted, and their picket lineoccupied by a regiment from the Third division. The surprise was stillgreater when we learned that the whole of the Second brigade had beenordered to New York city to guard against any resistance which might beoffered to the enforcement of the draft. The order had reached thebrigade after midnight, and at three o'clock it was on its way to thenorth. Thus the Third brigade was now all that was left of the Seconddivision of the Sixth corps. Up to this time General Howe had kept thedivision, except the two regiments on picket, hard at work at divisiondrills. It is safe to say that no division in the army performed morelabor in drills than Howe's during the time that it was under command ofthat officer. The whole division was encamped in one of those charminglocalities which make this part of Virginia more beautiful than almostany other, and aside from the continual round of drills, the time passedmost agreeably. The Jersey boys here spent the time in pleasantalternation of guard duties and social enjoyments; a part of the timebeing devoted to military affairs, and a much greater part spent inagreeable attentions to the winning young ladies of Warrenton. 

But, like every other brief respite for the army of the Potomac, thiswas destined to come to an end. On the 15th of September the army movedtoward Culpepper, which was reached on the 16th; the Sixth corps takingposition at a place called Stonehouse Mountain, three miles west ofCulpepper. 

Here we remained three weeks; the camps were by no means so delightfulas those about Warrenton and Waterloo, and the weather was becomingquite cold, so that our three weeks stay at Stonehouse Mountain hadlittle about it to make us desire to make it longer. Some pleasingincidents, however, relieved the monotony of our stay at this place, thepresentation of an elegant sword to Colonel French, by the line officersof the Seventy-seventh, was the first. The presentation was followed byfestivity and merriment, and in the evening our friends of the SeventhMaine, forming a torchlight procession, marched to the camp of theSeventy-seventh to congratulate the colonel and line officers upon themutual trust and confidence existing between them. The next was thereturn of the Vermont brigade from New York. The Third brigade was drawnup in line to receive our returning comrades, and with much ceremonywelcomed them back to the division. It must be acknowledged that bothbrigades would have been better pleased with the unrestrained welcomewhich would have been expressed in cheers than by the formal militarysalute. 

On Monday, October 5th, the Sixth corps marched to Cedar Mountain on theRapidan, the scene of General Banks' conflict with Jackson. The Firstcorps was already stationed in the vicinity of Raccoon Ford, and the twocorps now occupied a line of five or six miles along the bend of theriver, holding the roads to Culpepper and Stevensburgh. The two corpswere thus thrown out ten miles in front of the main army, having littlecommunication with the rear. Few wagons were allowed to follow us, andthose were ordered to the rear under a strong escort. On Friday, the11th, the signal officers stationed on the summit of Cedar Mountain, while watching the rebel signals, read the message sent by their flags:"I am at James City. J. E. B. S. " Thus it was known that Stuart wasmaking for our rear, and as long trains of wagons had also beendiscovered moving in the direction of James City, it became evident thatLee was endeavoring to throw his whole army in the rear of our own. General Meade determined to draw the rebel army back if possible;accordingly the Sixth and First corps were ordered to build extensivefires and be in readiness to march at a moment's notice. On thefollowing morning, Buford, with a division of cavalry, appeared atGermania Ford, some twelve miles below us, while our infantry advancedas though about to cross at Raccoon Ford and the fords in front of theSixth corps. The ruse of threatening to cross the river by the twocorps, succeeded in calling the rebel infantry back to check ouradvance; and at night, after building large fires, the two corps hastilywithdrew toward Culpepper, which we reached at daylight, after a severemarch. After a brief halt for breakfast, the corps, with the whole ofthe infantry, was on its way toward Brandy Station, leaving the cavalryforce under Pleasanton to cover the retreat. A rapid march, in which thearmy moved in several parallel columns, brought the infantry all safeacross the Rappahannock at Rappahannock Station. But the cavalry werenot allowed to retreat without some hard fighting. Their guns could beheard by us during the afternoon, and toward evening the firing becamemore rapid and nearer. Indeed, the rebels advanced almost to the banksof the river. 

Gregg, with a brigade of cavalry, was overtaken by a considerable forceof the enemy, near Jefferson, early in the day, and after a severeengagement of two hours, fell back, crossing the river at SulphurSprings. 

Kilpatrick with his brigade, following the trail of the infantry, anddesigning to form a union with Gregg, found, on passing Brandy Station, that his way was blocked by a whole division of rebel cavalry, which hadslipped in between him and the rear of the infantry. Halting for amoment to take a single glance at the situation of affairs, the dashinggeneral shouted to his men, "Boys, there are the cusses!" Then, springing to the head of the column, he led his men to such a charge ashas rarely been witnessed even in our cavalry service. 

The road was strongly guarded by three regiments of cavalry in solidcolumn, flanked on either side by a regiment in line. Directly upon thisstrongly posted force, the gallant general and his brave fellows rushedwith shouts and oaths, and sabre thrusts, trampling down everything intheir way. Unable to withstand this impetuous and unexpected onset, therebels gave way, allowing the Union brigade to pass between their brokenranks. Dead men and horses lay thickly scattered upon the ground whenthe victorious brigade left the field to join the infantry at the river. 

Thus, hotly pursued, General Meade determined to offer battle to thepursuing army, making the Rappahannock his immediate base of operations. Accordingly, early the following morning, a large portion of theinfantry and artillery was countermarched across the river, where, within a mile of the stream, the line of battle was formed, and wewaited the onset of the enemy until past noon. Then, Buford's cavalryhaving engaged the enemy in front, three corps, the Second, Fifth andSixth, commenced to advance in line of battle. It was a grand spectacle. During two years of service we had not seen its like. Our line of battlestretched across the vast plain, nearly three miles in length, straightas the flight of an arrow. At each flank were several battalions _inechelon_. In the rear of the center of each wing of the line, was aheavy reserve in solid square, and, following in the rear of eachsquare, a large column, stretching back to the river and across thepontoon bridges to the farther side of the stream. 

Thus the line of battle moved forward across the plain, never for amoment losing its perfect form. Brisk cannonading and musketry were keptup by the cavalry in front, and the army earnestly hoped that GeneralLee might accept our challenge to an open field fight, but the rebelgeneral was too wary to accept battle on such equal terms, and pushed ontoward Sulphur Springs, hoping to reach Centreville before us. 

Our line of battle halted at dark, at Brandy Station. But there was notime to be lost; resting there until eleven o'clock, we were ordered toretrace our steps to the river; this time not in line of battle, but inall haste. The night was dark, and the troops had already made longmarches; so when they reached and crossed the river at daylight, theywere fairly worn out. An hour for sleep and breakfast was allowed, therailroad bridge was blown up, and again we were on a grand racenorthward. 

It was a great medley; baggage wagons, pontoons, ambulances, artilleryand troops, all thrown together in splendid confusion. Drivers cursing, cannon rattling, soldiers singing and shouting, horses racing, and allthat sublime confusion which can never be seen except in a hasty butwell directed retreat of a vast army. 

We passed Warrenton Junction and Bealton Station, and at eight o'clockhalted near Kettle Run, having marched more than thirty miles withintwenty-four hours. 

We had not long to rest, for at daylight, October 14th, we were again onthe road, making quick time. We passed our old camp at Bristoe, and thefamiliar scenes at Manassas Junction, and crossed Bull Run at Blackman'sFord. We reached Centreville at three P. M. The booming of cannon in therear, the huge clouds of smoke, and the heavy rattle of musketry, toldus there was hot work on the ground we had lately passed over; and as weformed in line of battle in front of Centreville, the soldiers said, "Here is the third Bull Run, but this time the run will be on the otherside. "

To the Second corps had been assigned the duty of guarding the rear ofthe army. About twelve o'clock, as the rear of that corps was crossingBroad Run, a wide and muddy stream at Bristoe Station, the rebel corpsof A. P. Hill suddenly appeared from the cover of the woods in thevicinity, and, running out a battery, opened a severe fire of artilleryand musketry upon the column, which was in a degree of confusion, owingto the difficult crossing of the stream. 

In a moment order was restored, and the troops so placed as to defy theadvance of the enemy. 

The rebels, finding that their attack upon the advance was fruitless, now turned their attention to the rear division, which was advancingtoward the run. Opening upon the column a fierce cannonade and a stormof bullets, they hoped to throw the division into confusion, but againthey were disappointed. After a severe fight, the rebels were forced toflee across the run in great disorder, leaving in the hands of theSecond corps five pieces of artillery, two stands of colors, and fourhundred and fifty prisoners. Such was the battle of Bristoe Station. 

At dark that evening the Sixth corps moved to Chantilly, where we restedfor the night. Next morning we took a new and stronger position, wherewe waited, listening to the roar of cannon where the cavalry wascontending with the advance of the enemy, and wondering how soon our ownturn would come. Suddenly, at three o'clock, the doubts seemed to beremoved. An officer came dashing along the line, with the order to"Strip for the fray! the enemy are coming down upon us!" The men stoodto arms, and again we waited for the attack, but none was made: ourcavalry had arrested the advance of the enemy. At night the firing diedaway, and we pitched our tents and slept undisturbed. 

In the afternoon of the 16th, the Seventy-seventh being on picket, ahorseman suddenly rushed in front of the head-quarter tents, saying thatthe left of our picket line was attacked. It proved that a body of rebelcavalry had discovered some wagons outside the picket line, and had madea dash upon them. Our boys drove them back in haste, but the line wasstrengthened in the expectation of a more important demonstration. This, however, was the last we saw of the rebels on our part of the line. 

Lee, finding himself too late to occupy the works around Centrevillebefore us, and hopeless of the success of any flank movement, turned hisarmy again towards the Rappahannock. 

On the following morning, October 17th, our army started in pursuit, therain falling upon us in torrents, rendering the mud deep and themarching hard. We halted that night at Gainesville, marched the next daythrough New Baltimore, and reached Warrenton at night. On our march wehad passed the bodies of many of our cavalrymen, who had been killed inthe constant skirmishes which had been going on since our advance. NearNew Baltimore, where Kilpatrick's brigade had been forced back, thebodies of his men lay scattered along the roadside, nearly all of themstripped of their clothing by the rebels. 

The army encamped in the vicinity of Warrenton; the Sixth corpsoccupying a pleasant ridge just in front of the town. Here we remained afortnight. 

Our first week at Warrenton was anything but agreeable. The coldnorthwest winds swept through our camps, carrying chilly discomforteverywhere. The men shivered over their log fires; but while the fitfulwind drove the smoke and fire into their faces, it froze their backs. Atour head-quarters, as we drew closely about our fire, dreading equallythe chilly winds and the provoking clouds of smoke, one of the party, perhaps reading for the amusement of the others from a volume of Saxe'spoems, a stranger, had one chanced to drop in among us, would haveimagined that Saxe must have written most grievous tales of woe, andthat our hearts and eyes were all melted by the sad stories. At length, having suffered these disagreeable exposures for a week, the men of thecorps fell to work to erect comfortable quarters, and thinking that thepresent camp might possibly become winter quarters, they made forthemselves much more comfortable huts than had served them in theirwinter's camp at White Oak Church. Generals Neill and Grant reviewedtheir brigades, and then Generals Howe and Wright reviewed theirdivisions, and last of all, General Sedgwick had a grand review of thewhole corps, which was a very splendid affair. 

The weather became again mild and agreeable. Pontoons were arriving andthere were many indications that we must soon leave our comfortablequarters. At length, at ten o'clock at night, November 6th, came theorder, "Reveille at half-past four; move at daylight. " So good-bye, finequarters and comfortable fire-places, we must be off. 

We were in line and commenced moving from camp at daylight, November7th. We marched rapidly, taking the road to Rappahannock Station. TheSixth and Fifth corps only had taken this road, the remaining corpswere, however, either on the move or under orders to move, the Thirdcorps having taken the road to Ely's Ford, and the others following. General Sedgwick was placed in command of the Fifth and Sixth corps, while General Meade accompanied the left wing. 

At noon we halted within a mile of the Station, and the corps wasimmediately thrown into line of battle. The men were allowed to rest ontheir arms for an hour or two, wondering what was to come. 

In front of us was a line of low hills, stretching parallel with ourline of battle, and on the slope toward us, and within pistol shot ofus, were rebel cavalry pickets, sitting upon their horses and facing uswith the coolest impudence; but not a shot was fired at them. We had notrested here long before we heard the booming of cannon on our left, where, three miles down the river, the Third corps had already engagedthe enemy. At length the order came to move forward. The Seconddivision, under General Howe, held the right, the Third brigadeconstituting its front line, the Vermont brigade its second, theForty-third New York as skirmishers. On the left, was the Firstdivision, the Sixth Maine on the skirmish line, the Second and Thirdbrigades in the advance, the New Jersey brigade in the reserve; and inthe center the Third division, under General Terry. 

In this order the corps pushed forward up the hills, the rebel horsemenwhirling and flying before our advance. As our skirmishers gained thesummit of the hills, the rebel infantry delivered their fire upon them, but the brave boys of the Forty-third and of the Sixth Maine pushed on, never halting or wavering for a moment, driving the enemy before themuntil they had pushed the rebel skirmishers close upon their line ofbattle. 

The First division at once became hotly engaged, the rebels disputingthe advance with unavailing obstinacy. That noble division bore thebrunt of the battle. While the Second and Third divisions behaved withgreat gallantry, doing all that was required of them, and doing it withthat fighting joy so characteristic of the whole corps, the Firstdivision, from its position, was called upon to perform unusual feats ofvalor. As General Sedgwick was that day in command of the right wing ofthe army, General Wright, of the First division, commanded the corps, and General Russell, the brave, unassuming and beloved commander of theThird brigade, commanded the division. 

The skirmishers of our Second division, the Forty-third New York, pushedgallantly forward, their brave Colonel Baker riding rapidly from one endof the line to the other, his white horse making a prominent mark forthe rebels. The line of battle of the whole corps followed closely uponthe skirmishers. As we reached the summit of the hills, a grand panoramaof the battle opened before us. The whole battle-field could be seen ata single glance; a rare occurrence. On one side were the eminencesoccupied by our own line of battle, and on the other, a line of hills ofequal elevation, covered with swarms of rebels. Between the two rangesof hills, stretched a plain one-fourth of a mile wide and from one totwo miles long, which was occupied by the skirmishers of the opposingforces. 

The rebels were posted in strong positions behind extensive earthworks, forts, redoubts and rifle pits; and their artillery was posted so as tosweep the plain and the sloping grounds confronting them. Their graylines of infantry were pouring out from behind the earthworks to meet usat the edge of the plain. 

As our line of battle appeared on the crest of the hills, the rebelbatteries opened a terrific fire upon us. The air was filled with theshriekings of these fearful projectiles, which exploded with startlingfrequency above our heads and just behind us; but, fortunately, therebels aimed high, and many of the shells ploughed the ground in ourrear or burst about our hospitals. The First division was pressingtoward the rebel works at double quick, under a terrible fire ofmusketry and artillery, the boys with the red crosses pushing everythingbefore them. They neared the rebel works, and the skirmishers along thewhole line threw themselves upon the ground waiting for the line ofbattle to come up. The rebel skirmishers did the same. Each moment thescene became more exciting. Rebel infantry crowded the opposite side ofthe plain, the slopes of the hills and the rifle pits. The whole linewas ablaze with the fire of musketry, and the roar of battle constantlyincreased. 

At length, toward evening, the rebels having been driven back to thecover of their rifle pits, the Third brigade of the First division, consisting of the Sixth Maine, the Fifth Wisconsin, the Forty-ninth andOne Hundred and Nineteenth Pennsylvania, regiments whose fame alreadystood high in the army, was ordered forward. 

First the Maine and Wisconsin regiments rushed forward, the intrepidRussell riding at the very front. At his order to "charge, " the tworegiments quickened their pace to a run, and, with bayonets fixed, without ever stopping to fire a gun, the gallant fellows ran forward. They seized the fort, but the rebels rallied and drove them out. Againthey charged; a hand to hand encounter followed. The boys leaped overinto the fort, using their muskets for clubs, and, when the work was tooclose for that, dropping their guns and pommeling their adversaries withtheir fists. The general had sent back for the remaining regiments ofthe brigade, but, in the ten minutes that elapsed before thePennsylvanians could come up on a run, half the men of the Sixth Maine, and nearly as many of the Wisconsin regiment, had fallen. The wholebrigade leaped over the embankments, capturing hundreds of the rebels. 

Not less gallant was the charge of the Second brigade, led by the young, ambitious Colonel Upton. His regiments were the One Hundred andTwenty-first New York, his own, the Fifth Maine, and the Ninety-fifthand Ninety-sixth Pennsylvania. The brigade occupied the left of theSixth corps, joining the Fifth corps. Under cover of the growingdarkness, the courageous Upton led the One Hundred and Twenty-first NewYork and Fifth Maine within a few yards of the rebel rifle pits, whenthe order to charge was given. Instantly the rifle pits were ablaze, anda destructive volley was poured into the two regiments. Another momentand the Union boys were leaping into the rifle pits, sweeping everythingbefore them. All this while not a shot had been fired by Upton's men, but, charging with the bayonet, they carried all before them. 

The confederates took to their heels, and attempted to flee to the otherside of the river, but their pontoon bridge was in possession of ourtroops, and hundreds of panic-stricken rebels leaped into the rapidstream and attempted to swim across. Some succeeded, but many weredrowned in the attempt. Sixteen hundred prisoners, eight pieces ofartillery, four battle-flags, and more than two thousand stand of smallarms, were the trophies of this splendid victory. 

The credit of this brilliant success belongs mainly to the Firstdivision; yet the Second and Third divisions, while less activelyengaged, performed their part with alacrity and bravery, and the manydead and wounded from these two divisions attested the severity of thefight along their portions of the line. The loss to the corps, in killedand wounded, was about three hundred, among whom were many choicespirits. The commander of the Fifth Wisconsin, Captain Walker, waskilled. Captain Ordway succeeded to the command. He leaped upon theparapet, and fell dead inside the rebel fort. 

All this time the Third corps was actively engaged at Kelly's Ford, three miles to our left. It had found the rebels strongly posted on theopposite side of the river, well protected by forts and rifle pits. Theartillery of the corps was taken to the river side and brought to bearupon the rebel works. At length a storming party was selected and massedon the banks. At the word, the brave fellows plunged into the stream, and rushing across, charged the strong works of the rebels with greatfury. The occupants were obliged to flee, but five hundred of them wereleft as prisoners. 

Owing to the depth and force of the stream between the works the Sixthcorps had taken, and those still occupied by the rebels on the otherside, it was impossible to push our victory further that night. Theconfederates, finding our troops in possession of their pontoon bridge, had set it on fire at the end still held by them; thus all pursuit wasfor the time cut off. But on the following morning the rebels hadretreated, leaving us to rebuild the bridge and cross at our leisure. 

Without further delay we pushed on toward Brandy Station, which wereached toward evening, the cavalry having preceded us. 

The whole of Lee's army, except the forces stationed at RappahannockStation and Kelly's Ford, had been encamped in the vicinity of BrandyStation, and their recently deserted camps, where they had erectedcomfortable huts and made many other preparations for a winter's stay, showed that their hasty leave was entirely unexpected to them. In manyinstances officers had forgotten to take their valises and trunks withthem, and Union soldiers strutted about in the garb of rebel brigadiersand colonels. 

It was said, by the rebel prisoners taken by the cavalry, that while thefights were in progress on the Rappahannock, General Lee was holding agrand review of his army, when suddenly the information reached him thatthe Yankees were coming. The review was broken off, and there washurrying of regiments to their respective camps, each regiment, independently of its division or brigade, making hot haste for its ownquarters. Baggage was quickly thrown into wagons, and a general stampedetoward the Rapidan commenced at once. 

CHAPTER XXII. 

THE ARMY AT BRANDY STATION. 

 Encampment at Brandy Station--The Mine Run campaign--Crossing the Rapidan--Battle of Locust Grove--The army on Mine Run--The order of battle--The army withdraws--Back at Brandy Station--Reconnoissance to Madison Court House--Ladies in camp--Chapel tents. 

The Sixth corps went into camp on the right of the army, two miles fromBrandy Station. We occupied land belonging to John Minor Botts. Mr. Botts boasted that he owned six hundred miles of fence when we came uponhis possessions. He could not say that when we had been there a week!His fences were burned, and his forests cut down; and it was generallyknown that our chief quarter-master was paying him immense sums of moneyfor the wood used by our army. 

At the end of a week it became pretty evident that our stay at BrandyStation might be of considerable duration, possibly for the winter. Accordingly, the men proceeded once more to build houses for the winter;and never, since we had been in service, had they constructed socomfortable quarters as they now built. All about us were the rebelcamps, in which they had vainly hoped to spend the winter; and thesefurnished timbers already hewn, fine stones ready for use in makingchimneys, and hewn saplings ready prepared for bunks. The Sixth corpswas encamped in a fine forest, which should have furnished not onlygreat abundance of timber for use about the quarters, but for fuel forthe winter; but owing to the wasteful manner in which the wood was atfirst used in building log fires in the open air, the forest melted awaybefore the men had fairly concluded that there was any necessity forusing it economically. 

Preparations were hurried forward for another advance. The railroad, which had been destroyed by the rebels at the time of the raid toCentreville, from the Rappahannock to Bristoe Station, was to berebuilt, and the bridge across the Rappahannock, which we had ourselvesdestroyed, was to be replaced, before the army could safely undertakeanother advance. It is one of the mysteries which people who have neverbeen connected with a great army have greatest difficulty incomprehending, that an army advancing into such a country as we were nowthreatening, must have ample and easy communications with its base ofsupplies. Could such people for a moment realize the vast amount ofmaterial consumed by such an army as ours, the mystery might be solved. To attempt to advance into a desert country without first eitherproviding a supply for many days, or opening ready communications withour base of supplies, would have been suicidal. General Sherman mightlead his army through a fertile country, where the ravages of war hadnot appeared, and, by sweeping across a territory forty miles wide, collect abundant supplies for his men; but our army was now to marchinto a wilderness where even a regiment could not find subsistence. Thenewspapers at the north that condemned the delay at Brandy Station, andsneered at the idea that the army needed a base of supplies, simplyexhibited their profound ignorance of the first principles ofcampaigning. 

By the 25th the road was completed as far as Brandy Station, the bridgerebuilt, and a large amount of supplies brought up; and the army wasordered to move at an early hour on the 26th. 

The hour for moving was assigned each corps, and the order in which itwas to march, that no delay or confusion might occur. The Third corpswas to start as soon as daylight, and the Sixth was to follow it. 

Our Sixth corps was moving at sunrise, the hour designated, towardBrandy Station. Presently the head of the column halted in the midst ofthe camps of the Third corps, which were yet undisturbed. According tothe order for marching, the Third corps was to precede the Sixth, andshould have been out of camp before we arrived, but as yet not a tentwas struck nor a wagon loaded, and most of the men were asleep in theirquarters. The Sixth corps was obliged to halt and stand in the mud forhours, waiting for the delinquent corps to get out of the way. Here wasthe first blunder of the new campaign. 

At length at eleven o'clock we moved again, taking the road to theRapidan. Our march was slow and tedious, and instead of reaching theriver at noon as was expected, and as General Meade's orderscontemplated, the head of the Third corps only reached the river atJacobs' Ford long after dark, and here again a delay was occasioned by amistake of the engineers, who had not brought a sufficient number ofboats to this point to complete the pontoon bridge; a part of the bridgehad therefore to be extemporized out of poles. 

The road for several miles was merely a narrow passage cut through theforest; a dense growth of stunted pines and tangled bushes, filling upthe space between the trees of larger growth. Our corps moved along veryslowly, halting for a moment, then advancing one or two rods, thenstanding still again for perhaps several minutes, and again movingforward for a few steps. This became very tedious. The men were faintand weary, and withal discouraged. They were neither advancing norresting. 

From one end of the column of the Sixth corps to the other, through themiles of forest the shout, coffee! coffee! passed from one regiment toanother, until there could be heard nothing but the vociferous demandfor coffee. At eleven o'clock at night the order "ten minutes rest forcoffee, " passed down the line and was received with shouts of approval. Instantly the roadside was illuminated with thousands of little fires, over which the soldiers were cooking their favorite beverage. 

We crossed the Rapidan at Jacobs' Ford at midnight, leaving Upton'sbrigade on the north side as rear-guard, and in another hour the men hadthrown themselves upon the ground without waiting to erect sheltertents, and were sleeping soundly notwithstanding the severity of thecold. The Fifth and First corps had crossed at Culpepper Ford and theSecond corps at Germania Ford about noon, and were in the positionsassigned them. 

The position assigned to the Third and Sixth corps was not reached. These corps were ordered to proceed to Robertson's Tavern, a point someseven miles beyond the ford, but the night was far advanced, the menexhausted and the country little known, so these two corps did not seizethis very important point as directed. Of course the responsibility forthis delay was not with the Sixth corps or its commander, who wasdirected to follow the Third. 

Next morning the Third corps commenced the advance, and we of the Sixthwere drawn out in line of march to follow; but it became evident thatthe advance was not unobstructed. Sharp picket firing and the occasionalbooming of cannon revealed to us the fact that that corps had fallen inwith the enemy. Thus the day passed; the Sixth corps resting quietly, while the Third was skirmishing with the enemy in front, until aboutthree o'clock, when the firing increased and there was evidently asevere engagement in front. 

The First and Second divisions of the Sixth corps were now hurried alongthe narrow and winding path to the support of the Third corps--our Thirddivision being left near the river to cover the bridges and trains. Thatcorps was now fiercely engaged. The sulphurous smoke filled the woods, and the roar of musketry became so general, and the forest echoed andreëchoed the sound, so that it lost the rattling usually heard, andbecame a smooth, uniform roll. Our corps at once took its position inline of battle, so as to support the Third corps and protect theinterval between the Third and Second corps, with Ellmaker's brigade onthe right, and Neill's and Upton's on the left, while the Vermonters andTorbert's Jersey brigade were held in reserve; but the corps was notcalled into action. The dense growth of young timber completely obscuredall view of the operations at a little distance, and, indeed, rebelscouting parties were able to hang close upon our flanks, and evenpenetrate our lines, protected from view and from pursuit by the tangledforest. 

On our right, the Second corps also encountered a force of the enemy, and became engaged in the vicinity of Robertson's Tavern. They succeededin driving the rebel force, which was small, back to the cover of thewilderness. Gregg, also, with his cavalry, became engaged, but drove therebels back. 

It now appeared that the fight of the Third corps was brought on by ablunder. General French, in attempting to lead his corps to Robertson'sTavern, had mistaken the road, and, by bearing too far to the west, hadencountered Ewell's corps, which was hastening to intercept ourprogress. The rebels made repeated charges upon the corps, but were eachtime repulsed, and under cover of the night they fell back, leavingtheir dead on the ground. The loss to the Third corps was between threeand four hundred; that of the rebels, judging from the dead left uponthe ground, must have been greater. 

While the fight was in progress, General Sedgwick and his staffdismounted and were reclining about a large tree, when the attention ofall was directed to two soldiers who were approaching, bearing betweenthem a stretcher on which lay a wounded man. As the men approachedwithin a few rods of the place where the general and his staff were, asolid cannon shot came shrieking along, striking both of the stretcherbearers. Both fell to the ground--the one behind fatally wounded, theother dead. But the man upon the stretcher leaped up and ran away asfast as his legs could carry him, never stopping to look behind at hisunfortunate companions. Shocking as was the occurrence, neither thegeneral nor the members of his staff could suppress a laugh at thespeedy restoration of the man who was being borne disabled from thefield. 

The two corps moved during the night to Robertson's Tavern, thedestination which they should have reached twenty-four hours before. 

The unexpected encounter with the rebels in the Wilderness had hinderedthe two corps thus long, and as might have been expected the time wasnot left unimproved by General Lee. On moving in the morning on the roadto Orange Court House, Lee's whole army was found strongly posted alongthe banks of a muddy stream called Mine Run. Our army was brought intoposition on the north side of the stream, and arrangements commenced fora general assault. Sharp picket firing and the occasional roar ofartillery, warned us that we were on the eve of a great battle. A coldstorm of rain rendered the situation cheerless and uncomfortable, butthe excitement of getting into position, regiments and brigades marchingfrom one part of the line to another, now approaching where the bulletsof the rebel skirmishers whistled about them, and then withdrawing alittle to the rear, kept up the spirits of the men notwithstanding thetedious storm. 

The greater part of the lines of both armies were in the midst offorests. Between the two lines and in the midst of a deep valley, wasthe little stream Mine Run, bordered on each side by marshes in whichwere luxuriant growths of reed grasses. The marshes and slopes on eitherside were thickly set with low pines and scrub oaks, offeringconcealment to both parties. 

Darkness closed over the two armies, neither of which was yet preparedfor battle. The night was spent by both parties in throwing upearthworks, and the morning revealed several strong lines of rifle pitson the rebel side of the stream, one commanding another so that in casethey should be driven from one the next would afford an equally strongor even stronger position. 

Thus the two armies remained during Sunday. General Meade still waitingto perfect his arrangements. 

During the day the disposition of the line was completed. General Warrenwith his Second corps occupied the extreme left of the line. Hisposition fronted a very strong position of the enemy, where the hillsrose abruptly to the rear. This being considered by far the strongestportion of the enemy's line. Warren was supported by the Fifth corps, two divisions of the Third corps, and the Third division of the Sixthcorps, under General Terry. In the center was the First and Fifth corps, and, forming the right, were the two remaining divisions of the Sixthcorps and what was left of the Third. Our Second division constitutedthe extreme right of the line; the Third brigade the right of thedivision; and the Seventy-seventh New York the right of the brigade. 

At two A. M. , the Sixth corps and the division of the Third, covered bythe woods, moved about two miles to a position on the left flank of theenemy. The dense thicket and a gentle eminence concealed the corps fromthe view of the rebels, who were but a few yards distant; and in orderto insure secresy, orders were issued that the men should avoid allnoise, as far as possible, and refrain from lighting fires. 

It was arranged that the grand attack should be made on Monday; andearly in the evening the commanders of corps were summoned to GeneralMeade's head-quarters, where the plan of the battle was laid beforethem. 

At a given signal, very early in the morning, General Warren with hisstrong force was to press forward on the right of the rebel line. At thesame time forces in the center were to open a fierce fire upon theenemy, while the Sixth corps, at the same moment, was to rush from itsconcealed position and turn the left flank of Lee's army. 

The commanders of the divisions of the Sixth corps summoned thecommanders of brigades and regiments, and communicated to them also theplan of the battle, and assigned to each his part. 

The night was bitter cold, and the men of our corps were without fires. It was vain to attempt to sleep, and the men spent the night in leapingand running in efforts to keep warm. 

No one doubted that the morning was to bring on one of the most terrificstruggles in the history of warfare. No man knew what was to be his ownfate, but each seemed braced for the conflict. It was a gloriousmoonlight, and the stars looked down in beauty from the cold skies uponthe strange scene. Thus all waited for the day. 

The morning dawned; and soon after daylight the signal gun for the grandattack was heard near the center of the line, and an active cannonadecommenced there. 

In a short time the order came for the commencement of the movement onthe right. The men were ordered to fall in; they were faced to theright, to move a little farther in that direction before making thedirect assault; they stood, with their muskets on their shoulders, theirhearts beating violently in anticipation of the onset to be made inanother moment, when an aide rode hastily to General Howe withdirections to suspend the movement!

Warren, on advancing his line of skirmishers, and viewing the strongworks thrown up by the enemy during the night, had sent word that hecould not carry the position before him. And General Meade had orderedthe whole movement to be discontinued for the time. 

Never before, in the history of our army, had such elaboratepreparations been made for an attack. Every commander and every man knewexactly the part he was expected to take in the great encounter, andeach had prepared himself for it. At the hospitals everything was in astate of perfect readiness. Hospital tents were all up, beds for thewounded prepared, operating tables were in readiness, basins and pailsstood filled with water, lint and dressings were laid out upon thetables, and surgical instruments spread out ready for the grasp of thesurgeon. 

All day the men remained suffering with cold, their hunger but partiallysatisfied with hard bread without coffee. It was a day of discomfort andsuffering long to be remembered. It chanced that the hard bread issuedto our division was old and very wormy. It was, in some cases, difficultfor a man to know whether his diet was to be considered principallyanimal or vegetable. Our General, Neill, sat with his staff munchingsome of these crackers of doubtful character, when he was handed oneunusually animated. The general broke the cracker, examined it for amoment, and, handing it back to the servant, said, "Jim, give us onethat hasn't so many worms in it. " Many of the men who were on the picketline that day and the night before, were found, when the relief camearound, dead at their posts, frozen. 

During the night of December 1st and 2d, the army withdrew from MineRun. The pickets were directed to build fires and keep up a show offorce. Our Seventy-seventh being that night on the picket line, formedthe rear of the rear-guard of the army on its retreat. It was threeo'clock in the morning of December 2d when the picket line was silentlywithdrawn. After a rapid march, it crossed the pontoon bridge atGermania Ford at ten o'clock. Scarcely had the troops crossed thebridge, when the cavalry of the enemy made its appearance on the southside of the river. The Seventy-seventh New York, the Third Vermont and abattery of artillery were directed to remain and guard the ford, whilethe remainder of the army continued the march to the old camps. Nextmorning the two regiments and the battery started for Brandy Station, and that night slept in their old quarters. 

It was now evident that we were in permanent winter quarters. It is notour purpose to discuss the merits of this fruitless campaign, but it maynot be out of place to recall some of the facts relating to it. Theorders for marching on the 26th, were issued to all the corps commanderson the evening previous, indicating the time for leaving camp. The Sixthcorps was to follow the Third, yet when the Sixth corps reached the campof that corps, there were no signs of moving. Several hours were thuslost on the start. General French declared that the order to move didnot reach him on the previous evening, yet he knew that the movement wasexpected that day. As the result of this and other delays, two corps didnot reach the position assigned them on the 26th. 

When, on the morning of the 27th, General French moved his corps again, he took the wrong road, and thus brought on a premature engagement, which caused another delay of twenty-four hours. By this time Lee hadample opportunity to concentrate his whole army in a strong position onMine Run. Had General Meade's orders been promptly obeyed, Lee couldhave offered no opposition to us at that point, and must have acceptedbattle much nearer Richmond. 

Our campaigns for 1863 were now finished; the last two of these hadcertainly been remarkable episodes in the fortunes of our stout-heartedarmy. In October, the rebel army had followed us from the Rapidan to thedefenses of Washington, and in turn we had pursued the confederates backto the Rapidan, all without a battle of any magnitude. Now, in November, our whole army had crossed the river and confronted the rebel army faceto face for days, and again we were back in our old camps without anengagement, except the fight of the Third corps, and some skirmishing onthe part of others. 

During the month of December, general orders were issued from the wardepartment offering to soldiers of the army, who had already served twoyears, and who had still a year or less to serve, large bounties, arelease from the term of their former enlistment and thirty-five days'furlough, as inducements for them to reënlist for three years from thattime. Much excitement was created by the order throughout the army, andthousands accepted it, nearly all claiming that they cared little forthe large bounties, but that the thirty-five days' furlough was thegreat inducement. 

The only military movement of the winter was Kilpatrick's great raidupon Richmond, in which the lamented Dahlgren lost his life. 

Simultaneous with this great raid, General Custer, with a division ofcavalry, made a movement on Charlottesville, and the Sixth corps wasordered to move in that direction as support to the cavalry. OnSaturday, February 27th, the corps, leaving its camp and sick in chargeof a small guard, marched through Culpepper and proceeded to James City, a Virginia city of two or three houses, where the bivouac for the nightwas made. Next morning the corps marched slowly to Robertson's River, within three miles of Madison Court House, the New Jersey brigade alonecrossing the river and proceeding as far as the latter village. Here thecorps lay all the following day, and as the weather was pleasant, themen passed the time in sports and games, but at evening a cold storm ofrain set in, continuing all night and the next day, to the greatdiscomfort of all. Custer's cavalry returned at evening of the 1st ofMarch, looking in a sorry plight from their long ride in the mud. Reveille sounded at five o'clock on the morning of March 2d, and atseven the corps turned toward the old camp, at which it arrived, after asevere march through the mud, at sunset the same day. 

There were, connected with our camp near Brandy Station, many pleasantremembrances; and notwithstanding a few severe experiences, this was themost cheerful winter we had passed in camp. One agreeable feature ofthis encampment was the great number of ladies, wives of officers, whospent the winter with their husbands. On every fine day great numbers ofladies might be seen riding about the camps and over the desolatefields, and their presence added greatly to the brilliancy of thefrequent reviews. 

Great taste was displayed by many officers in fitting up their tents andquarters for the reception of their wives. The tents were usuallyinclosed by high walls of evergreens, woven with much skill, and finearches and exquisite designs beautified the entrances to these happyretreats. The Christian Commission, among other good things which it didfor the soldiers, and, indeed, this was among the best, madearrangements by which it loaned to nearly every brigade in the army, alarge canvas, to be used as a roof for a brigade chapel. These chapelswere built of logs and covered with the canvas, and were in many caseslarge enough to hold three hundred people. Here religious services wereheld, not only on Sunday, but also on week day evenings. A deepreligious interest prevailed in many of the brigades, and great numbersof soldiers professed to have met with a change of heart. In our Thirdbrigade, this religious interest was unusually great; a religiousorganization was formed within the Seventy-seventh, and Chaplain Foxbaptized eleven members of the regiment in Hazel river. A course ofliterary lectures was also delivered in the chapel of our Third brigade, and Washington's birthday was celebrated in it with appropriateceremonies and addresses. The chapel tent was also a reading room, where, owing to the energy of Chaplain Fox, all the principal papers, secular and religious, literary, military, pictorial, agricultural andscientific, were furnished; and these were a great source both ofpleasure and profit to the men. 

[Illustration: CHURCH CALL. ]

Our corps was reviewed by General Grant; by the Russian admiral andsuite, who for the amusement of the soldiers, performed some mostludicrous feats in horsemanship; and by a body of English officers. Never had such general good health prevailed among our camps, and neverwere the men so well contented or in so good spirits. 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

THE WILDERNESS CAMPAIGN. 

 Preparing to leave camp--General Grant in command--The last advance across the Rapidan--The battle-ground--Battle of the Wilderness--Noble fight of Getty's division--Hancock's fight on the left--Rickett's division driven back--The ground retaken--The wounded--Duties of the surgeons--The noble dead. 

Many pleasant recollections cluster around the old camp at BrandyStation, which will never be effaced from the memory of the soldiers ofthe Army of the Potomac. 

But at length preparations were commenced for opening the springcampaign, and one of the first orders, looking toward the breaking up ofour camps, was one directing that our lady friends should take theirdeparture, then another to send all superfluous camp equipage to therear. 

Our army had been reorganized, its five corps being consolidated intothree. The three divisions of the First corps were transferred to theFifth, retaining their corps badges. Two divisions of the Third wereassigned to the Second, preserving their badges, while the Thirddivision, Third corps, was transferred permanently to the Sixth corps, and became the Third division of that corps. Our old Third division wasbroken up, the brigades of Wheaton and Eustis being transferred to theSecond division, and Shaler's brigade to the First. Our corps, asreorganized, consisted of three divisions, comprising elevenbrigades. [6]

 [6] The corps, as reorganized, was commanded as follows:

 Major-General John Sedgwick commanding the corps. 

 First division, Brigadier-General H. G. Wright, commanding. First brigade, Colonel W. H. Penrose; Second brigade, Colonel E. Upton; Third brigade, Brigadier-General D. A. Russell; Fourth brigade, Brigadier-General A. Shaler. 

 Second division, Brigadier-General George W. Getty, commanding. First brigade, Brigadier-General Frank Wheaton; Second brigade, Colonel L. A. Grant; Third brigade, Brigadier-General Thomas H. Neill; Fourth brigade, Brigadier-General L. A. Eustis. 

 Third division, Brigadier-General James B. Ricketts, commanding. First brigade, Brigadier-General W. H. Morris; Second brigade, Brigadier-General Truman Seymour; Third brigade, Colonel Keiffer. 

During the winter, congress, recognizing the great ability of GeneralGrant, had conferred upon that officer the rank of Lieutenant-General, giving him, under the President, command of all the armies of the UnitedStates. General Grant at once proceeded to adopt a plan for harmoniousmovements of all the armies. General Sherman, in the west, was directedto push vigorously southward, penetrating the enemy's country as far aspossible, and prevent reinforcements being sent to Lee's army in theeast. General Butler, on the Peninsula, was to advance on Richmond, taking Petersburgh, and, if possible, Richmond itself, while the Army ofthe Potomac was to attack Lee's army in the front, and force it backupon Richmond or destroy it. 

These coöperative movements having been all arranged, each commander ofan army or department informed not only of the part which he wasexpected to perform himself, but what all were expected to do, the Armyof the Potomac was ready to move. General Grant had established hishead-quarters with that army. 

At length the order for moving came. On the morning of the 4th of May, reveille was sounded at half-past two o'clock, and at half-past four theSixth corps moved, taking the road to Germania Ford. 

It was a lovely day, and all nature seemed rejoicing at the advent ofspring. Flowers strewed the wayside, and the warble of the blue bird, and the lively song of the sparrow, were heard in the groves and hedges. 

The distance from our camps to Germania Ford was sixteen miles. Thisdistance we marched rapidly, and long before sunset we had crossed theford on pontoon bridges and marched to a point three miles south of theriver, where we bivouacked for the night. 

The Second corps, at an earlier hour, had crossed at Ely's Ford, and hadreached a position near the old Chancellorsville battle-field, and theFifth corps had led the way across Germania Ford. 

The infantry had been preceded by the cavalry divisions of Gregg andWilson, under Sheridan. They had fallen in with a small picket forcewhich, after exchanging a few shots, had beat a hasty retreat. 

Before night the army and the greater part of our trains had effected acrossing without opposition; and, doubtless, much to the surprise andchagrin of General Lee, we were holding strong positions, from which itwould hardly be possible to force us. 

Except slight skirmishes in front of Hancock's Second corps, there wasno fighting on the fourth of May. At seven o'clock on the morning of thefifth, the Sixth corps moved southward about two miles on the Wildernessplank road. Here the corps rested until eleven o'clock, while artilleryand cavalry passed along the road in a continuous column. At eleveno'clock the corps faced to the front, and advanced into the woods whichskirted the road. 

The Sixth corps now occupied the extreme right of the line, GeneralWarren's Fifth corps the center, and Hancock's Second corps was on theleft, near Chancellorsville. Between Warren and Hancock was anunoccupied space--a point of vital importance to our line. ThitherGeneral Getty, with the First, Second and Fourth brigades of our Seconddivision, was sent to hold the ground till Hancock, who was ordered tocome up, should arrive. Our Third brigade being all that was left of theSecond division, it was assigned to the First division. General Meade'shead-quarters were just in rear of the Fifth corps. The wood throughwhich our line was now moving was a thick growth of oak and walnut, densely filled with a smaller growth of pines and other brushwood; andin many places so thickly was this undergrowth interwoven among thelarge trees, that one could not see five yards in front of the line. Yet, as we pushed on, with as good a line as possible, the thick tanglein a measure disappeared, and the woods were more open. Still, in themost favorable places, the thicket was so close as to make it impossibleto manage artillery or cavalry, and, indeed, infantry found greatdifficulty in advancing, and at length we were again in the midst of thethick undergrowth. 

Warren's corps, on our left, was already fighting, and forcing the enemyto retire from his front, when our own corps struck the rebelskirmishers, who steadily fell back, disputing the ground. As our lineadvanced, it would suddenly come upon a line of gray-coated rebels, lying upon the ground, covered with dried leaves, and concealed by thechapparal, when the rebels would rise, deliver a murderous fire, andretire. 

We thus advanced through this interminable forest more than a mile and ahalf, driving the rebel skirmishers before us, when we came upon theirline of battle, which refused to retire. 

Neill's brigade and the New Jersey brigade were in the first line ofbattle, at the foot of a slope, and in the rear of these two brigadeswere Russell's, Upton's and Shaler's. On the left of the First divisionwere Seymour's and Keiffer's brigades, General Morris with his brigaderemaining on the right. 

The enemy now charged upon our lines, making a desperate effort to turnour right flank, but without avail. Again and again the rebels incolumns rushed with the greatest fury upon the two brigades in front, without being able to move them from their position. At half-past threeo'clock our sufferings had been so great that General Sedgwick sent amessenger to General Burnside, who had now crossed his corps at GermaniaFord, with a request that he would send a division to our assistance. 

The assistance was promised, but an order from General Grant made otherdisposition of the division, and what remained of the noble old Sixthcorps was left to hold its position alone. At four, or a little later, the rebels retired, leaving many of their dead upon the ground, whomthey were unable to remove. In these encounters the Seventh Maine andSixty-first Pennsylvania regiments of Neill's brigade, who were on theright flank, received the heaviest onsets, and suffered most severely. At one time the Maine regiment found itself flanked by a brigade ofrebels. Changing front the gallant regiment charged to the rear andscattered its opponents in confusion. The opposing lines were upon thetwo slopes of a ravine, through which ran a strip of level marshyground, densely wooded like the rest of the wilderness. The confederatesnow commenced to strengthen the position on their side of the ravine, felling timber and covering it with earth. The woods resounded with thestrokes of their axes, as the busy workmen plied their labor withinthree hundred yards, and in some places less than one hundred yards ofour line, yet so dense was the thicket that they were entirely concealedfrom our view. 

Meanwhile the battle had raged furiously along the whole line. Therattle of musketry would swell into a full continuous roar as thesimultaneous discharge of ten thousand guns mingled in one grandconcert, and then after a few minutes, become more interrupted, resembling the crash of some huge king of the forest when felled by thestroke of the woodman's axe. Then would be heard the wild yells whichalways told of a rebel charge, and again the volleys would become moreterrible and the broken, crashing tones would swell into one continuousroll of sound, which presently would be interrupted by the vigorousmanly cheers of the northern soldiers, so different from the shrill yellof the rebels, and which indicated a repulse of their enemies. Now andthen the monotony of the muskets was broken by a few discharges ofartillery, which seemed to come in as a double bass in this concert ofdeath, but so impenetrable was the forest that little use was made ofartillery, and the work of destruction was carried on with the rifles. 

Warren's corps, first engaged, had nobly withstood the fierce assaultsupon the center of the line, and had even advanced considerably. Hancock's command was also hotly engaged. In the commencement of thebattle, three brigades of the Second division, the First, Second andFourth, with our commander, General Getty, were taken from the Sixthcorps and sent to the right of Warren's corps, to seize and hold theintersection of the Brock road and the Orange county turnpike, a pointof vital importance, and which, as Hancock's corps was still far to theleft near Chancellorsville, was entirely exposed. Toward this point Hillwas hastening his rebel corps down the turnpike, with the design ofinterposing between Hancock and the main army. No sooner had thedivision reached the crossing of the two roads than the First brigade, General Wheaton's, became hotly engaged with Hill's corps, which wascoming down the road driving some of our cavalry before it. The Vermontbrigade quickly formed on the left of the plank road, and the Fourthbrigade on the right of the First. The engagement became general atonce, and each brigade was suffering heavy losses. The men hugged theground closely, firing as rapidly as possible. 

Hancock's corps was advancing from the left, but thus far the divisionwas holding the ground alone. An attack by the three brigades wasordered, and the line was considerably advanced. Again the men huggedthe ground, the rebels doing the same. 

Thus, holding the ground against vastly superior numbers, the divisionsustained the weight of the rebel attacks until long after noon, whensome of Hancock's regiments came to its support. With the heroic valorfor which the division was so well known throughout the army, itwithstood the force of the rebels until its lines were terribly thinned. The First brigade had held the ground with desperate valor, and ourfriends, the Vermonters, fought with that gallantry which alwayscharacterized the sons of the Green Mountain State. Their noblest menwere falling thickly, yet they held the road. 

As Hancock joined his corps on the left of Getty's division, he ordereda charge along the whole line, and again the carnage became fearful. Fortwo hours the struggle continued, and when the sounds of battle becameless, and as darkness finally came over the wilderness, it brought aseason of respite to the hard fought divisions. 

A thousand brave men of the Vermont brigade, and nearly as many ofWheaton's brigade, with hundreds from the Fourth brigade, had fallenupon that bloody field. 

In the evening the contest was renewed, especially along the line of theSixth corps, and the dark woods were lighted with the flame from themouths of tens of thousands of muskets. 

Charges and counter-charges followed each other in quick succession, andthe rebel yell and northern cheer were heard alternately, but no decidedadvantage was gained by either party. At two o'clock at night the battledied away, but there was no rest for the weary soldiers after thefatiguing duties of the day. Each man sat with musket in hand during thewearisome hours of the night, prepared for an onset of the enemy. Skirmishing was kept up during the entire night, and at times themusketry would break out in full volleys, which rolled along theopposing lines until they seemed vast sheets of flame. 

The position of the two armies on the morning of the 6th wassubstantially that of the day before; the Sixth corps on the right, itsrear on Wilderness Run near the old Wilderness Tavern, the Fifth corpsnext on its left, and the Second corps with three brigades of the Seconddivision Sixth corps, on the left; the line extending about five miles. Besides these corps, General Burnside was bringing his troops into theline. 

Between the two armies lay hundreds of dead and dying men whom neitherarmy could remove, and over whose bodies the fight must be renewed. 

The battle was opened at daylight by a fierce charge of the enemy on theSixth corps, and soon it raged along the whole line. The volleys ofmusketry echoed and reëchoed through the forests like peals of thunder, and the battle surged to and fro, now one party charging, and now theother, the interval between the two armies being fought over in manyplaces as many as five times, leaving the ground covered with dead andwounded. Those of the wounded able to crawl, reached one or the otherline, but the groans of others, who could not move, lent an additionalhorror to the terrible scene whenever there was a lull in the battle. Atten o'clock the roar of battle ceased, and from that time until fiveP. M. , it was comparatively quiet in front of the Sixth corps, but fromthe left where Hancock's corps and Getty's braves were nobly battling, the war of musketry was incessant. There, Hancock had formed his troopsin several lines of battle, and advanced them upon the plank road. Getty's troops, their ranks having been so terribly shattered the daybefore, were allowed to form in the rear. The attack was commenced, butpresently the enemy came down in terrible fury upon Hancock's lines. Oneafter another was swept away, leaving no Union troops in front of Getty. Now the exulting rebels came with stunning force against the Sixth corpsmen. They had prepared breastworks of logs and decayed wood, and againstthese light defenses the rebels charged, but only to meet with a deadlyrepulse. Again and again the charge was renewed, and as often the bravemen who had seen nearly three thousand of their comrades fall on the daybefore, sent the confederates back from the road. At length, thedivisions on the right and left of Getty having fallen back to the Brockroad, the division was forced to fall back to the road also, but onlyafter exhibiting a steadiness and valor rarely equaled by any troops. 

The road was held, in spite of every effort of the enemy to take it; butthe noble soldier and patriotic gentleman, General Wadsworth, lost hislife while striving to rally his division to hold the ground against theconfederates. 

Although the storm of battle had abated in our front, the rebels hadstationed sharpshooters in the trees and other advantageous positions, who kept up an incessant and annoying fire, and now and then a shellfrom a rebel battery would drop into our ranks. By these, the corps lostmany men. 

Until the evening of the 6th, our Third brigade of the Second division, and the New Jersey brigade of the First division of the Sixth corps, hadoccupied the right of the line of battle along the base of our slope ofthe ravine. Other portions of the First division, and the Thirddivision, occupying a position in our rear, on the summit of the slope, had been engaged during the day in throwing up earthworks. At 5 P. M. , the two advance brigades received orders to fall back to the cover ofthese breastworks. 

For thirty hours the Sixth corps, stripped of three brigades of itsveteran troops, weary from fighting and fasting, had been patientlywaiting for the relief promised it long ago, and steadily holding itsground until half of the advance brigades and almost half of the corpswas destroyed. 

Thirty hours before, General Sedgwick had sent word that the rebels weretrying to turn our flank, and begged that support might be sent; but nosupport had come. These breastworks had been prepared to give theexhausted corps a little protection, that they might, by falling back totheir cover, occupy a stronger and less exposed position. 

Soon after five o'clock, the brigades commenced falling back to theseworks. The rebels discovered the movement, and thought it was a retreat. They were evidently already prepared for a desperate assault upon ourflank; and now that there seemed a retreat, there was no longer anyhesitation. Cheer after cheer arose from the rebel ranks, and, infifteen minutes after, their yells were mingled with terrific volleys ofmusketry, as they poured in overwhelming numbers upon our flanks. 

A brief description of the position will explain the nature of themovement, which lost to the Sixth corps the position it had held for aday and a half. 

When the brigades which had occupied the base of the slope fell back tothe breastworks, the line of battle was arranged thus: on the extremeright was the Third division--a division but a few days before joined tothe corps--a division composed mostly of new troops who had never beforefaced an enemy, and none of them had ever had any connection with thealready historic fame of that glorious corps. Next on the left was theFirst division, and joining this division on the left was our own Thirdbrigade of the Second division. 

The assault of the rebels fell upon the green troops of the Thirddivision, who, seized with consternation, fled in confusion withoutattempting resistance. General Seymour whose gallant conduct up to thistime had won for him the admiration of all, made desperate attempts torally his panic-stricken brigade and refused to go to the rear withthem. While thus striving vainly to restore order to his shatteredcommand, rushing to the front and attempting by his own manner toinspire courage in his men, he was surrounded by the enemy and captured. He had but just returned from the rebel prisons where he had been sincethe unfortunate battle of Olustee. 

The hasty flight of the Third division opened the flank and rear of theFirst division to the charge of the rebels, who now rushed on withredoubled fury and with demoniac yells, carrying everything before them. The First division fell back, but not in the disorder and confusion ofthe other. General Shaler, with a large part of his brigade, which heldthat part of the line joining the Third division, was captured whilevainly striving to resist the onset of the rebel forces. 

The regiments of our Third brigade were forced from the rifle pits, leaving the Seventy-seventh regiment and a part of the Forty-third alonecontending the ground, exposed to a galling fire on front, flank andrear. The gallant regiments remained in the breastworks, pouring theirfire into the enemy's ranks until ordered to withdraw, to savethemselves from capture. 

The right wing, if not the whole army, was now in danger. It was at suchtimes that the great spirit of the noble Sedgwick rose to the control ofevents. It seemed to require adversity to bring out all the grandqualities of his nature. We had witnessed his imperturbable bravery anddetermination on the retreat to Banks' Ford, his unsurpassed heroism atAntietam, when he kept the field after he was thrice wounded, wasfamiliar to the nation, and now we were to see another manifestation ofhis indomitable courage. 

Rushing here and there, regardless of personal safety, he faced thedisordered mass of fugitives of the Third division, and with threats andentreaties prevailed upon them to halt; then turning to the veterans ofthe First division, he shouted to them to remember the honor of the oldSixth corps. That was an irresistible appeal, and the ranks of the Firstdivision and of our Third brigade were formed along the turnpike, whichwas at right angles to our former position. The corps now charged uponthe exultant foe, and forced them back until our breastworks wererecaptured; but our flank was too much exposed, and again the enemycharged upon our front and flank, forcing the corps to wheel back to theturnpike, where it had first rallied. 

General Sedgwick now ordered another charge, and bravely the men rushedforward, ready to obey any order from the revered lips of "_UncleJohn_. " The enemy was again forced back, and again the corps occupiedthe breastworks. It was now dark, but the roar of musketry mingled withthe deep toned artillery shook the ground, and the dense forest waslighted by the scores of thousands of flashing rifles which sent deathto unseen foes. 

The corps had not recovered its line of works without sacrifice, for theground in our rear was covered with our fallen comrades, while many morehad been captured by the enemy. But we were now able to hold the ground. The temporary disorder had arisen, and had been mostly confined to thenew troops, and even these, when rallied from their momentary confusion, had fought with heroic valor. Although, for a time, forced back by thesurprise of the rebel onset, the old troops of the corps had shown nowant of courage. _The Sixth corps proper had not lost its pristineglory. _ Something of a panic had been created among the teamsters in therear, and before dark the trains were hurrying toward Chancellorsville. 

Leaving the excitement of the battle, let us now turn where the resultsof this carnage are seen in their sober reality. While we stand in lineof battle we see little of the frightful havoc of war. The wounded dropabout us, but, except those left on disputed ground and unable to crawlaway, they are carried instantly to the rear. The groans and cries ofthe wounded and dying, of which we so often read as filling up the granddiscord of sounds on the battle-field, are things scarcely known inactual war. Rarely, as in the present battles, wounded men, unable toget away, are left between the lines in such numbers that, when themusketry dies away, their groans become heart-rending. But this is notusual. 

But at the field hospitals, the work of destruction is seen in all itshorrors. There, wounded men by thousands are brought together, fillingthe tents and stretched upon every available spot of ground for manyrods around. Surgeons, with never tiring energy, are ministering totheir wants, giving them food, dressing their wounds or standing at theoperating table removing the shattered fragments of limbs. Men woundedin every conceivable way, men with mutilated bodies, with shatteredlimbs and broken heads, men enduring their injuries with heroicpatience, and men giving way to violent grief, men stoicallyindifferent, and men bravely rejoicing that it is _only a leg_. To allthese the surgeons are to give such relief as lies in their power, atask the very thoughts of which would overcome physicians at home, butupon which the army surgeon enters with as much coolness and confidenceas though he could do it all at once. He has learned to do what he can. Contenting himself with working day and night without respite, and oftenwithout food, until, by unremitting but quiet toil, the wants of all arerelieved. No class of men in the army perform so great labors with solittle credit as the surgeons. 

Lest the author should be accused of undue partiality for his own staff, he will quote the words of an unprejudiced witness, who, in speaking ofthe labor, the anxiety and the responsibility imposed upon the surgeonsafter a great battle, says:

"The devotion, the solicitude, the unceasing efforts to remedy thedefects of the situation, the untiring attentions to the wounded, upontheir part, were so marked as to be apparent to all who visited thehospitals. It must be remembered that these same officers had enduredthe privations and fatigues of the long forced marches with the rest ofthe army; they had shared its dangers, for one medical officer from eachregiment follows it into battle, and is liable to the accidents of war, as has been repeatedly and fatally the case; that its field hospitalsare often, from the changes of the line of battle, brought under fire ofthe enemy, and that while in this situation these surgeons are calledupon to exercise the calmest judgment, to perform the most critical andserious operations, and this quickly and continuously. The battleceasing, their labors continue. While other officers are sleeping, renewing their strength for further efforts, the medical are stilltoiling. They have to improvise hospitals from the rudest materials, areobliged to 'make bricks without straw, ' to surmount seemingimpossibilities. The work is unending both by day and night, the anxietyis constant, and the strain upon both the physical and mental facultiesunceasing. Thus, after this battle, operators had to be held up whileperforming the operations, and fainted from exhaustion the operationfinished. One completed his labors to be seized with partial paralysis, the penalty of his over exertion. 

"While his duties are as arduous, his exposure as great, and themortality from disease and injury as large as among other staff officersof similar rank, the surgeon has no prospect of promotion, of a brevetor an honorable mention, to stimulate him. His duties are performedquietly, unostentatiously. He does his duty for his country's sake, forthe sake of humanity. "[7]

 [7] J. H. Douglass, Assistant Secretary Sanitary Commission. 

The labors of the medical officers had never been so great as at thesebattles. Thousands of wounded men were stretched in and about theseveral field hospitals, and long trains of ambulances, loaded with morebleeding victims, were constantly bringing in new subjects of care. 

The hospitals of the Sixth corps were located, that of the Firstdivision about a large house near the turnpike, in rear of the positionof the division; that of the Third division was near by, and thehospital of our Second division was placed on the banks of WildernessRun, near the old gold mine, and within a few rods of General Meade'shead-quarters. The hospitals of the Fifth corps were also within a shortdistance, on the left. 

At the hospital of our Second division, the scene was one of activityand sadness. Never had so many of our choice spirits been brought to therear, and never had the division been bereft of so many of its brightestornaments by death. 

All the hospital tents belonging to the division were filled tooverflowing with the unfortunate victims of the battle. There, all thespace between the different rows of tents, and for many yards in frontand rear, was covered with others, for whom there was no room under thecanvas, and, finally, long rows of them were laid upon the ground at alittle distance from the hospitals as close as they could lie, coveringmany rods of ground. 

In the operating tents, the surgeons assigned to the duty of performingoperations plied their work without rest from the time the battlecommenced until its close, day and night, while dressers, and thosewhose duty it was to supply the wounded with food, were untiring intheir zeal. 

At midnight of the 6th, the operators were directed to cease their work. Ambulances and army wagons in great numbers were loaded with thewounded, and the whole train, accompanied by the surgeons, moved towardChancellorsville, taking the turnpike along the rear of the army. But, with all the ambulances and army wagons at command, hundreds of theseunfortunate heroes were left behind; and as it was known that our lineof battle was to fall back within a few hours, preparations were madefor their care when they should fall into the hands of the enemy. Fourassistant surgeons from each division, a number of hospital tents, asupply of hard bread and beef, with dressings and instruments, were leftbehind; and with sad hearts, their companions bade them farewell. Likepreparations were made by the other corps, for those of the wounded whomust be left to their fate. The long train bearing the wounded reachedthe left of the old battle-field of Chancellorsville toward morning, andat once the labor of reëstablishing the hospitals commenced. Tents wereerected, the ambulances unloaded, and the surgeons, already worn out byforty hours of incessant toil, resumed their work. 

When the Sixth corps reoccupied the breastworks at dark on the 6th, itwas desirable that the right flank should be protected by old andreliable troops. Neill's Third brigade was assigned to that position, the Seventy-seventh being upon the extreme right, the Sixty-firstPennsylvania thrown out at right angles to protect the rear. On the leftof the Seventy-seventh was the Forty-ninth New York, the Seventh Mainewas next, then the One Hundred and Twenty-second, and the Forty-thirdNew York was on the left of the brigade. 

All was now quiet. No sound was heard except now and then the suppressedtones of officers in command. The stars shone through the openings amongthe trees upon a long line of dusky forms lying close behind thesheltering breastworks, as silent as death but ready at an instant topour out a storm of destruction. A row of bayonets projected over thebreastworks; an abattis of steel awaiting the momentarily expected onsetof the enemy. 

At ten o'clock the low tones of command of the rebel officers were heardas they urged their men against our rear and flank. Colonel Smith of theSixty-first Pennsylvania, ordered his men to lie down, for they had nobreastworks, and to reserve their fire. Nearer and nearer came the darkline, until within twenty feet of the recumbent Pennsylvanians, but nota sound from them. Still nearer the rebel line approached, to within adistance of ten feet, when the sharp command rang out, "_Fire_;" andrising the Pennsylvanians delivered a withering fire into the rebelranks that sent them reeling back into the darkness from whence theycame; but a line of prostrate forms where the fire from our line had metthe advancing column, told of its terrible execution. Twenty minutesafter this repulse they advanced silently but in stronger force, directly in front of our breastworks. They advanced slowly and insilence until within a few feet of the Union line, when with wild yellsthey leaped forward, some even mounting the breastworks. But a sheet offlame instantly flashed along the whole line of our works; theastonished rebels wavered for a moment and then beat a hasty retreat, relinquishing with this last desperate effort the attempt to drive backthe old Sixth corps. 

Scarcely a man of the Union force was injured by this charge, but thedead and wounded from the rebel ranks literally covered the ground. There was no help for them. Our men were unable even to take care oftheir own wounded which lay scattered through the woods in the rear. Sothe rebel wounded lay between the two armies, making the night hideouswith their groans. 

The battle of the 6th was now at an end, neither party having gained anydecided advantage. 

At midnight the Sixth corps fell back upon the plank road to thevicinity of the old gold mine mill, where our hospitals had been. Intrenchments were thrown up and the position was held without muchannoyance from the rebels all the next day. The whole line of the armyremained quiet on the 7th, only a few skirmishes along different partsof the line, relieving the monotony of the day. 

The two days of fighting had told fearfully upon our ranks. Ourregiments which a few hours before were well filled, were now butfragments of regiments; and our hearts were weighed down with heavygrief when we thought of the many grand spirits who had left us foreversince we crossed the Rapidan. 

We thought of the young colonel of the Forty-third, Wilson, beloved andadmired throughout the corps. His death was a heavy blow to us all. Weshould miss his soldierly presence on the parade; his winning pleasantryin our social circles; we were no longer to enjoy his beautiful exampleof unswerving christian morality. His manly form was no longer to be ourpride, and his heroic valor would never again be manifest on the fieldof battle. 

Major Fryer had received his mortal hurt. Fryer was young and gallant;his handsome form and brilliant eye were in fine harmony with those ofhis friend and superior. "In their lives they were beautiful, and intheir death they were not divided. "

Captain Hickmot, too, of the Forty-ninth was among the slain. Surelydeath loves a shining mark, and with what terrible precision had hechosen his victims. Hickmot's bright eye was glazed in death. His gayetywas hushed forever. We remembered now his hearty laugh, his friendlywords and his purity of character, and knew that they were ours only inmemory. 

Wallace of the Forty-third and Terry of the Forty-ninth, too, were gone. Colonel Ryerson, the gallant commander of the Tenth New Jersey, wasmortally wounded. 

In the Seventy-seventh we had lost Craig; a youth of rare qualities andof stern patriotism. 

The Vermont brigade had lost many of its brightest ornaments. ColonelBarney of the Sixth was one of Vermont's best men. A kind yet faithfulcommander in camp, gallant and fearless on the field. He was the highesttype of a man; a christian gentleman. Colonel Stone had been killedinstantly on the 5th. His urbane manners were remembered by all whofrequented our division head-quarters, and his bravery had endeared himto his men. Colonel Tyler, too, of the Second was among the mortallywounded, and all felt his loss deeply. 

Captains Bixby, of the Second, Bartlett and Buck, of the Third, Carpenter and Farr, of the Fourth, Ormsbee and Hurlburt, of the Fifth, and Bird and Randall, of the Sixth--all men of bravery and patriotism, all beloved as companions and valued as officers--were among the dead ordying. But among Vermont's fallen sons was no more ardent patriot orgallant soldier than Captain George D. Davenport, of the Fifth. Hismanly bearing, his brilliant intellect, his ready wit, his socialvirtues and his well known bravery, combined to render him a favoriteofficer in his brigade, while to those who were bound to him by the tiesof fellowship, his disinterested love and noble generosity rendered hisfriendship of inestimable value. 

These were a few among the many noble names of fallen heroes. Never weregrander men sacrificed for a noble cause than they. 

General Getty and General Morris and Colonel Keiffer were among thewounded, and we had lost General Shaler and General Seymour, captured bythe enemy. 

General Neill succeeded to the command of the Second division, andColonel Bidwell assumed the command vacated by General Neill. 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

SPOTTSYLVANIA. 

 Moving by the flank--The wounded abandoned--The Fifth Corps at Spottsylvania--Arrival of the Sixth Corps--Getting into line--Death of Sedgwick--General Wright in command--Battle of the 10th of May--Upton's splendid charge--Battle at "the angle"--Another flank movement. 

By this time General Grant, finding the rebel position too strong toforce in front, and finding, by reconnoissance, that the enemy hadfallen back to strong works where he awaited attack, determined to throwthe army between Lee's army and Richmond, and accordingly ordered thefirst of that wonderful series of flank movements that have become theadmiration of the world. The Fifth and Sixth corps withdrew with secrecyfrom the line held by them, and falling into the rear of the rest of thearmy, marched rapidly from the right to the left flank towardSpottsylvania. The Sixth corps, taking the Chancellorsville road, reached the old battle-field at daylight, and halted for breakfast nearthe ruins of the historic Chancellor House. The Fifth corps taking amore direct road to Spottsylvania, and being unencumbered with thetrain, marched rapidly and reached Piney Branch Church, a little hamletin the midst of the woods, about five miles north of Spottsylvania CourtHouse, at nine o'clock in the morning. These two corps were quicklyfollowed by the Ninth and Second corps, leaving the old wilderness fieldentirely in the hands of the enemy. 

Another of those distressful necessities of war occurred on withdrawingfrom the Wilderness. Wounded men of the Fifth and Sixth corps hadalready been left on the site of the hospitals near the old gold minemills, and now hundreds more from every corps were abandoned for want ofsufficient transportation. Let it not be thought that the Army of thePotomac was deficient in ambulances. Our hospital train was immense, yetinsufficient for such an emergency as the present. To have provided atrain sufficient for such a time, would have been to incumber the armywith an enormous establishment, which would so interfere with itsmovements as to defeat the very object in view. The present was one ofthose terrible but unavoidable contingencies which must sometimes occurin war. 

Trains had returned and brought away some of the wounded left at the oldgold mine, but many were still there; and now, again, as we loadedambulances and army wagons to their utmost capacity, making a train ofmany miles in extent, some two hundred of the wounded of our Sixth corpswere left upon the ground. It was, indeed, a sickening thought thatthese noble fellows, who had nobly fallen in their country's cause, mustbe abandoned to the enemy, many of them, perhaps the majority of them, to die in their hands. All communication with their friends at homehopelessly cut off, and with no expectation of any but the roughesttreatment from their enemies, it was a sad prospect for the unfortunateones. Medical officers from each corps were directed to remain and carefor those thus left behind, and a limited supply of rations andmedicines were also left. Surgeon Phillips, of the Third Vermont, andAssistant Surgeon Thompson, of the Seventy-seventh New York, were thedetail to remain behind from the Second division. They stayed with ourwounded among the rebels for several weeks, faithfully ministering totheir wants, until nearly all had been removed to Richmond, when, oneday, learning that those remaining were to be sent south on thefollowing day, they made their escape by night. By traveling throughoutthe night and hiding in the woods by day, they made their way across theRapidan, and finally reached Washington in safety. 

The Fifth corps, having taken the most direct road to Spottsylvania, arrived at Piney Branch Church at nine o'clock on the morning of the8th, where the infantry skirmishers of the enemy were encountered. Gregg's division of cavalry had been for some time engaged with therebel cavalry; but the cavalry had not discovered the infantry of theenemy before the approach of the Fifth corps. Two divisions of the Fifthcorps were at once formed in line of battle, Bartlett's brigade ofGriffin's division being sent ahead as skirmishers. As the corpsadvanced, the skirmishers of the enemy steadily withdrew, until theyreached a large clearing, called Alsop's Farm, along the rear of whichran a small stream, the river Ny, about three miles north ofSpottsylvania. Here the enemy was formed in force, with a line of strongearthworks. An attack was ordered, and bravely Warren's men advancedagainst the breastworks of the enemy; but their efforts to drive therebels were unavailing. The field was composed of a succession ofridges, dotted here and there with clumps of pines and oaks, while thecountry in rear, through which the corps had already pressed theopposing skirmishers, was a wilderness of trees. The rebels had theirartillery well posted, and they hurled a fierce storm of shells amongthe advancing lines, arresting their advance. The enemy in turn chargedupon the Fifth corps, but the Union boys fought with desperation, repelling every charge and holding their ground. Our troops behavedmagnificently, yet they were unable to push their advance further. 

It was now evident that Lee, anticipating Grant's strategy, had setabout thwarting it. As soon as our troops were withdrawn from WildernessRun, Lee had hastened Ewell's corps and a part of Longstreet's on aninner road to Spottsylvania, and these troops now confronted us anddisputed our advance. 

Such was the situation when the Sixth corps arrived on the field at twoo'clock in the afternoon. The day had been the most sultry of theseason, and many of the men, overcome by the intensity of the heat, andexhausted by the constant fighting and marching since the morning of the4th, had fallen by the wayside. The corps halted for about two hours, and was then ordered to the front to the assistance of Warren's corps, which was again hotly engaged with the enemy. We pressed forward along anarrow road leading through a thick growth of timber, until we camewhere the Fifth corps was contending the ground. The corps was drawn upin line of battle, but did not at once commence an attack. 

Before us the ground was rolling and partially wooded, admirably adaptedfor defensive warfare. A wooded ravine, at a little distance from ourfront, concealed a rebel line of battle, and in our rear, were densewoods extending to the road along which our line was formed. These woodswere on fire, and the hot blasts of air which swept over us, togetherwith the burning heat of the sun, rendered our position a veryuncomfortable one. Before long, however, the corps was ordered to theleft, and took its position in the woods on the left of Warren's corps. Our Second division was formed in three lines with the view of attackingthe enemy. 

Soon after dark all things being ready, the division moved forward tothe attack, but after some desperate fighting on the part of both theFifth corps and our own division, finding the enemy too strongly posted, the attack was relinquished. 

Toward midnight some changes of position were ordered, but, in thedarkness, regiments lost their brigades, and wandered about in the woodsuntil daylight, some narrowly escaping capture within the lines of theenemy. 

There was little hard fighting on Monday the 9th, though skirmishing wasbriskly kept up along the whole line throughout the day. Our line ofbattle was now extended from northwest to southeast with Hancock'sSecond corps on the right, Warren's Fifth corps on the right center, Sedgwick's Sixth corps on the left center, and Burnside's Ninth corps onthe extreme left. Our Second division was formed in a clearing on theside of a hill which sloped gradually until it reached a swamp, which, however, turned and passed through our line at our left. About threehundred yards in front of us was a strip of woods one-fourth of a milewide, and beyond the woods an open field where the rebel forces wereposted behind formidable earthworks. Just in our rear and on the crestof the hill, our batteries were posted so as to fire over our heads. Onour right was a dense forest where the Fifth corps were posted, and onour left Burnside's troops occupied a more open country. 

The whole line of the army was strengthened with breastworks of railsand logs, which the men procured in many cases from almost under therebel guns, while the heavy mist of the morning concealed them from theview of their enemies. Over the logs and rails earth was thrown inquantity sufficient to protect the men from the shot and shell of theenemy. 

Although there was little fighting on the 9th, it was a sad day for theSixth corps and for the army; for on that day our corps lost its belovedcommander, and the army a most distinguished soldier. 

General Sedgwick, while standing behind an outer line of works, personally superintending and directing, as was his custom, the postingof a battery of artillery at an angle which he regarded as of greatimportance, was shot through the head by a rebel sharpshooter, and diedinstantly. The ball had entered his head just below the left eye, andpassed out at the back of the head. 

Never had such a gloom rested upon the whole army on account of thedeath of one man as came over it when the heavy tidings passed along thelines that General Sedgwick was killed. 

Major-General John Sedgwick, who had so long been identified with theSixth corps, was a native of Connecticut. He graduated at West Point onthe 30th of June, 1837, and was at once assigned to the Secondartillery, as second-lieutenant. In 1839, he was promoted tofirst-lieutenant. He served in Mexico, and was brevetted captain forgallant and meritorious conduct, in the battles of Contreras andCherubusco. He was soon afterward brevetted major for gallant conduct, and greatly distinguished himself in the attack on Cosino gate, Mexicocity. In 1845 he was made major of the First United States Cavalry, andserved in Texas until the breaking out of the rebellion. In March, 1861, he was commissioned lieutenant-colonel, Second United States Cavalry;and in April promoted to the colonelcy of the Fourth Cavalry. He wasmade a brigadier-general of volunteers in August, 1861, and assigned tothe command of a brigade in the Army of the Potomac. 

He was afterward assigned to the command of the Third division, Secondcorps, then under General Sumner. He participated in the siege ofYorktown, and greatly distinguished himself in many battles on thePeninsula. He was particularly noted at the battle of Fair Oaks, Savage's Station, and Glendale. His division was one of the fewdivisions of the Army of the Potomac that rendered any assistance toGeneral Pope in his unfortunate campaign. 

At Antietam he led his men repeatedly against the rebels, and was asoften forced back, until the ground over which his division had foughtwas covered with dead. He was thrice wounded, but refused to be carriedfrom the field until faintness from loss of blood obliged him torelinquish his command. 

In December, 1862, he was nominated by the President a major-general ofvolunteers, and was confirmed in March, 1863, with rank from the 31st ofMay, 1862. 

In January following his promotion, he was assigned to the command ofthe Ninth corps, and, on the 5th of February, was transferred to thecommand of the Sixth corps, relieving General Smith, who was assigned tothe Ninth corps. 

Soon after taking command of our corps, the famous charge uponFredericksburgh Heights was made, in which both the corps and itscommander acquired lasting renown. General Sedgwick was especiallycommended by General Meade for the manner in which he handled his corpsat Rappahannock Station, and, in General Meade's absence, he was severaltimes in command of the army. He was, on several occasions, offered thesupreme command of the army, but his excessive modesty forbade him toaccept so important a command. 

No soldier was more beloved by the army or honored by the country thanthis noble general. His corps regarded him as a father, and his greatmilitary abilities made his judgment, in all critical emergencies, sought after by his superior as well as his fellows. The command of theSixth corps now devolved upon General Wright, who had long been wellknown in the corps as the commander of our First division, and who heldthe command of the corps from this time until it was disbanded in theautumn of 1865. 

Monday night passed quietly. An occasional volley on the picket linewould rouse us to arms, but there was no general assault, and the tiredsoldiers would throw themselves again upon the ground to catch a fewmoments more of rest. 

Our position on Tuesday morning, May 10th, was the same as it had beenthe day previous. During the lull of battle on the 9th, both armies hadgathered their strength and perfected their plans for a renewal of thecontest, on a scale of magnificence seldom if ever witnessed by any armybefore. This was destined to be a day of most fearful carnage, anddesperate attempts on the part of each antagonist to crush the other bythe weight of its terrible charges. 

Active skirmishing commenced along different portions of the line earlyin the morning, and continued to grow more and more general until therattle of the skirmishers' rifles grew into the reverberating roll ofbattle. From one end of the long line to the other the tide of battlesurged, the musketry continually increasing in volume, until it seemedone continuous peal of thunder. During all the battles in theWilderness, artillery had been useless, except when here and there asection could be brought in to command the roadway; but now all theartillery on both sides was brought into the work. It was the terriblecannonading of Malvern Hill with the fierce musketry of Gaines' Millscombined, that seemed fairly to shake the earth and skies. Never duringthe war had the two armies made such gigantic struggles for thedestruction of each other. 

At first the heavy assaults were made against the right wing--Hancock'sand Warren's corps sustaining the principal shock of the enemy'srepeated charges. Massing their forces against particular points of theline held by these two corps, the rebel generals would hurl their graylegions like an avalanche against our breastworks, hoping by the verymomentum of the charge to break through our lines; but a most witheringstorm of leaden and iron hail would set the mass wavering, and finallysend it back to the cover of the woods and earthworks in confusion, leaving the ground covered at each time with an additional layer oftheir dead. In turn, the men of the Fifth and Second corps would chargeupon their adversaries, and in turn they too would be forced to seekshelter behind their rifle pits. Thus the tide of battle along the rightof the line rolled to and fro, while the horrid din of musketry andartillery rose and swelled as the storm grew fiercer. 

Meanwhile the Sixth and Ninth corps were quietly awaiting events, and itwas not until six o'clock in the afternoon that the Sixth corps wascalled into action. Then it was to make one of the most notable chargeson record. 

At five o'clock the men of the corps were ordered to unsling knapsacksand divest themselves of every incumbrance preparatory to a charge. Colonel Upton commanding the Second brigade of the First division, wasdirected to take twelve picked regiments from the corps and lead them ina charge against the right center of the rebel line. The regiments whichshared the dearly purchased honor of this magnificent charge were, inthe first line, the One Hundred and Twenty-first New York, the FifthMaine, the Ninety-sixth and One Hundred and Nineteenth Pennsylvania; inthe second line the Seventy-seventh and Forty-third New York, the FifthWisconsin, Sixth Maine and Forty-ninth Pennsylvania; and in the thirdline, the Second, Fifth and Sixth Vermont. It was indeed an honor to beselected for this duty, but it was an honor to be paid for at the costof fearful peril. 

The twelve regiments assembled on the open space in front of our works, then silently entered the strip of woods which was between our line andthat of the rebels. Passing through to the further edge of the woods, the twelve regiments were formed in columns of three lines, each lineconsisting of four regiments. 

The regiments of the Second division, not included in the chargingcolumn, formed in the rear, to act as support, but did not advance tothe charge. 

As the regiments took their places, they threw themselves upon theground, and all orders were given in suppressed tones, for the rebelswere but a hundred yards distant, in the open field, and the minies oftheir skirmishers were whistling among the trees and brushwood. 

The other corps of the army were prepared, in case this charging partysucceeded in breaking the enemy's line, to rush in and turn the successinto a rout of the rebels. Generals Meade, Hancock, Warren and Burnsidestationed themselves on eminences, from which they could watch thesuccess of the perilous enterprise. 

At six o'clock all things were ready, and the artillery from theeminences in our rear opened a terrific fire, sending the shells howlingand shrieking over the heads of the charging column, and plunging intothe works of the enemy. This was the signal for the attack, and ColonelUpton's clear voice rang out, "_Attention, battalions! Forward, double-quick!_ Charge!" and in an instant every man was on his feet, and, with tremendous cheers, which were answered by the wild yells ofthe rebels, the column rushed from the cover of the woods. Quick aslightning, a sheet of flame burst from the rebel line, and the leadenhail swept the ground over which the column was advancing, while thecanister from the artillery came crashing through our ranks at everystep, and scores and hundreds of our brave fellows fell, literallycovering the ground. But, nothing daunted, the noble fellows rushed uponthe defenses, leaping over the ditch in front, and mounting thebreastworks. The rebels made a determined resistance, and a hand to handfight ensued, until, with their bayonets, our men had filled the riflepits with bleeding rebels. About two thousand of the survivors of thestruggle surrendered, and were immediately marched to the rear, underguard. 

Without halting for breath, the impetuous column rushed toward thesecond line of works, which was equally as strong as the first. Theresistance here was less stubborn than at the first line, yet the grayoccupants of the rifle pits refused to fly, until forced back at thepoint of the bayonet. 

Our ranks were now fearfully thinned, yet the brave fellows passed on tothe third line of defenses which was also captured. 

It was but a shattered remnant of that noble column that rushed from thewoods against the hostile works, that reached this advanced point, andnow, finding that reënforcements were reaching the enemy, while ourcolumn was every moment melting away, a retreat was ordered. 

There was not even time to bring away the six pieces of artillery whichwe had captured; they were filled with sods and abandoned. 

What remained of the twelve regiments retreated to the cover of ourrifle pits, leaving the dead and most of the wounded in the enemy'shands. 

The corps lost, in this charge, some of its ablest men. In the Firstbrigade of the Second division Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton, of theSixty-second New York, was killed. Captain Carpenter, of theSeventy-seventh, one of its first and best officers, and LieutenantLyon, a young officer of great bravery, were killed in the interior lineof works, and many other noble fellows of that regiment were left onthat fatal field. The regiment crossed the Rapidan six days before withover five hundred men, and now, after this charge, less than ninety menwere left, and this is but an example of the losses to most of theregiments in that division. 

The noise of the battle gradually died away as night threw her mantleover the fearful scene of carnage, and both armies were glad of arespite from their severe labors. 

The 11th of May passed in making new arrangements and in sending thethousands of wounded to Fredericksburgh. Immense trains of ambulancesand army wagons freighted with the mangled forms of wounded men wererunning day and night to Fredericksburgh, and returning with supplies. 

Skirmishing was kept up along the line, but no general engagement wasbrought on. During the night the Second corps, General Hancock, silentlywithdrew from the position it had occupied on the right of the line, andmarching along in the rear of the army occupied a position between theSixth and Ninth corps, which was not before occupied. With great cautionand silence preparations were made for a desperate attack upon that partof the enemy's line fronting this position. This line made here a sharpangle and by seizing this angle, it was hoped to turn the right flank ofLee's army. Between the position of the Second corps and the rebelworks, the ground was covered with pines and underbrush, and as itneared the defenses ascended abruptly to a considerable height. 

As soon as the gray light of the morning began to streak through themists, all was in readiness for the charge, and with strictest orders ofsilence the corps in mass advanced rapidly across the field, the thickfog concealing the movement. As the column neared the rifle pits a stormof bullets met it; but charging impetuously up the hill and over theworks, the rebels, surprised and overpowered, gave way; those who couldescaping to the second line in the rear, though thousands were obligedto surrender on the spot, so complete had been the surprise. Thevictorious column now pushed on toward the second line of works, buthere, the enemy by this time fully prepared for the attack, theresistance became more stubborn. The battle now raged with greatestfury. The Sixth corps was withdrawn from its position, leaving a strongpicket line to guard its front, and marching along the rear of its worksjoined in the attack with the Second corps. The works taken by Hancock'scorps, were occupied by the men of the Sixth corps, and the enemycommenced the most desperate efforts to retake them. Forming theirtroops in heavy columns they hurled them against our line withtremendous force. Russell's division held the center of the line of thecorps at a point known as "the angle. " This was the key to the wholeposition. Our forces held the rebel works from the left as far as this"angle, " and the rebels still held the rest of the line. Whoever couldhold "the angle" would be the victors; for with the angle, either partycould possess themselves of the whole line of works. Hence the desperateefforts to drive us from this position. The First division being unableto maintain the position alone, the Second division was sent to its aid. And now, as the boys of the Second division took their places in thefront, the battle became a hand to hand combat. A breastwork of logsseparated the combatants. Our men would reach over this partition anddischarge their muskets in the face of the enemy, and in return wouldreceive the fire of the rebels at the same close range. Finally, the menbegan to use their muskets as clubs and then rails were used. The menwere willing thus to fight from behind the breastworks, but to rise upand attempt a charge in the face of an enemy so near at hand and sostrong in numbers required unusual bravery. Yet they did charge and theydrove the rebels back and held the angle themselves. It was in one ofthese charges that the gallant Major Ellis of the Forty-ninth New York, was shot with a ramrod through the arm and in the side, from the effectsof which he afterwards died. The trees in front of the position held bythe Sixth corps during this remarkable struggle, were literally cut topieces by bullets. Even trees more than a foot in diameter, were cut offby the constant action of bullets. A section of one of these was, anddoubtless still is, in Washington, with a card attached stating that thetree was cut down in front of the position of the Second corps. Ourgallant brothers of that corps won undying honors on that glorious day, but it was the long-continued, fearful musketry battle between the Sixthcorps and the enemy which cut down those trees. We have no desire todetract from the well-deserved honors of the brave men of the Secondcorps, but this is a simple matter of justice. The conflict became moreand more bloody, and soon the Fifth corps was also engaged, and at teno'clock the battle rolled along the whole line. The terrible fightingcontinued till eleven o'clock, when there was a lull in the musketry, but the artillery continued its work of destruction. Thus the secondline of works was taken, but not without fearful loss to both armies. Our corps had fought at close range for eight hours. Behind the worksthe rebel dead were lying literally piled one upon another, and woundedmen were groaning under the weight of bodies of their dead companions. The loss to the rebels in prisoners and guns was also great. 

Major-General Edward Johnson with his whole division, General Stewart, abrigade from Early's division and a whole regiment, including in allbetween three and four thousand prisoners and between thirty and fortyguns, were the trophies of this glorious but bloody morning's work. These captures were nearly all made by the Second corps in the firstassault in the morning. 

The losses to the Sixth corps were great, but far less than on the 12th. The Seventy-seventh lost one of its finest officers. Captain O. P. Ruggwas shot in the breast and died while being carried to the hospital. Thecaptain was a young man of great promise, of genial and livelytemperament and greatly beloved by his regiment. He had been married buta few months before his death, and had parted from his bride at Elmirajust before the spring campaign opened. 

The corps remained near the scene of action during the next day. Reconnoissances were made, and another attempt was made on the 14th toturn the right flank of the enemy. The Sixth corps, at three o'clock onthe morning of that day, moved off to the left of our line about twomiles and encamped about the Anderson House, but our pickets soon foundthe enemy in force in our front, and no attempt was made to bring on anengagement. The time passed quietly along the line, only occasionallythe roar of artillery kept up something of excitement of battle. On thenight of the 17th, the Sixth corps moved back to the scene of the battleof the 12th. At daylight three corps moved forward to attack the enemy'sline. The Second corps forming the center of the line, the Sixth corpsthe right, and the Ninth corps the left. The first line of rifle pitswere those which had been abandoned by us on the 12th. These were filledwith rebel skirmishers, who readily gave way, leaving the works in ourhands. 

Our line of battle advanced till it confronted the second line of therebel works. This was a strong line behind a thick impenetrable abattisand held by a powerful force. The three corps pressed this formidableline, and a sharp engagement ensued, but without advantage to ourforces, and it was concluded that an attempt to dislodge the enemy couldonly result in a fearful waste of life. Accordingly the troops werequietly withdrawn, though submitted to a galling fire, having lost inthe morning's work about eight hundred men. 

In the afternoon the enemy attacked the Fifth corps on the left, but wasdriven back. The same afternoon the Sixth corps returned to the vicinityof the Anderson House, from which it had started on the eveningprevious; and orders were issued to be ready to march toward the NorthAnna. 

General Grant, deeming it impracticable to make any further attempt tocarry the rebel position at Spottsylvania by direct assault, haddetermined upon another flank movement; and his preparations were madefor moving around the left flank of the enemy during the night of the19th, and seizing a position on the North Anna. But late in theafternoon of the 19th, Ewell's rebel corps made a fierce assault uponthe right of our line. Our forces gave the rebels a warm reception, andforced them back to the cover of their earthworks. 

On the 20th, Aaron B. Quincy, a young soldier, beloved by all who knewhim, was shot through the breast, and died in a few minutes. Hisfaithful Christian character, his undoubted bravery, and his ardentpatriotism, had endeared him to all. 

On the night of the 21st, the flank movement was commenced. Withdrawingin silence, and first throwing the right corps in rear of the rest ofthe army and to its left, as at the Wilderness, the troops marchedrapidly all night, halting for a few moments for breath once or twice, and then pressing forward again. During the next forenoon a halt of somehours occurred at Quincy Station, near the house where Stonewall Jacksondied the year before. Then the march was renewed and continued tilldark. 

The Fifth and Sixth corps reached the banks of the North Anna on theevening of the 23d, and was soon followed by the Second and Ninth corps. Again the enemy, aware of our intentions, and having the shortest line, confronted us, and disputed the crossing; but, after considerableartillery practice, the Fifth corps succeeded in throwing their pontoonbridges and obtaining a position on the south bank. The enemy nowattacked the corps with great vigor, but were repulsed with equalslaughter. The Sixth corps followed at four o'clock in the morning, anda little later the Second and Ninth corps also joined us. Strongbreastworks were thrown up, and parties were sent to the front toreconnoiter the position. 

A further advance of a few miles was made on the 25th, but finding theenemy in a stronger position than he had occupied either in theWilderness or at Spottsylvania, General Grant determined again towithdraw and try his favorite flank movement. Accordingly, on the nightof the 26th, the army was withdrawn to the north bank of the river. Thenight was very dark, and the mud deep. Several days' rain had renderedthe roads, proverbial for their mud, almost impassable; but heeding nodifficulties, the army followed without hesitation wherever our greatleader directed. The Sixth corps, with two divisions of cavalry underSheridan, who had now rejoined the army from his great raid on which hehad started from Spottsylvania, took the advance. On Saturday, the 28th, the corps and the cavalry divisions, after a good deal of hard fighting, crossed the Pamunkey river, at Hanovertown. The cavalry, at onceadvancing several miles beyond the river, encountered a large force ofrebel cavalry, which was driven back. The army encamped at Hanovertown, stretching from the river several miles southward. 

CHAPTER XXV. 

THE HOSPITALS AT FREDERICKSBURGH. 

 The journey from the battle-field--Sufferings of the wounded--A surgeon's letters--Rebel hatred--Assistance from the north--A father in search of his boy--The wounded sent to Washington. 

Let us turn now from the field of battle to Fredericksburgh, that greatdepot for wounded men. 

It will be recollected that, from Piney Branch church, the trains, withthe wounded from the Wilderness, were sent to Fredericksburgh. Over arough road, nearly fifteen miles, these unfortunate men, with shatteredor amputated limbs, with shots through the lungs or head or abdomen, suffering the most excruciating pain from every jar or jolt of theambulance or wagon, crowded as closely as they could be packed, were tobe transported. Already they had been carted about over many miles ofhard road, most of them having been carried from the old gold mine toChancellorsville, and now again loaded and brought to Spottsylvania. They were worn out with fatigue and suffering, and yet there was muchmisery in store for them. Slowly the immense train labored over therough road, now corduroy, now the remains of a worn out plank road, andanon a series of ruts and mud holes, until, at three o'clock on themorning of the 9th of May, the head of the train arrived inFredericksburgh. 

The train had been preceded by some three hundred men who were woundedbut able to walk. Mayor Slaughter and other rebel citizens surroundedthese unarmed men, made them prisoners and delivered them to some rebelcavalry, who took them to Richmond. 

The process of unloading the wounded at once commenced; all the churchesand other public buildings were first seized and filled. Negroes whocould be found in town were pressed into the work, yet, with all thehelp that could be obtained, it was a slow process. All night and allthe next day the work went on. The churches were filled first, thenwarehouses and stores, and then private houses, until the town wasliterally one immense hospital. 

The surgeons were too much engaged in transferring the men from thewagons to the houses to find time that day to dress many wounds, andmany an unfortunate soldier whose stump of an arm or leg had not beendressed since the first day of the fighting, became the victim ofgangrene, which set in as the result of this unavoidable want of care. No sooner were the men removed from the ambulances than surgeons andnurses addressed themselves with all the strength that remained to themto relieve the immediate wants of the sufferers. Never before had suchherculean labors been thrown upon so small a body of men, yet nobly didthey accomplish the task. All the buildings in town were full of woundedmen, the walks were covered with them, and long trains of ambulanceswere filling the streets with more. Yet to relieve the wants of allthese thousands of suffering men not more than forty surgeons had beensent from the field. 

It was one grand funeral; men were dropping away on every side. Largenumbers of nurses were detailed as burial parties, and these plied theirwork day after day with hardly time for their needed rest. 

Surgeons were completely worn out, and many of them, had to be sent toWashington, fairly broken down with their labors. 

The following extract from a letter of a surgeon at Fredericksburgh tohis wife, written on the 11th, may convey something of an idea of theexperience of the medical officers during those terrible days. He says:"We are almost worked to death; my feet are terribly swollen; yet wecannot rest for there are so many poor fellows who are suffering. Allday yesterday I worked at the operating table. That was the fourth daythat I had worked at those terrible operations since the battlecommenced, and I have also worked at the tables two whole nights andpart of another. Oh! it is awful. It does not seem as though I couldtake a knife in my hand to-day, yet there are a hundred cases ofamputations waiting for me. Poor fellows come and beg almost on theirknees for the first chance to have an arm taken off. It is a scene ofhorror such as I never saw. God forbid that I should ever see another. "

Again, the same officer writing a day or two later, says, "It isfearful. I see so many grand men dropping one by one. They are myacquaintances and my friends. They look to me for help, and I have toturn away heartsick at my want of ability to relieve their sufferings. Captain Walker of the Seventh Maine is dying to-night. He is a noblegood man, and he looks in my face and pleads for help. Adjutant Hessyand Lieutenant Hooper of the same regiment died last night. All were myfriends, and all thought that I could save them. General Sedgwick isdead, and General Getty and General Torbert are my patients. . . . Mrs. Lewis has just come; what a blessing her presence will be to thecolonel, who bears the loss of his arm so bravely. Colonel Barney of theSixth Vermont died yesterday, and Major Fryer of the Forty-third isdying. The major says, 'Doctor, can nothing be done?' Major Dudley liesin the room where I am writing, seriously wounded. . . . I have to-day sentsixty officers of the Sixth corps to Washington. . . . Oh! can I ever writeanything beside these mournful details? Hundreds of ambulances arecoming into town now, and it is almost midnight. So they come everynight. "

For a time it was almost impossible to obtain sufficient supplies eitherof food or dressings. Everything that could be spared from the field hadbeen sent, but in the field they were still fighting terrible battles, and there was little to spare. Food was obtained in very limitedquantities in town, and men went to the houses of citizens and demandedsheets, which were torn into bandages. 

But large supplies were sent from Washington by the government in a fewdays, so that all necessary articles were furnished in abundance, with aprofusion of lemons, oranges and canned fruit. The Sanitary Commissionwas also on hand with large supplies of delicacies, which were joyfullyreceived by the wounded heroes, who not only relished the luxuries, butremembered that they were the gifts of friends at home, who had notforgotten the soldiers. 

Many of the people of Fredericksburgh exhibited the most malignant spiteagainst the "Yankee wounded;" but others, while they claimed no sympathywith our cause, showed themselves friends of humanity, and rendered usall the assistance in their power. No men, except negroes and white menunfit for military duty, were left in town, but the women were bitterrebels. Some of them made fierce opposition to the use of their housesas hospitals, but they were occupied notwithstanding theirremonstrances. 

At one fine mansion a surgeon rang the door bell, and in a moment sawthe door open just enough to show the nose and a pair of small twinklingeyes of what was evidently a portly women. "What do you want?" snarledout the female defender of the premises. "We want to come and see if wecan place a few wounded officers in this house. " "You can't come inhere!" shouted the woman slamming the door together. A few knocksinduced her again to open the door two or three inches. "Madam, we mustcome in here; we shall do you no harm. " "You can't come here; I am alone widow. " "But I assure you no harm is intended you. " Again the doorwas closed, and again at the summons was opened. "Madam, it will be muchbetter for you to allow us to enter than for me to direct these men toforce the door; but we must enter. " The woman now threw the door wideopen and rushing into the yard with as much alacrity as her enormousproportions would admit, threw her arms out and whirled about like areversed spinning top shouting for help. She was again assured that noharm was intended her, but that unless she chose to show us the house weshould be obliged to go alone. Concluding that wisdom was the betterpart of valor, she proceeded to show us the rooms. 

At another mansion, one of the finest in Fredericksburgh, a red-hairedwoman thrust her head out of the side window, in answer to the ring ofthe door bell:

"What do you want here?"

"We wish to place some wounded officers in this house. "

"You can't bring any officers nor anybody else to this house. I'm allalone. I hope you have more honor than to come and disturb defenseless, unprotected women. "

"Have you no husband?"

"Yes, thank God, he's a colonel in the confederate service. "

"Well, if your husband was at home, where he ought to be, you would notbe a defenseless woman. "

The woman refused to unbolt the door, in spite of all persuasion, butwhile she railed at the "detestable Yankees, " a soldier climbed in at awindow in the rear, and unbolted the door. Her splendid rooms and finemattresses furnished lodgings for twenty wounded officers. Day afterday, the gloom of death hung over the town. Hundreds of our bravefellows were dying. Some of the finest officers of our army were dailyyielding to the destroyer. 

Among the severe losses to the Sixth corps were, Colonel Barney, of theSixth Vermont, who had been shot through the head. He died on the 10th. He was one of the noblest of the sons of Vermont, a pattern of a bravesoldier and Christian gentleman, respected for his ability as acommander, and loved for his social virtues; he was lamented by thewhole corps. Major Fryer, of the Forty-third New York, one of the mostpromising young officers in the corps, died on the 12th, from woundsthrough the left arm and lungs. Captain Walker and Adjutant Hesse, ofthe Seventh Maine, and Lieutenants Hooper and Vining, of the sameregiment, all died within a few hours of each other. LieutenantsFollensbee and Cook, of the Thirty-seventh Massachusetts, and CaptainKirkbride, of the One Hundred and Second Pennsylvania, were also amongthose who died. Major Dudley, of the Fifth Vermont, after sufferinguntold agony for many days, finally yielded, and died in the embraces ofhis youthful wife, who had arrived in Fredericksburgh just in time to bepresent during his last hours. The major had gone into the fight sickwith a fever, but his determined bravery forbade him to remain quiet. Receiving a severe wound while thus depressed by disease, he graduallysunk, until his brave spirit took its departure. 

These were a few of the sad, sad scenes, which brought sorrow to ourhearts day after day, of the hospitals at Fredericksburgh. 

Physicians and nurses from civil life came to our assistance in largenumbers. Some were earnest men, wholly devoted to the object ofrelieving the distress which they saw on every side. Others had come forselfish purposes. 

Physicians who had never performed an important surgical operation camearmed with amputating cases, and seemed to think that there was but onething to be done, _to operate_ as they said. 

Distressed fathers and brothers wandered about the town, in search ofinformation regarding some son or friend who had been wounded, orperhaps, as they feared, killed. 

The following is but an example of many sad incidents of this kind: H. A. Bowers, of the Seventy-seventh New York, a young man much beloved andrespected in his regiment, was wounded through the chest on the 5th ofMay, and with the other wounded brought to Fredericksburgh. His father, who resided in Albany, received the intelligence that his son wasdangerously wounded, and hastened to Fredericksburgh in search of him. He arrived at that immense hospital, and at once commenced his inquiriesafter his soldier boy. Failing to learn anything of him, except theassurance that he had been placed in the ambulances, he sought out thequartermaster of the Seventy-seventh, who was with the army train justout of town. The quartermaster readily lent his aid in the search, andboth at once sought the surgeon of that regiment for information, buthe, having the care of a multitude, could tell them nothing of theobject of their search. Thousands of wounded men were here, filling thecity, but, thus far, the important duties of relieving their immediatenecessities had occupied the attention of surgeons and attendants to theexclusion of everything else; and no record or register had been made bywhich a particular wounded man might be found. Unless some friend oracquaintance could direct to his place, the search was often long. Thenurses were instructed to afford the anxious father every assistance infinding his son. Two more long weary days were spent in the fruitlesssearch, when word was sent to the father that his boy might be found ina certain church. Overjoyed at the thought that at last his search wasto be crowned with success, he hastened to the place. Who shall attemptto tell the anguish of that father, when, on reaching the hospital, hefound that his son had expired half an hour before!

At length, by the 26th of May, all the wounded men were sent bytransports to Washington, and the hospitals broken up. The surgeons, escorted by a squadron of cavalry, crossed the country by way of BowlingGreen, and, after a three days' journey, rejoined the army at Hanover. 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

COAL HARBOR. 

 At Hanover Court House--The Eighteenth corps joins the Army of the Potomac--The armies meet at Coal Harbor--Battle of June 1st--Battle of June 3d--Terrible exposure--The army strikes for Petersburgh--Charles City Court House--A centenarian--Review of the overland campaign. 

Early on the morning of the 30th, the army was again moving, advancingwith heavy skirmishing toward Hanover Court House. Remaining here somehours the column retraced its steps a short distance, the rebelsmeanwhile opening a severe artillery fire upon our hospital trains. 

Toward evening the enemy attacked our left vigorously but were repulsed, and an attack was in turn made by our own troops which resulted inforcing the rebels from a part of their intrenchments. Except somechanges of position and ascertaining that of the enemy, our army layquietly confronting the rebels during the 31st, but on the 1st of Junewe were again on the road marching toward Coal Harbor. The march was ahard one. The day was sultry, and the dust, ankle deep, raised in cloudsby the column, was almost suffocating. It filled the air and hung uponthe leaves of the trees like snow. Seldom had our men experienced sosevere a march. As we neared Coal Harbor our Sixth corps in advance, wefell in with the column of General Smith's command, the Eighteenth andTenth corps. It was a relief to the old soldiers of the Army of thePotomac to see these full regiments, and they felt that with such largereinforcements our success must now be insured. It was also a source ofmuch gratification to the old Second division to meet again our friendsGenerals Smith and Brooks, whose names were so intimately connected withthe division, and who still held a large place in the affections of themen. 

These two corps were a part of General Butler's command, which hadadvanced up the Peninsula as far as Bermuda Hundreds, but were unable tomake further progress. General Grant had, therefore, directed GeneralButler to send them forward by way of transports to White House Landing, to join the Army of the Potomac. They reached us tired and almostdiscouraged by their unusual march of nearly sixteen miles, their trainsand baggage being left behind. 

In the afternoon we had fallen in with ambulances returning with woundedcavalrymen, and learned from them that Sheridan had engaged the rebelcavalry at Coal Harbor early in the morning, and that he was nowfighting both infantry and cavalry. Toward that point the troops pushedon rapidly, reaching the cavalry line at about four o'clock. The menhalted a few moments, and then were ordered to fall in and advanceagainst the enemy. Skirmishers, as usual, had advanced and prepared theway for the lines of infantry and the artillery. The shots of theskirmishers had become more and more frequent, till the sharp rattle ofmusketry told of the actual presence of the enemy. The artillery of theSixth corps was at once run out, and a brisk fire opened upon therebels, who replied with their guns, but with less vigor than thatexhibited by our own. The commands of Wright and Smith were at onceformed in line of battle, our Sixth corps on the left in line, Rickett'sThird division holding the right of the line, Russell's the center, andNeill's Second division the extreme left of the whole line. On our rightwas Smith's command in single line. 

In front of our line was an open space two-thirds of a mile in width, beyond which was a strip of pine woods. In these woods the enemy hadintrenched, and was holding the position in strong force. Lee, againanticipating the design of Grant, had sent Longstreet's corps and othertroops to occupy Coal Harbor, and now, with their rear resting upon theChickahominy, at this point a shallow and easily forded stream, therebels occupied a strong position between our advance and Richmond. 

The order for the charge was given, and these two commands, weary andexhausted, the veterans of the Sixth corps from many days and nights ofmost severe labor, and both corps by the tedious march of the day, dashed impetuously across the ploughed field with shouts and cheers, making for the rebel works. 

The storm of battle seemed suddenly to have broken without the usualwarning. It was less than an hour since the Union troops had arrived onthe field, and already a most bloody struggle was in progress. Volleysrang out upon the evening air, crashing louder and still louder. TheFirst and Third divisions of the Sixth corps, in heavy columns, rushedacross the field, cleared the abattis, and seized the rebel works, whilethe Second division, on the left, discovering a strong force of theenemy planting a battery on our flank, engaged them and forced themback. Smith's command, also, by a desperate charge, seized nearly thewhole line in the front, that on the extreme right, in front of Brooks'command, alone remaining in the hands of the rebels. The whole linethundered with the incessant volleys of musketry, and the shot and shellof the artillery shrieked and howled like spirits of evil. The sun wassinking, red, in the west, and the clouds of dust and smoke almostobscured the terrible scene. Hundreds of our brave fellows were fallingon every side, and stretcher bearers were actively engaged in removingthe wounded from the field. The First division, after a stubbornresistance of a few minutes, was forced to give up the line of works ithad captured and fall back; only the Third division held its ground. Theothers had advanced as far, but the ground was unfavorable, and in spiteof most determined efforts to hold the line, they were forced to swingback. 

This was the first experience of Smith's command in a great battle, andwell did his men earn the confidence of the veterans who fought by theirside. Their courage and impetuosity were the subjects of admiration ofthe boys of the old Sixth corps, who declared that Baldy Smith couldmake any troops fight like veterans. 

The gallantry shown by our Third division in taking and holding theenemy's works, was acknowledged with true soldierly generosity by theother divisions of our corps, who thus far had not regarded the newdivision as their peer. 

As darkness came on, the conflict still raged, and sheets of flamerolled from one end of the line to the other as the discomfited rebelsstrove desperately to regain their lost ground. But as the sound ofbattle died away at nine o'clock, the advantages gained by us were stillheld, and our men set to work to strengthen the works they had capturedfrom the enemy and to throw up new ones. Again and again the rebelsrushed against the Union line hoping to regain their lost ground, butwithout success. The battle, although of brief duration, had been a mostsanguinary one. The loss to the Sixth corps was about two hundred killedand nine hundred and sixty wounded, while the Eighteenth corps lost onehundred and twenty-five killed and six hundred and fifty wounded. 

Meanwhile the Second, Fifth and Ninth corps were holding the positionoccupied by them the day before, and against these corps most desperateassaults were repeatedly made by the enemy, but they were as oftenrepulsed with great slaughter. 

The movement at Coal Harbor, while it had not succeeded in forcing theenemy across the Chickahominy, had secured our communications with WhiteHouse Landing, which now became, after two years, for the second time, the base of supplies for the Army of the Potomac. General Grant nowdetermined to renew the attempt to dislodge the rebels on the followingday. 

Accordingly, after the fashion of all the movements of the army, theSecond corps, which now occupied the extreme right of the line, withdrewduring the night, and falling behind the other corps, marched rapidly tothe left and took position in that flank on the road leading fromDispatch Station to Coal Harbor. The corps did not secure this positionwithout considerable fighting, and it was not in condition to take partin the expected advance until the afternoon. Then a most violent thundershower set in, putting a stop to all movements for the remainder of theday. 

The men of the Sixth and Eighteenth corps, tired and worn out frommarching, fighting, and the hard night's work in throwing upintrenchments, had spent the early part of the day in quietly watchingthe enemy, or lounging behind the breastworks, glad of an opportunityfor rest. 

Orders were now given for a simultaneous attack along the whole line, totake place at half-past four on the morning of the 3d. Our line ofbattle extended from Coal Harbor to Tolopotamy creek, in the followingorder, from left to right: Second, Sixth, Eighteenth, Fifth, and Ninth. This line was nearly parallel with the Chickahominy, and from a mile anda half to two miles north of it. 

The rebels had not left the day unimproved, in concentrating theirtroops and strengthening their works. They now held three lines ofbreastworks, all of great strength; the first occupied by their skirmishlines, the others by strong lines of battle. Between the two armies theground was low and swampy, while the positions occupied by both weresandy plains. 

At half-past six on the morning of the 3d, our army was astir; and theskirmishers, leaving the cover of the rifle pits, were advancing. Presently they fell in with the skirmishers of the enemy, and the sharpcracking of rifles betokened the storm of battle. 

As soon as the skirmishers were engaged, our artillery opened upon therebel works, and the conflict now commenced in earnest. Amid thedeafening volleys of musketry, the thunders of the artillery, and thewild yells of battle, our brave fellows pressed rapidly across the spacebetween the hostile lines of works, and the whole Union force was thrownagainst the rebel breastworks almost simultaneously. But the works weretoo strong, the abattis too troublesome, and the rebel forces toonumerous. Their line could not be taken. 

The vigorous and gallant assault made by the Sixth corps, resulted incarrying the first line, where the rebel skirmishers had been posted, and our troops got within two hundred and fifty yards of the main works, but Martindale's division of Smith's corps, which advanced with theSixth corps, and on our right, found the task before it too great; thetroops of that division became disarranged and were repulsed. AlthoughGeneral Smith, who was always up to the front, made several attempts torelieve Martindale's division, it failed to take the rifle pits. 

The right flank of the Sixth corps, thus exposed, the whole corps wasforced to fall back. 

Thus this grand assault, in which General Grant hoped to force his enemyacross the Chickahominy, failed with immense loss to us andcomparatively little to the confederate army, which as usual wasdefended by earthworks, while our men advancing to the charge wereunprotected. But our brave fellows were to have their revenge. 

The battle was over, and again the occupants of the opposing lines ofdefenses watched each other, the quiet being only disturbed by theoccasional shots of sharpshooters. Darkness closed over the plains ofCoal Harbor, and even the sharpshooters desisted from their work. Thestars shed a mild light upon the two armies which had so lately beenengaged in fierce conflict, each now securely resting behind its line ofearthworks, and the plain which lay between them, which the hurricane ofbattle had so lately swept, was as still as though the noise of war hadnever been heard there. 

Suddenly, at eight o'clock, the rebels in front of our Sixth corps andof the Second corps, leaped over their works and rushed with a yelltoward our lines. At the same time their artillery opened upon us. Thecourse of their shells was marked by long curves of fire upon the darksky, while the flashes of the guns and bursting missiles made a sublimedisplay of pyrotechnics. 

On came the charging column, against the left of the Sixth and the rightof the Second corps; but nothing pleased our brave boys more than to seetheir enemies come out from the cover of their works to fight. 

It had, during all these long days of battles, been ours to charge welldefended earthworks almost invariably; and whenever the rebels chose toassume the offensive, our men were glad to show them the differencebetween being the assailants and the assailed. 

Now the rebels came on with determination, but their attack was met byvolley after volley of musketry aimed for effect; and our well directedfire of artillery made great gaps in the advancing lines. The attack wasnobly repulsed, and many grey-coated soldiers who advanced to thecharge, were left by their retreating comrades, dead between the twolines, while others were ordered in as prisoners. The rebels returned totheir place, and again all was still. From this time we had no morebattles at Coal Harbor, yet we daily lost many men by the shots of thesharpshooters who were perched in trees, and who kept up a fire at everymoving thing which showed itself within our lines. 

Never before had our army been in a position where there was suchconstant danger as at Coal Harbor. Men in the front line dared not leavethe cover of the breastworks except in the darkness of night, and eventhen the movement of a company to the rear might bring on a storm ofshells. High breastworks were thrown up at all angles with the mainline, and deep trenches were dug, in which the men might pass to andfrom the front without being observed. Even with all these extraordinaryprecautions, no man was safe in venturing to go to the rear by daylight. If a soldier collected the canteens of his companions and started to therear for water, he was obliged to crawl along the trenches with theutmost secrecy, and even then he was liable to be shot. Not a daypassed, even when there was no battle, in which scores of men were notkilled or brought to the hospitals with severe wounds. 

The whole plain occupied by our army was dug over. Far to the rear themen had intrenched themselves. General officers had their tents erectedin deep excavations surrounded by embankments of earth, and special dutymen had each prepared for themselves burrows in the ground, many ofwhich were creditable specimens of engineering. One was reminded, inriding over the plain, of the colonies of prairie dogs with theirburrows and mounds. Although we had but two days' actual fighting atCoal Harbor, our losses were more than thirteen thousand men, while therebels suffered comparatively small losses. 

Thus the army lay upon the burning sands of that arid plain, the greaterpart of the line without the friendly shelter of a tree, weary, yet notdiscouraged; grimy and dirty, and choked with dust, yet uttering nowords of complaint, for twelve days. 

Troops commenced moving toward the rear on the morning of the 11th ofJuly, and it became known that we were to make no more attempts to forcethe formidable position. General Grant had ordered another flankmovement, this time to the James river. Preparations for withdrawingwent on actively on the 10th and 11th; all the wounded were sent to theWhite House, and the long trains of forage, ammunition and commissarysupplies which had been allowed to come far toward the front, began topass to the rear. On the 12th, Smith's corps was ordered to the WhiteHouse, thence to embark to City Point, while the remainder of the armywas to cross the Chickahominy far to the right of the rebel position, and march to the James river. 

At three o'clock in the afternoon, the long hospital train of the Sixthcorps moved out toward the left a few miles and halted for the corps, which withdrew from the works after dark, and marched with greatrapidity toward the left. The other corps also withdrew from theirpositions, and the whole army moved off down the Chickahominy, theSecond corps in advance. The march was kept up all night, a short haltonly being allowed in the morning near Dispatch Station. Then the columnpressed on again, the men almost suffocated with the dust, which hungover the column like a huge cloud; no halt was made at noon, and themen, deprived of their coffee, choked with dust, and burned with heat, marched wearily toward night. The sun was sinking in the west, tingingthe clouds with purple, and crowning the distant hills with gold, whenwe crossed the historic Chickahominy. Two years before we had crossedthe same stream not far from this very spot. Through how manyvicissitudes of army life had we passed since that time. The stream wasnot wide, and its banks were well defined where we crossed. Indeed, atthis point, there was nothing in the appearance of the stream that wouldconvey any idea of the difficulties which it had once presented to theUnion army. The corps bivouacked on high grounds a mile from the river, glad to rest from the toiling march. 

We were early astir on the morning of the 14th; taking our line of marchthrough a delightful section of country where the comfortable farmhouses and fine residences presented a striking contrast with thedesolations to which we had become accustomed. As we began to descendfrom the high lands toward the plain, on which stands the little clusterof houses called, in southern fashion, Charles City, we beheld, in thedistance, the James river, lying in all its loveliness, spreading widelybetween its banks. A magnificent prospect opened before us. The river inthe distance bordered by green fields, one undulating slope four or fivemiles wide, and twice as long, presenting a scene of surpassing beauty. There were large fields of grain already yellow and nearly ripe for theharvest, green meadows lay in the beautiful valleys, the gentle breezedallied with the tassels of the long rows of corn, which gave richpromise of an abundant harvest; fine groves upon the hillside, in thevalleys and on the plain, gave a charming diversity to the scene, andthe old mansions, embosomed in vines and trees, and surrounded bycolonies of outhouses, reminded us of the ease and comfort which hadreigned here before the ravages of war had desolated Virginia. To theright was Charles City, almost hidden by trees, a little town, inprosperous days, the home of a few hundred people, now almost deserted. 

In the vicinity of Charles City we halted a little before noon. TheSecond corps, which was in the advance, had already reached the James atWilcox's Landing, and was preparing to cross. The men of our corps weredelighted with the opportunity of once more spreading their tents overclean grassy turf, and each quickly pitched his shelter tent preparatoryto a refreshing rest. 

Within two miles of our camp was the residence of the late ex-president, John Tyler, which was visited by many of our officers. It was a charmingspot, with everything about it to please the eye of a lover of thebeautiful. But except the grounds immediately surrounding the house, everything was in the wildness of nature. 

The house was stripped of almost everything. The cabinet was carriedoff. The large library had lost many of its choicest volumes, while theremainder, with heaps of letters, lay thrown in wild confusion about thefloor. The pile of sheet music which had been left on the piano by thefamily, had been culled over and nearly all taken away. In fact such asad scene of destruction was rare, even in the track of a great army. 

On the morning of the 15th, the corps moved to the river side, where itremained while other troops were crossing by ferry and on an immenselylong pontoon bridge. The river was full of shipping, the forests ofmasts making strange contrasts with the native forests on the riverbanks. 

Near the crossing was a superb old mansion, the residence of a rebelgeneral, surrounded by its little village of negro cabins. Here manyofficers of the corps resorted, to spend the time in walking among thegrand old trees, or to stroll through the garden, admiring the elegantand rare exotics which adorned the grounds. Here was the magnoliagrandiflora in full bloom, its immense cup-like flowers filling thewhole place with delightful fragrance, and the American agave, alsoloaded with a profusion of elegant flowers; roses of the most rare andsuperb varieties, jasmines, honeysuckles, clematis, spice woods, and agreat variety of other choice plants, were also in lavish abundance. There were locust trees of enormous size, and everything that wasinanimate filled us with surprise and delight. But, within the mansion, we were met with the accustomed bitterness and want of civility. Amongthe slaves on the premises was a white-haired negro, who was one hundredand eight years old. His wife, who lived upon a neighboring plantation, was one hundred and four years of age. When asked his age by the boys, he was accustomed to answer, "Well, massa, I'se going on _two hundred_now. " The old fellow manifested no sympathy for the cause of his master, and even he sighed for freedom. When asked of what value freedom couldbe to him now, he answered, impatiently, "Well, massa, isn't a hundredand eight years long enough to be a slave?"

The army, which had thus fought its way at fearful cost from the Rapidanto the James, was now to change its base, and threaten the rebel capitalfrom the south. Petersburgh was now the objective point, and this wasregarded as the door to Richmond. 

Our army had, during the period of a little more than a month, foughtthe most extraordinary series of battles, and executed some of the mostremarkable movements on record. Never was heroic valor exhibited on agrander scale than had been manifested by the Army of the Potomacthroughout this long struggle, in which every man's life seemed doomed. The stubborn perseverance of the general was equaled by the persistentdetermination of his soldiers. Day after day they had been called uponto assault earthworks of formidable character, defended by veterantroops; and it was usually the case that they had seen, as the onlyfruits of their daring, almost reckless, charges, the ground in front ofthe hostile intrenchments strewed with the lifeless bodies of theircomrades, while the enemy still held the coveted line of works. 

The battle of the Wilderness was a strange, deadly struggle, which noman could see. A battle in which both armies were hidden in thickets andforests, impenetrable to vision, each making gigantic efforts for theoverthrow and destruction of the other. It had resulted in no decisiveadvantage to either party. Lee was as ready to meet us at Spottsylvaniaas he had been in the Wilderness, and Grant was determined in his attackalong the Ny, as though he had met with no repulse on Wilderness Run. The soldiers, too, of each army were as ready at Spottsylvania to testtheir relative valor as they had been in the Wilderness. 

At Spottsylvania we had lost thousands of our best men, and hundreds ofour ablest officers in futile attempts to drive our enemy fromimpregnable positions; yet, notwithstanding all our losses, and ourhitherto unsuccessful assaults, our men rushed against the strongdefenses at Coal Harbor with as much resolution and fortitude as thoughthey had met with no reverses. 

From the Rapidan to the Chickahominy the advance had been almost acontinuous battle, in which our army fought at a disadvantage. The menhad for more than a month engaged the enemy in mortal combat by day andmade fatiguing marches by night only to find themselves again face toface with the enemy in the morning. Sixty thousand of our comrades wereeither killed, wounded or missing. Of these more than thirteen thousandhad been lost at Coal Harbor, about thirty-two thousand in theWilderness, and nearly fifteen thousand at Spottsylvania and on theNorth Anna. 

It is true that our enemy had suffered great losses, yet not half asmany rebels as Union men had fallen. At Coal Harbor the disproportionwas much greater than elsewhere. There the rebel loss had not beenone-tenth as great as our own. Notwithstanding our frequent repulses, and despite the fact that our road was continually blocked by an armybehind powerful defenses, our march had been straight on toward the goalof our ambition, the rebel capital. 

From the crossing of the Rapidan to the halt at Coal Harbor, in all ourbattles and all our flank movements, we had not swerved from the directline to Richmond; and now, with unimpaired vigor and still relentlessdetermination, the Army of the Potomac, and the imperturbable leader ofthe Union armies, were ready to undertake the capture of Richmond, byway of Petersburgh, fully assured that their illustrious valor and neverfailing courage must sooner or later meet with their award. 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

PETERSBURGH. 

 The march to Petersburgh--Smith's successes--The battle of June 18th--The Sixth and Second corps sent to the left--Rebels penetrate the line--Progress of the siege--Sixth corps proceeds to Reams' Station--Kautz's and Wilson's raids. 

At sunset on the 16th, the Sixth corps gathered upon the banks of theJames river, and while the First and Third divisions embarked onsteamers for City Point, the Second division crossed on the pontoonbridge. The division marched all night toward Petersburgh, from whichdirection we had heard cannonading all day. The column moved rapidly, leaving scores of stragglers, who quietly rolled themselves in theirblankets and lay down behind the hedges to sleep till morning. Thefollowing day was sultry, and the dust was very annoying. The men wereweary from want of sleep, and the march was a severe one; but at sunsetthe division arrived at our lines before Petersburgh. Smith's corps hadpreceded us, and by assaulting the rebel position on the evening of the16th, had carried the lines northeast of the town for a distance of overtwo and a half miles, capturing fifteen pieces of artillery and threehundred prisoners. General Smith was then reinforced by Hancock's corps, which had just arrived by land, but no further advance was made thatnight. This neglect to take advantage of the absence of any large forceof rebels in the works about Petersburgh was severely censured byGeneral Grant, who could not understand why General Smith, nowreinforced by a large corps, had not at once taken possession of thetown. The day that the Second division, Sixth corps, arrived in front ofPetersburgh, the two divisions of that corps which had taken transportsup the river, were ordered to reinforce General Butler at BermudaHundreds, where his command had gained some advantages, which were, however, lost before night. All the corps having got up, attacks uponthe rebel positions were renewed on the 17th and 18th. The attack on the17th was made by Smith's command, and resulted in the loss of a few men, when the lines were withdrawn. 

Our Second division now relieved Brooks' division of the Eighteenthcorps on the front line, the Seventy-seventh taking possession of apowerful redoubt, the other regiments taking their places in closeproximity. The Vermont brigade was placed in rifle pits, as was also theFirst brigade. In order to secure unity of action, General Neill, commanding the division, was directed to receive orders from GeneralMartindale of the Eighteenth corps. 

Standing in the redoubt occupied by the Seventy-seventh, which was upona high bluff, and commanded a fine prospect of the surrounding country, we could trace the line of defenses which had already been captured, andthose yet in the hands of the enemy. The defenses of Petersburghconsisted of a line of strong earthworks, in the form of a semicircle. Immense redoubts, like the one we now occupied, were placed at frequentintervals, upon commanding positions, and these were connected by a lineof rifle pits and high breastworks. At all advantageous points, also, were well constructed rifle pits, in front (now in rear) of the mainworks. Smith's corps had captured eleven of these forts and redoubts inthe first assault, and they were now occupied by our forces, and thestrong works which were intended for the defense of the town nowbristled with cannon pointing toward it. 

The line of powerful forts and breastworks commenced about two and ahalf miles below Petersburgh, on the Appomattox, and, circling the city, terminated two or three miles above. 

Before us stretched the valley of the Appomattox in all its beauty, thelevel plain between us and the river clothed in the verdure of summer, the green fields of corn yet untrodden by the troops of either side. Below the heights, stretching far to the right and left, was the line ofrifle pits now occupied by our men, and beyond these could be traced theoutlines of the new works which the rebels were throwing up. Stillbeyond all these, the spires of Petersburgh towered grandly, and by thehelp of a glass the streets and houses were distinctly visible. 

On the 18th, another advance was made by the divisions of Smith's corps, a part of the Second corps, and our own Second division. Smith's troopsadvanced spiritedly across the plain, facing a withering fire of grapeand canister, but were unable to come up to the rebel works. 

They were ordered to lie down, and at once every man commenced to throwup a little mound of earth in front of him, using his cup or plate, oreven his hands or jack-knife, in place of a spade. 

Under this destructive fire the troops were forced to remain for sometime, but they at length retired, having lost several hundred of theirnumber. Neill's division was on the left of Smith's troops, and did notadvance as far. Our losses were therefore slight. 

Owing to some unfortunate misunderstanding, the surgeons of theEighteenth corps were ordered to the right of the line to establishfield hospitals; consequently, when the wounded of that corps began tocome in, there were none of their surgeons at hand. The surgeons of ourown division, however, quickly proceeded to establish a hospital forthem, in which they were all received and cared for, their woundsdressed, the shattered limbs removed, and all their wants attended to. The medical officers of the Eighteenth corps expressed their warmestgratitude for this act of kindness on the part of the Sixth corpssurgeons, this being the second time that we had found an opportunity ofassisting them in an emergency. 

Our lines were daily drawn more closely around Petersburgh, but no othergeneral action was brought on for some time. There was constant firingof artillery from both sides, and now and then the rattle of musketrywould pass along the lines. 

On the 22d, Colonel Bidwell's brigade occupied the front line of riflepits. The sun was shining brightly, and our men, unprotected by shelter, were striving to pass the time with as little discomfort as possible. Agroup of men of the Seventy-seventh were behind the breastwork, stretched out upon the sand, resting upon their elbows and amusing eachother with jokes, when a shell came shrieking into their midst. Itsexplosion threw them in every direction. One went high in the air andfell twenty feet from the spot where he was lying when the shellexploded. Strange to tell, not a man was killed, yet three had each aleg crushed to jelly, and two others were seriously wounded. The threewhose legs were crushed were Sergeant James Barnes, James Lawrence, andJames Allen, all of company A. The poor fellows were taken to the fieldhospital completely prostrated from the shock, cold sweat stood upontheir pallid brows, and life seemed but to flicker before going out. Thesurgeons were making haste to load the wounded and sick into ambulancesto send to City Point, for we were ordered to march at a moment'snotice. "You can do nothing for those men, " said the wide awake, enterprising Doctor Hall, who was superintending the loading of theambulances, as he saw the surgeon who had charge of the operationsprepare to remove the mangled members. "Better put them into ambulancesand let them have a chance for their lives! There is no time now to waitfor operations. " "How long will it take you to load your ambulances, doctor?" "Twenty minutes, at least. " "Then I will have the men ready foryou. " The surgeon gave to each of the unfortunate ones a glass ofbrandy, then administered his chloroform, and in less than thirtyminutes had amputated the limbs, dressed the stumps, and placed the menin ambulances. They were taken at once to City Point, where they wereplaced together. Their cases excited great interest among the attendantsin the hospital and the visitors, for each had lost a leg just above theknee, the name of each was James, they were all from one company, allwounded by a single shell, and all as cheerful as were ever wounded men. They were afterward removed to Washington and again placed side by side, and here, also, they were subjects of great interest to visitors. Thewriter has frequently heard the case of the three Jameses related bypersons in different States, who never mistrusted that they were men ofhis own regiment. The boys are each well now, each walks with hisartificial limb, and each is a worthy member of society. 

General Grant, finding that his expectation of taking Petersburgh bysurprise had failed, prepared for a systematic investment of the town. Accordingly, the Sixth and Second corps were directed to proceed to theleft of the present line, so as to envelop the town, and also with theview of striking the Weldon railroad, and thus cutting off an importantsource of supplies for the rebel army. 

On the 21st of May, the two corps marching in the rear of the rest ofthe army went into position on the left flank, the Second corps on thewest of the Jerusalem plank road, and the Sixth to the left and rear ofthat corps, its line nearly at right angles with that of the Secondcorps. The cavalry divisions of Wilson and Kautz were, at the same time, ordered to proceed still farther to the left, and, cutting the Weldonroad, continue the march across the country, until they should strikethe Southside railroad, which they were directed to destroy. 

On the morning of the 22d, General Birney, who, during the temporaryabsence of General Hancock, was in command of the Second corps, wasdirected to move his corps forward, so as to press upon the left flankof the enemy. This he proceeded to do, without giving notice of hisintention to General Wright. The result of the movement was to leave awide gap between the Second and Sixth corps. 

To the great surprise of the Third division of our corps, which was justgetting into position, the rebels advanced in strong force upon theflank and rear. A sharp skirmish occurred, in which that division and apart of the Second division lost some prisoners; but the principal lossfell upon the Second corps, for that corps, having thrown its left farin advance, was greatly exposed. The principal attack fell upon Barlow'sdivision, which occupied the left. That division was driven in confusionupon the other divisions of the corps. The whole corps was forced back, but after some spirited fighting the rebels were forced back, carryingwith them a battery belonging to the Second corps, and more than twothousand prisoners. From our own corps they had captured about sixhundred men and a stand of colors. 

The responsibility for this unfortunate surprise rests with thecommander of the Second corps; for General Wright, being entirelyignorant of any design to advance that corps, had, of course, made nodisposition to keep the line intact. The men of the Third division didall that men could do under the circumstances, and are entitled to muchcredit for the repulse which they gave the enemy. 

From that day, except that at times the roar of artillery shook theearth for miles about, we remained quiet until the 29th of June. Thelight sandy soil soon became reduced to powder, and the continualpassing of mules and army wagons raised huge clouds of dust, whichcompletely enveloped the army. At sunset this cloud would settle downand become so dense that one could not see objects twenty yards fromhim. The heat was almost intolerable, yet the health of the men wasbetter than usual for the summer months. 

The surgeons had their hospitals neatly fitted up, and nurses andattendants took great pride in adorning the hospital tents with theboughs of the magnolia and other beautiful shrubs and flowers. Thegovernment and the agents of the Sanitary Commission supplied usliberally with lemons and vegetables, so, notwithstanding the intenseheat, and the constant watchfulness of the men behind the earthworks, there was comparatively little illness. 

In the afternoon of the 29th of June orders came for the Sixth corps tomarch at once to Reams' Station, far to the left, where the cavalry ofKautz and Wilson, which had been on an extensive raid, was expected toarrive. At four o'clock we left camp, marched all the remainder of theday and all night. We found ourselves in the morning at Reams' Station, on the Weldon Railroad. The men at once commenced tearing up the trackand burning the ties. Thus they toiled all the morning, but no cavalrymade its appearance. Late in the day the corps retraced their steps, andarrived that night within two and a half miles of the position we hadleft the day before. We made our bivouac on the Jerusalem plank road, and in the morning rejoined the main army before Petersburgh and resumedour old position. 

The story of the great raid of Kautz and Wilson, which we now learned indetail, was one of thrilling interest, full of wild adventure, untoldhardship and great peril. The two divisions had penetrated far to therear of Lee's army, had destroyed miles of the Weldon railroad, andthen, reaching the Southside road, the great artery for the supply ofthe rebel army, had torn up the track and burned the ties for dozens ofmiles. In their return they had fallen in with the cavalry of the enemy, and, when near Reams' Station, had come upon a strong force of cavalryand infantry. An engagement ensued, which resulted in the Union cavalrybeing driven, and hundreds from the immense throng of colored refugees, which was following the cavalry towards the Union lines, were riddendown by the rebel cavalry and killed. The cavalry at length succeeded inreaching our lines by making a circuit farther south, and many of thenegroes also succeeded in escaping from rebeldom. 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 

SIXTH CORPS TRANSFERRED TO WASHINGTON--BATTLE OF FORT STEVENS. 

 The Shenandoah Valley--Hunter's advance to Lynchburgh--The retreat--Rebels advance into Maryland--Battle of Monocacy--Sixth corps goes to Washington--Battle of Fort Stevens. 

The Shenandoah Valley, which had been the scene of such varied fortunesto our army during the war, again became a field of great interest. 

Simultaneous with the opening of the spring campaign by the army of thePotomac, General Sigel, who then commanded in the valley, commenced tomove his army. On the 15th of May he met the enemy at New Market, andwas defeated. He withdrew his army to Harper's Ferry, where, by order ofGeneral Grant, who was dissatisfied with his management, he was relievedof his command by General Hunter. 

General Hunter at once resumed offensive operations, moved up the valleyand encountered the enemy at Piedmont and routed him, capturing fifteenhundred prisoners, three pieces of artillery and three thousand stand ofsmall arms. He then pursued the routed army to Lynchburgh, which placehe invested. To meet this movement of Hunter, Lee had sent General Earlywith his corps to the assistance of the rebel garrison. This forcearrived just before the Union army came up. General Hunter, finding thathe was confronted by a large force, his ammunition being nearlyexhausted, the difficulties of transporting over so long a marchsufficient ordnance stores being very great, he determined to withdrawwithout risking a battle. His want of ammunition forced him to make hisretreat by that route which would afford most natural obstacles topursuit and attack of the enemy. Accordingly, instead of retiringdirectly down the Shenandoah, he drew his forces off through the KanawhaValley, leaving the Shenandoah open to the rebel army. The march ofHunter's men through the Kanawha, harassed by the enemy and destitute offood, was one of great severity. The rebels finding the Shenandoah opento them, at once pushed northward with a view of ravaging Maryland andPennsylvania, and, if possible, entering Washington. 

Owing to the great difficulties encountered by General Hunter's army, inreaching Harper's Ferry in time to oppose Early, it became necessary tosend other troops to meet the invading force. Accordingly, about the 1stof July, the Third division of our Sixth corps, under command of GeneralRicketts, was sent to Baltimore, and from thence marched towardFrederick, Maryland, where, on the banks of the Monocacy near therailroad bridge, the enemy was encountered. The Union forces consistedof the division from the Sixth corps, and a few thousand green troopscollected about Baltimore, all under command of General Wallace. Theforce of Early greatly outnumbered those of the Union general, and aftera hard fought battle our men were driven back. Although General Wallacehad met with defeat, he had succeeded in arresting the progress of theinvasion for a time, and enabled the remainder of our corps and adivision of the Nineteenth corps to reach Washington in advance of therebels. 

Such was the state of affairs in Maryland, when, on the evening of the9th July, the First and Second divisions of the Sixth corps were orderedto march to City Point at once. The order came at nine o'clock, andwithout delay the troops were in motion. We had become too muchaccustomed to sudden movements, to require long preparations forbreaking up camp. The march of fourteen miles to City Point made duringthe night, was far more tolerable than it could have been by day. Foralthough the roads were composed of dry beds of dust, in which the mensank almost ankle deep at every step, and the cloud which rose as thecolumn moved along filled their throats and eyes and nostrils, yet theywere not forced to endure the misery of a long march under a burningsun, such as for many days past had scorched these sandy plains. 

It was daylight when the Sixth corps reached the James river at CityPoint, and the process of embarking commenced at once. Before noon thetwo divisions, with the horses and baggage, were on board transports, which were in readiness when we arrived. The staff of Bidwell's brigade, with the Seventy-seventh and part of the Forty-ninth New York, with thebrigade band, where on board the steamer Escort. We had also on board ahundred horses. 

Great satisfaction was felt by all at the prospect of leaving the regionwhose natural desolation was heightened by the devastation of war, andgoing to a country of plenty, with which so many pleasant remembranceswere associated. Each man breathed more freely as the steamer swung outupon the river, and our brigade band sounded a good-bye to the scenes ofour recent labors and privations. 

Our fleet was soon steaming down the river, passing scenes of interest, many of which were intimately connected with the memories of othercampaigns. There was Harrison's Landing, the camping ground of two yearsago, the last one on the Peninsula, where our Union army crowdedtogether on the banks of the James, sweltering beneath the oppressiveheat of a southern sun; Fort Powhattan, where we had crossed the riveron pontoons a month ago; the iron-clad Atlanta, once a rebel ram, nowdoing service in the Union cause; the ancient settlement of Jamestown;the three-turreted monitor Roanoke; Sewell's Point; Hampton, the sceneof our earliest Peninsula experience; the bay at Newport News, madefamous by the conflict of the Monitor and Merrimac, the masts of theCumberland still towering above the waters of the bay as monuments ofthe wonderful contest; the old haunts of the Teaser, which had sounceremoniously introduced herself to our division; and, as evening cameon, we passed Fortress Monroe, where the many lights of the fleet gavethe harbor the appearance of a city in the waves. 

The wind was blowing freshly when we rounded Old Point Comfort, and ourlittle steamer ploughed the white caps bravely. We made good time, andfound ourselves the next morning steaming up the Potomac. Aquia creekwas passed, recalling to mind the encampment at White Oak Church; MountVernon claimed its tribute of thought, and at two o'clock we touched thewharf at the foot of Sixth street, Washington. The rest of the twodivisions had already reached the wharves, and there, too, were someimmense sea steamers, crowded with troops of the Nineteenth corps, fortunately just arrived from New Orleans. 

The process of disembarking occupied but little time. President Lincolnstood upon the wharf chatting familiarly with the veterans, and now andthen, as if in compliment to them, biting at a piece of hard tack whichhe held in his hand. 

The column was formed and we marched up Seventh street, past theSmithsonian Institute, the Patent Office and the Post Office, meeting onour way many old friends, and hearing the people who crowded upon thesidewalks exclaiming, "It is the old Sixth corps!" "Those are the menwho took Marye's Heights!" "The danger is over now!" We had never beforerealized the hold which the corps had upon the affection of the people. Washington, an hour before was in a panic; now as the people saw theveterans wearing the badge of the Greek cross marching through theirstreets, the excitement subsided and confidence prevailed. 

Thus we made our way to the north of the city, the sound of cannonadingin our front stimulating and hastening the steps of the men. Families, with a few of their choicest articles of household furniture loaded intowagons, were hastening to the city, reporting that their houses wereburned, or that they had made their escape leaving the greater part oftheir goods to the mercy of the rebels. 

We reached a fine grove in rear of Fort De Russey and made our bivouacfor the night. 

Now we learned the true position of affairs. Early, having defeated thesmall force under General Wallace, pushed on toward Washington, carryingdestruction in the path of his army. His cavalry reached Rockville, alittle town twelve miles north of Washington, on the 10th, detachmentshaving destroyed portions of the Baltimore and Ohio railroad, seizedtrains of cars, in one of which was General Franklin, formerly commanderof the Sixth corps, who was made a prisoner, but who managed to escape, and now, as we reached Washington, his advance was knocking at thedefenses of that city. The forts were manned by a small force of heavyartillery, hundred days' men, and detachments of the Invalid corps; and, as we reached the rear of the defenses, regiments composed of clerks andemployees of the quartermaster's department, with convalescents from thehospitals, marched past us to take their places on the front. Thesehasty levies were placed in the forts for the night, to be replaced byveteran troops in the morning. 

July 12th came bright and glorious. The First brigade of our Seconddivision, and our sharpshooters, were on picket in front of FortStevens; the Second and Third brigades still enjoying the delightfulshade of the groves in rear of Fort De Russey. From the parapets of FortStevens could be seen the lines of rebel skirmishers, from whose riflesthe white puffs of smoke rose as they discharged their pieces at ourpickets. The valley beyond the fort presented a scene of surpassingloveliness, with its rich green meadows, its fields of waving corn, itsorchards and its groves. To the right was Fort Slocum, and on the leftFort De Russey. 

The residence of Hon. Montgomery Blair was within the line occupied bythe confederates, and we heard that the fine mansion had been the sceneof plunder and destruction, in revenge, as the rebels declared, forhavoc wrought by our troops in Virginia. 

The principal force of the enemy seemed to be in front of Fort Stevens, and here it was determined to give them battle. The barracks just inrear of the fort were converted into a hospital for our Second division, and all preparations were made for receiving our wounded men. 

Four o'clock came, but, except that the rebel skirmishers were sendingtheir bullets whizzing over the fort, all was quiet. President Lincolnand his wife drove up to the barracks, unattended, except by theircoachman, the superbly mounted squadron of cavalry, whose duty it was toattend upon his excellency, being left far behind. The carriage stoppedat the door of the hospital, and the President and his affable ladyentered into familiar conversation with the surgeon in charge, praisingthe deeds of the old Sixth corps, complimenting the appearance of itsveterans, and declaring that they, as well as the people of the country, appreciated the achievements of the wearers of the Greek cross. 

Thus, for nearly an hour, they chatted of various things, when GeneralWright and his staff arrived on the ground, accompanied by severalladies and gentlemen from the city. 

All now repaired to the fort, and presently the portly form of ColonelBidwell, followed by his Third brigade, was seen approaching. The bravecolonel and his brave brigade marched past the fort into the valleybeyond, the President, the members of his cabinet and the ladiespraising the hardy, soldierly bearing of the men as they passed. Theyformed in two lines of battle, in rear of the skirmish line of the firstbrigade, the Seventy-seventh on the right of the line, then the SeventhMaine, and then the Forty-ninth. The Forty-third New York, Sixty-firstPennsylvania, and One Hundred and Twenty-second New York forming thesecond line. The advance line was in charge of Colonel French. 

According to preconcerted arrangements, Colonel Bidwell was to signifyto General Wright, who remained in the fort, his readiness for theattack by a signal from the new flag of the Seventy-seventh, which hadnot yet been baptized in battle; then the great guns in the fort were toopen a storm of shells upon the rebel position, especially upon a housebehind which and in which numbers of rebels had all day found refuge;then General Wright was to signal from the fort the command to advanceand the brigade was to rush to the charge. 

Thus, with a perfect understanding on the part of all concerned, thebrigade took its place. 

The flag of the Seventy-seventh waved the signal of readiness, the heavyordnance in the fort sent volley after volley of thirty-two pound shellshowling over the heads of our men into the midst of the rebels, andthrough the house where so many of them had found shelter, and then atthe command of Sedgwick's "man of iron, " the brave fellows startedeagerly forward. They reached and passed the skirmishers, and the whitepuffs of smoke and the sharp crack from their rifles became more andmore frequent, first the rattle of an active skirmish, and then thecontinuous roar of a musketry battle. 

In magnificent order and with light steps they ran forward, up theascent, through the orchard, through the little grove on the right, overthe rail fence, up to the road, making straight for the first objectivepoint, the frame house in front. The rebels at first stood their ground, then gave way before the impetuous charge. 

The President, the members of his cabinet and the ladies, as well as themilitary officers in the fort, and the crowd of soldiers and citizens, who had gathered about it to witness the fight, watched with breathlessinterest the gallant advance as our boys pushed forward, keeping theirline of battle perfect, except when now and then some regiment havingthe advantage of ground, in its eagerness got a little in advance ofothers, until they saw the rebels take to flight. Then the crowd at thefort rent the air with exultant cheers, and as the boys reached thehouse, the people were wild with excitement, shouting and clapping theirhands, leaping and dancing with joy. 

But the rebels did not yield without resistance. They met our menbravely, and though forced to seek safety in flight, turned and pouredtheir volleys into the ranks of the pursuers. 

[Illustration: BATTLE OF FORT STEVENS. ]

Lieutenant-Colonel Johnson, commanding the Forty-ninth, a brave man, whohad never shrunk from danger, and who had shared all the varied fortunesof the brigade since its organization, fell mortally wounded. ColonelVisscher, of the Forty-third, who had but lately succeeded the belovedWilson, was killed. Major Jones, commanding the Seventh Maine, was alsoamong the slain; and Major Crosby, commanding the Sixty-firstPennsylvania, who had but just recovered from the bad wound he receivedin the Wilderness, was taken to the hospital, where the surgeon removedhis left arm from the shoulder. Colonel French, of the Seventy-seventh, was injured, but not seriously. The commanding officer of every regimentin the brigade was either killed or wounded. 

The fight had lasted but a few minutes, when the stream of bleeding, mangled ones, began to come to the rear. Men, leaning upon the shouldersof comrades, or borne painfully on stretchers, the pallor of theircountenances rendered more ghastly by the thick dust which had settledupon them, were brought into the hospitals by scores, where the medicalofficers, ever active in administering relief to their companions, werehard at work binding up ghastly wounds, administering stimulants, coffeeand food, or resorting to the hard necessity of amputation. 

At the summit of the ascent, the confederates were strengthened by theirsecond line of battle, and here they made a stout resistance; but eventhis position they were forced to abandon in haste, and as darknessclosed in upon the scene, our men were left as victors in possession ofthe ground lately occupied by the rebels, having driven theiradversaries more than a mile. 

The Vermont brigade now came to the relief of the boys who had sogallantly won the field, and the Third brigade returned at midnight tothe bivouac it had left in the morning. But not all returned. Many ofthose brave fellows who went with such alacrity into the battle, hadfallen to rise no more. In the orchard, in the road, about the framehouse and upon the summit, where the rebels had made so determined aresistance, their forms were stretched upon the green sward and in thedusty road, stiff and cold. Many more had come to the hospital severelyinjured, maimed for life or mortally wounded. 

The little brigade, numbering only a thousand men when it went intoaction, had lost two hundred and fifty of its number. 

During the night the raiders made their escape toward Rockville. Theprisoners left in our hands told us that they had anticipated an easyvictory in front of Washington, believing that the forts were defendedonly by convalescents and quartermaster's men, and, when they saw thewhite crosses of the old Sixth corps, they were seized withconsternation. They now understood that the city was guarded by veteranswho had acquired, in the rebel army, a disagreeable reputation. 

While the battle was in progress, President Lincoln stood upon theparapet of the fort watching, with eager interest, the scene before him. Bullets came whistling around, and one severely wounded a surgeon whostood within three feet of the President. Mrs. Lincoln entreated him toleave the fort, but he refused; he, however, accepted the advice ofGeneral Wright to descend from the parapet and watch the battle from aless exposed position. 

Cavalry was sent in the morning to ascertain the direction of the flightof the enemy, but the infantry remained quietly awaiting events. 

We gathered our dead comrades from the field where they had fallen, andgave them the rude burial of soldiers on the common near Fort Stevens. None of those high in authority, who had come out to see them give uptheir lives for their country, were present to pay the last honors tothe dead heroes. No officer of state, no lady of wealth, no citizen ofWashington was there; but we laid them in their graves within sight ofthe capital, without coffins, with only their gory garments and theirblankets around them. With the rude tenderness of soldiers, we coveredthem in the earth; we marked their names with our pencils on the littlehead-boards of pine, and turned sadly away to other scenes. 

But though no concourse of citizens followed the patriots to theirhumble resting place, though no bands wailed the solemn dirge, and nocasket but the earth inclosed their remains, their deeds were notforgotten. Their memory was enshrined in the hearts of the people; andafter a few weeks their remains were exhumed from their scatteredgraves, they were placed together in a little inclosure on the sunnyslope in front of the fort, and a beautiful monument tells the story oftheir noble sacrifice. 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY. 

 The Sixth and Nineteenth corps follow the enemy--Crossing the Potomac--Averill's fight at Snicker's Gap--Return of the Sixth corps to Washington--March back to Harper's Ferry--Return to Maryland--Death of Major Ellis--General Sheridan assigned to command--Back in the Valley--Charlestown--John Mosher--March to Fisher Hill--Return to Charlestown--Fight at Charlestown. 

At one o'clock the column of the Sixth corps moved away from FortStevens, marching through the little village of Tanleytown, following inpursuit of the rebels. We moved rapidly till ten o'clock, then halted, much fatigued, at Potomac Cross Roads. At five o'clock, next morning, wewere once more on our way, and after a march of twelve hours through apleasant country, we made our bivouac at Poolsville, having marchedthirty-six miles since leaving Fort Stevens. Our Sixth corps, with thetwo divisions of the Nineteenth corps, now constituted a new army, undercommand of General Wright, General Getty having command of the Sixthcorps. At Poolsville we lay all day, waiting for our small cavalry forceto find out the course which Early's army had taken, but on Saturdaymorning, the 16th, we were moving at daylight. We marched toward thePotomac, which we forded near the scene of Ball's Bluff slaughter. Thespectacle at the ford was novel and exciting. The stream was wide, butnot more than two or three feet deep. The bottom was rough and stony, and the current was strong. For nearly a mile up and down the river thebrigades were crossing; the stream filled with infantry wading withdifficult steps over the uneven bottom, mounted officers carefullyguiding their horses lest they should stumble, trains of artillery andwagons slowly toiling through, and groups of pack animals scarcely ableto keep their footing under their huge burdens. The laugh of hundredssounded up and down the river, as some unfortunate footman, slippingfrom a smooth stone, would, for a moment, disappear beneath the surfaceof the river, or as some overloaded mule or pack horse, losing hisfooting, would precipitate his load, and peradventure the small negroboy, who, in order to secure a dry passage across the ford, had perchedhimself on the top of the bags and bundles, into the rushing waters. 

The troops gathered upon the southern bank of the river, and theinfantry proceeded to empty the water from their boots and shoes, and towring it from their stockings. This short task over, the march wasresumed. 

Passing through a section where some very interesting conglomerate rocksattracted the attention of those scientifically inclined, we left thelittle town of Leesburgh behind, and at eight o'clock in the morningencamped in a ploughed field, tired and hungry, and, it must beconfessed, a little dissatisfied at the idea of sleeping on ploughedground while fresh meadows were on every side of us. In this bivouac wespent the Sabbath, and services were held by the chaplains in thevarious brigades. 

Early Monday morning the march was resumed, our little army passingthrough the delightful hill scenery of Loudon county, and through thediminutive villages of Hamilton and Purcellville. As the afternoonadvanced, we found ourselves toiling up the ascent of the Blue Ridge, pleasant farm houses and fine orchards greeting our sight on either sideof the road. Darkness was upon us before we passed through Snicker'sGap, a deep gorge in the mountains, through which winds a rough, unkeptroad; and by the moonlight we spread our blankets for another night'srest. 

The morning revealed the lovely Shenandoah Valley spread out before us, its river lying at our feet. 

The troops of the "Army of Virginia, " under Averill, had engaged theenemy with doubtful success before our arrival. Indeed, the troops onboth sides seemed to have become demoralized. The rebels wereretreating, and Averill's men had made their way back to the east sideof the river in such hot haste as to leave some of their flags floatingin the stream. 

We remained during the 19th in apparent uncertainty as to what course topursue, whether to give chase to the enemy, who it was now supposed hadmade good his retreat up the valley, or to return to Washington. But anorder from General Grant, directing General Wright to get back toWashington at once with the Sixth corps, that the troops might be atonce returned to the Army of the Potomac before Early could reinforceLee, determined our course, and at night we were again passing throughSnicker's Gap, the infantry and teams crowded together in the narrowdefile to the great inconvenience of the footmen and annoyance of theartillerymen and teamsters. Marching rapidly all night and the next day, halting only a short time for coffee in the morning and at noon, weretraced our steps to Leesburgh, then following the turnpike we reachedand passed Drainsville, and halted near Difficult creek. July 23d, thecorps marched through Lewinsville and Langley, passed Camp Griffin, thememory of which was indissolubly connected with our first winter in theservice, crossed Chain bridge and went in camp near Tanleytown, fivemiles out from Washington. 

Transports were waiting on the Potomac to convey us to City Point, butas matters in the valley still seemed unsettled, the corps remained atTanleytown, and on the 25th, it became certain that Early with his armywas again moving down the valley, threatening Maryland and Pennsylvania. The Sixth corps received orders to move at once toward Harper's Ferry, but by some delay it was noon of the 26th when it turned back fromTanleytown toward the scene of our future brilliant operations. 

The day on which the corps moved had been hot, and many of the men, weary with long marches, had been forced to fall out, but, most of all, bad whisky from Washington had demoralized great numbers, and these, with the sick and weary, made up a great crowd of stragglers. The task, which was assigned to the rear-guard, the Seventy-seventh New York, ofurging these inebriated and discouraged ones toward their commands, wasnot an easy or agreeable one. The corps made all haste in the directionof Frederick, which city it reached on the 28th, crossing the field ofGeneral Wallace's battle with Early. 

Without halting at Frederick, except to get our coffee near Monocacycreek, we pushed on to Jefferson, getting into camp at midnight. Thenext day we marched through Knoxville, Newton and Sandy Hook, throughthat wonderful gorge in the mountains at Harper's Ferry, and arrived atevening footsore and weary at Halltown, four miles south of Harper'sFerry. Then, next day we were ordered back again. The whole commandpoured into the deep valley at Harper's Ferry, the day was sultry evenfor that locality, not a breath of air seemed to be stirring, and thehigh mountains on every side reflected the heat and kept off the breeze. Into this hot, dusty inclosure among the hills, the whole army poured, and as there was only a single pontoon bridge to serve as an outlet, there was of course great delay. Horses stood harnessed to the cannon orunder the saddle, the sweat literally pouring off their sides like rain, while men panted for breath and seemed almost on the point ofsuffocation. It was late in the night when our corps was all over thebridge, and the march was continued without rest during the whole nightand all next day till we arrived again near Frederick City, where we hada night and a day of rest. We now learned that the cause of our suddencountermarch was the raid of Early's cavalry, who had burned the city ofChambersburgh, and caused much destruction of property elsewhere. 

By this time the Sixth corps was, in army parlance, "about played out. "Even our famous marches on the Gettysburgh campaign were eclipsed bythis perpetual series of forced marches for nearly a month. The men werevery much worn from their campaigns before leaving Petersburgh, but nowwe had had a month of traveling, night and day. 

Hardly were the troops settled in camp for a night of rest, before thebugle called them to go again. Now when we marched, horses would dropdown by dozens along the road, unable to rise again. Their riders wouldstrip them of their saddles, and leave the worn out steeds to theirfate. If, by chance, one of these deserted horses, after a few hours ofrest, could muster strength to rise to his feet, he was doomed to beseized by some drummer boy, or other wight of the "bummer" tribe, mounted and rode till his strength again failed. Then the dismountedbummer would coolly remove his hempen bridle, shoulder his drum, andseek for another steed. For two or three days past the weather had beenexcessively hot, and men could be seen lying all along the roadside, aswe marched, suffering from sunstroke. 

Wednesday, August 3d, the Sixth corps marched to Buckeystown, a littlevillage on the Monocacy, about five miles south of Frederick. 

The different brigades of the corps were scattered about on thehillsides which bounded the pleasant valley of the Monocacy, where purefresh air was in abundance, and the men gladly availed themselves of theprivilege of bathing in the delightfully clear waters of the river. Fora distance of nearly two miles the river was filled with bathers at allhours, except in the hottest part of the day and in the night, and eventhen some might be seen enjoying the luxury of the bath. 

At Buckeystown we remained two days, in the enjoyment of a pleasantbivouac; yet, as though no place was free from evil, an event occurredhere afflictive to our brigade and to the corps. 

Among the most energetic and brave officers of our Third brigade, wasMajor Ellis, of the Forty-ninth New York. He had been wounded atSpottsylvania while leading a charge against the enemy at the terrible"angle. " A ramrod had passed through his left arm, and bruised the chestnear the heart. He was taken to Fredericksburgh, from whence he went toWashington, and thence home. Returning to his command before he hadfully recovered, he was advised by medical officers not to attempt anysevere duty. But being detailed to the staff of General Russell, commanding the First division, he at once resumed active militaryduties. On these recent marches, the major, weary of inaction, had takencommand of a body of men who acted as additional provost-guard to thedivision. 

In this position he had exhibited his usual energy, though it wasthought by some he executed his duties with too great severity. Eversince receiving his wound, he had complained of severe neuralgic painsin the region of the heart. Except that this pain was slightly moreacute than usual, the major retired to his tent on the night of the 3d, in his accustomed health. 

In the morning he sent his servant from the tent for a moment, and whenthe man returned the major was dead. An autopsy was made by the writerof these pages, in the presence of about twenty of his professionalbrethren. A sharp splinter of bone from one of the ribs was found withits acute point piercing vital organs. 

The funeral display was the most imposing ever witnessed in any corps ofthe Army of the Potomac. We had seen military pageants on a large scale, but nothing to compare with this in its solemn sublimity. 

The remains were laid in state in a large tent near General Russell'shead-quarters, wrapped in a silken flag, and the tent itself was drapedwith the Stars and Stripes. Presently the major's regiment, theForty-ninth New York, came as mourners, unarmed, and formed in two ranksfacing each other near the tent. Then the chaplain of the Forty-ninth, led in a short religious service, very appropriate and very impressive, while the whole of the First division was being formed in two parallellines facing each other, and about eighty paces apart. The service over, a regiment of heavy artillery came to act as escort. The remains, inclosed in a rude coffin, wrapped in the flag under which he had sooften fought, were placed in an ambulance, and the funeral cortege beganits slow march through the long lines of sunbrowned veterans who stoodon either side. First in the procession was the escort, the muskets ofthe men reversed, preceded by a band playing a solemn dirge. Then theambulance with the remains, the major's hat, coat and sword lying uponthe coffin; then his riderless horse, saddled and bridled, and led by aservant; then the regiment as mourners; and finally General Russell andthe staff of the First division with the division flag, and the staffsof the three brigades of the division, and our Third brigade, Seconddivision, each with its flag, with a large concourse of officers, personal friends of him whose remains were thus honored. 

As the cortege proceeded with slow steps between the lines of soldiers, they stood with arms presented, and the colors of the regiments droopedas the procession passed. Thus attended the remains were conveyed to therailroad station, three miles distant, where they were placed on board atrain for Washington. 

Lieutenant-General Grant visited our army on the 5th of August, and, inconsultation with General Hunter, determined upon a course for ourfuture operations. So quietly was this visit of the Commander-in-Chiefof the armies made, that very few in our little army knew of thepresence of General Grant. 

Among other things determined upon at this time was a change ofcommanders. General Hunter, who had commanded the "Army of theShenandoah, " with credit to himself and honor to our arms, was to berelieved, and General Philip S. Sheridan, who had, since thecommencement of the spring campaign, commanded the cavalry corps of theArmy of the Potomac, was to take command of all the forces operatingagainst Early. The department of West Virginia, Washington, Susquehannaand the Middle Department, were to constitute the "Middle MilitaryDivision, " to be under the command of General Sheridan. To this middlemilitary division the Sixth corps was temporarily assigned. This was anew era in the history of that corps. Hitherto it had been, from thebeginning, connected with the noble Army of the Potomac. Its history andits fame were inseparably connected with the history of that army, andwhen the corps had come to the rescue of the capital, it came as adetachment of the Army of the Potomac. Now, for the first time, thecorps was to be identified with another army. But great as was the fameand honor which the corps had, by noble deeds, won for itself, it wasnow, by heroic achievements in the new field, to crown itself withglories even more dazzling than those in its proudest days in the oldarmy. 

We were ordered, on the evening of the 5th, to march immediately. Thetroops of the Sixth corps proceeded at once to Monocacy Junction, wherethey took cars for Harper's Ferry. The quartermasters, and hospitaltrains followed rapidly by the wagon roads. 

Troops and trains reached the heights beyond Harper's Ferry at night, and on the following morning the line of battle was established atHalltown. 

General Sheridan now assumed command. We knew little of him except thathe had very successfully commanded the cavalry of the Army of thePotomac for the last three months, but we were satisfied that GeneralGrant trusted to his generalship, and we had already learned enough ofGeneral Grant's knowledge of human nature to place confidence in thegeneral of his choice. 

One thing pleased us at the start. Our new general was visible to thesoldiers of his command; wherever we went he was with the column, inhaling the dust, leaving the road for the teams, never a day or twodays behind the rest of the army, but always riding by the side of themen. His watchful care of the details of the march, his interest in theprogress of the trains, and the ready faculty with which he broughtorder out of confusion when the roads became blockaded, reminded us ofour lamented Sedgwick. Another feature of the new administration pleasedus. When the head-quarter tents of the commander of the Middle MilitaryDivision were pitched, there was one wall tent, one wedge tent and twoflies. This modest array of shelter for the general and his staff was inhappy contrast with the good old times in the Army of the Potomac, whenmore than eighty six-mule teams were required to haul the baggage forhead-quarters of the army. 

At Halltown we remained for a few days, gaining what we so much needed, rest. The air was delightfully cool and refreshing, and it seemed asthough each particular breath was laden with health and strength. 

We were rejoiced to see some of our Army of the Potomac cavalry joiningus, and our army began to assume dimensions which filled us withconfidence. We had now the Sixth corps, General Wright, two divisions ofthe Nineteenth corps under General Emory, and Hunter's "Army ofVirginia, " usually called the Eighth corps, under command of GeneralCrook. Our cavalry consisted of Averill's force which had been in thevalley, and we were now receiving two divisions from the Army of thePotomac, one in command of General Torbert, the other of General Wilson. The cavalry force was soon afterward organized, with General Torbert incommand of the whole force, and Generals Custer, Averill and Merritt, each in command of a division. 

On the tenth of the month we commenced our march up the ShenandoahValley. No sooner had the sun made its appearance above the Blue Ridgethan we found the day to be most intensely hot. Soldiers were fallingalong the roadside in great numbers overcome with the heat, and whatadded to the hardships of the day's journey was the want of water. Theturnpike along which we marched was parallel with a fine stream of wateron either side, but the water was so far distant as to be useless to thesoldiers. Yet there were a few springs and wells at some distance fromthe road which supplied those who could leave the column. 

We passed through Charlestown, the scene of the trial and execution ofJohn Brown. There was the court house to which he was brought on hiscouch to receive his trial for treason, and there the jail in which hespent his last days, and from which he was led to execution. How had allthings changed! The people who stood about the gallows of John Brown, and gnashed their teeth in their bitter hatred, were now themselvesguilty of treason. The court house was in ruins, and the jail was but ashell of tottering walls. The town also had suffered fearful ravagesfrom war, and now a Union army was marching through its streets, everyband and every drum corps playing the stirring but to southern earshateful air, "John Brown's body lies mouldering in the grave, " and wemay anticipate our narrative to say that whenever our army or any partof it had occasion to pass through this town, the bands always struck upthis air, as if to taunt the inhabitants with the memory of theirvictim, and played it from one limit of the town to the other. So JohnBrown was revenged!

The Shenandoah Valley has been often called the "Garden of Virginia, "and truly it is a lovely valley, yet as we marched along we could seebut little cultivation. The groves of oak were delightful. Teams withwagons might be driven anywhere among them. But the fields were mostlydesolate. Here and there a field of corn promised a medium crop if leftto ripen untrodden by our army, but there was no luxuriance ofvegetation. The mountains, the Blue Ridge on one side and the Northmountains on the other, rose abruptly from the valley in parallel lines, and looked as though a race of Titans had been at war, and had thrown upthese long ridges as breastworks for opposing forces. 

A little beyond Charlestown was a lovely meadow, lying between twogroves of oak. At the further end of the meadow was a neat whitecottage, where there seemed more comfort than we had seen elsewhere inthe valley. The place was away from the direct line of march, and partlyconcealed by the groves. 

Those who left the column were furnished by the family with pure sweetwater from a well, which the family asserted was sunk by order ofGeneral Braddock. Such places were so rare that our men and animalssuffered from thirst. Few who were on that march will forget a springwhich we passed near the close of that day's march. A large white framehouse stood upon an elevation, surrounded by trees, and at foot of theelevation, a large spring, under the shade of a huge willow, andsurrounded by other trees. The water gushed out from a fissure in therock, clear as crystal, and in such volume that a large brook was formedat once. Over the spring was the usual "spring house. " Soldiers filledthis building, covered the great rocks, crowded the grove, and for manyyards around a dense mass of men pressed to get near the temptingfountain, all eager to fill their cups and canteens, and hasten on withthe column. No one can know with what delight the soldiers quaffed thesparkling fluid from their sooty coffee pots, who has not suffered thetorture of extreme thirst. 

We halted near Clifton, and resumed our march on the following morning, to suffer, if possible, more from heat and thirst than ever. At night webivouacked near Opequan creek. We threw ourselves upon the grassy sward, with the beautiful canopy of heaven with its mottled clouds andtwinkling stars and flying meteors, for our tent. For many of us, thiswas the only tent we had slept under since leaving Petersburgh, and wewere satisfied with it. The air was purer and the breeze fresher thanwhen we were inclosed by canvas. 

Again, on the morning of the 12th, we were marching. We passed throughthe villages of Newtown and Middletown, and halted at night on the banksof Cedar creek. 

We were startled in the morning by the announcement of the death of agood soldier. John Mosher had marched with the column the day before, but owing to the overpowering heat was obliged to fall a little behind. Toward evening, finding himself too much exhausted to walk further, heapplied for and obtained permission to ride in an ambulance of the Firstdivision. During the night he was found to be dying. The kind heartedsurgeon in charge of the hospital of the First division, Dr. Crehore, and one of his assistants, spent some hours with him, using every meansto restore him, but without avail. He died before morning. A letter inhis pocket told his name and regiment. We made a grave near Cedar creek, and a few of his comrades stood around it while he was lowered to hisbed of earth, wrapped in his blanket. The chaplain offered a briefprayer; his fellows in arms fired a parting salute, and we left him tosleep in the valley where, a few weeks later, some of his companionswere to rest by his side. 

On the 13th all the troops were across on the south side of Cedar creek. The pickets of our Second division occupied one end of the village ofStrasburgh, while those of the enemy held the other. We were sure thatwe must fight here, and we were not unwilling. Our cavalry was scoutingon the flanks, skirmishing with rebel cavalry and searching for a way tooutflank Early's army. The rebels held a position of great strength, andto make a direct assault would be to run a great risk of a repulse. Thewalls of the valley, the Blue Ridge and the North Mountains, came closetogether here, and, to render the position stronger, Fisher Hill, acommanding eminence, a prominent object in the landscape, to be seenfrom one end of the valley to the other, rose directly in our front andobstructed our passage. Upon the declivities of this hill the enemy hadplanted batteries so as to command our approach from any direction. 

We remained gazing at this strong position till nightfall, and thenrecrossed the river, and made our position strong for defense. GeneralSheridan had been instructed by General Grant not to bring on a generalengagement unless it was forced upon him. General Grant regarded ourarmy rather as one of defense than for offensive operations. Should wesuffer defeat, the capital and the rich fields of Pennsylvania andMaryland would again be open to the rebels. So we were to watch theirmovements and hold them in check, but we were not to risk a battle withthem. 

Meanwhile, the ubiquitous Mosby was at work in our rear, at Berryville, with a band of guerrillas. He had made a bold dash upon a long train, belonging principally to the cavalry, and guarded by almost a brigade ofhundred days' men; had dispersed the inexperienced guard, which wasscattered along the road for miles; had captured the mules, and burnedthe wagons and supplies. Seventy-five wagons had fallen a prey to theadventurous bandit, while the hundred days' men had made good theirescape. Old men, women and children, joined in the work of destruction, setting fire to the wagons, and carrying off whatever articles theycould easily remove from them. Prisoners whom they captured weremurdered, either by Mosby's band, or by the more merciless citizens, andleft unburied. 

This raid upon our communications led General Sheridan to fear a moregeneral advance of the rebels beyond the mountains, with a view ofcoming with force upon our rear. 

So, on the evening of Tuesday, the 16th, the army marched northward downthe valley again. All night and all the next day the weary march waskept up. We went through Winchester, where the rebel women came out byhundreds to rejoice at our retreat, and halted on the banks of theOpequan for the night. Then, when the morning came, we were off again, and, after a severe march, formed in line of battle a mile south ofCharlestown. 

The Jersey brigade, under Colonel Penrose, was left as rear-guard andsupport to the cavalry on the retreat. At Winchester the brigade, flanked by cavalry, made a stand. The enemy came down upon the brigadein large force, handled it roughly, and sent the Jersey boys through thetown in confusion. Their resistance had been all that could have beenasked; but the brigade, staunch as it was, was not enough for the forcethat came against it. 

Our Sixth corps guarded the turnpike leading from Harper's Ferry toWinchester. On the left of the pike, facing southward, was our Seconddivision, and on the right our First division. 

The Eighth corps held the center of the line, and the Nineteenth corpsthe left, its flank resting on Berryville. 

On Sunday morning, the 21st of August, our cavalry was driven back uponthe infantry, and we suddenly discovered the enemy coming down upon theSixth corps in three heavy columns. With scarcely any warning we foundshells pitching into our camp among the standing tents, and bulletswhistling among the trees that afforded us shelter from the sun. 

The corps was quickly in line, the tents struck and everything infighting trim. Our boys received the onset of the rebels with coolbravery, giving them back volley for volley. The fight was kept up forseveral hours, the Eighth corps being but slightly engaged, and theNineteenth corps not at all. Our Second division, Sixth corps, receivingthe weight of the attack. Our men threw up breastworks along the front, and at length the Vermont brigade was ordered to charge upon the enemy. The charge was executed with the usual brilliancy and fighting joy ofthat brigade and the confederates were glad to leave us in undisputedpossession of the ground. 

CHAPTER XXX. 

BATTLE OF WINCHESTER. 

 Encampment at Berryville--Leaving camp--The advance--Taking position--Advance and retreat--Death of Russell--"I know they'll run"--Reminiscences--At the hospitals--A regiment going home--"Why don't he come. "

The rebels were repulsed; but as our position at Charlestown was onethat might easily be flanked, our army fell back during the night to thestrong position at Halltown, where defensive works were thrown up, andagain we awaited the advance of the enemy; but except some skirmishingon the left of the line, no attack was ventured by Early; and after twoor three days he withdrew to the vicinity of Winchester, and establishedhis line along the west bank of Opequan creek, so as to cover the threeroads leading from Martinsburgh, from Harper's Ferry and from Berryvilleto Winchester. We followed and established our line on the east side ofthe creek, and some miles from it, at Berryville. 

Our encampment at Berryville was one of the most delightful of ourresting places, even in the Shenandoah Valley. We passed the dayspleasantly, strolling or riding among the groves of black walnut, visiting among the various regiments, amusing ourselves with chess andbooks. Nothing occurred to interrupt these pleasant pastimes and themonotony of picket duty until the 13th of September, when the Seconddivision was directed to make a reconnoissance to the Opequan. Wemarched to the creek very early in the morning, found the enemy inforce, lost a few men by the shells from the rebel batteries, andreturned to camp. 

On the 15th our army was visited by Lieutenant-General Grant. The storyof his visit we give in his own words:

"I left City Point on the 15th to visit him (General Sheridan), at hishead-quarters, to decide, after conference with him, what should bedone. I met him at Charlestown, and he pointed out so distinctly howeach army lay; what he could do the moment he was authorized, andexpressed such confidence of success, that I saw there were but twowords of instruction necessary--_Go in!_ . . . I may here add that theresult was such that I have never since deemed it necessary to visitGeneral Sheridan before giving him orders. "

Thus the two armies lay face to face, with the stream and a narrow stripof country between them, either able to bring on an engagement at anytime. The quiet was broken on the morning of the 19th, when we advancedto win the first of that series of brilliant victories which startledEurope and America; which gave to our little army an enviable renownamong the armies of the Union, and established the reputation of ourchief as one of the foremost generals of the age. 

Early had taken the initiative. On Sunday the 18th, he had sent GeneralGordon's division toward Martinsburgh, with orders to drive out theUnion forces, and destroy the government property. Gordon was met byAverill's cavalry and driven back to Drakesville. Sheridan, discoveringthe mistake made by Early in separating his forces, was quick to availhimself of the advantage of his enemy's blunder. Orders were issued tomove at once, but, for some reason, several hours elapsed before thearmy was ready. 

We left our pleasant camps at Berryville, at two o'clock Monday morning, the Sixth corps in advance, moving in two columns, one on either side ofthe road, the ammunition wagons, artillery and ambulances taking thepike. The Third brigade, Second division, led the infantry. TheNineteenth corps followed the Sixth, marching in similar order, itsinfantry in the fields and its artillery and wagons on the pike, whileCrook's Kanawha corps moved further to the south, with orders to connectwith the Sixth corps at Opequan creek. Two divisions of cavalry, underMerritt and Averill, were directed to amuse the enemy near Bunker'sHill, and draw the attention of the rebel generals in that direction asmuch as possible. It was the design of General Sheridan thus to amusethe enemy on the left while he should march his army up the Berryvilleand Winchester pike, strike the right flank of Early's army, and by asudden and unexpected attack, to get in the rear and cut off the retreatof the rebel forces. By one of those inexplicable mistakes, whichsometimes upset the plans of our generals, this design was not fullyrealized, and had General Sheridan been less determined and lessdashing, he might have abandoned the idea of attacking Early at all. 

At five o'clock Wilson's cavalry had crossed the creek before us, havingdispersed the pickets of the enemy, driving them back to their line offield works, and then, by a dashing charge, had leaped their horses overthe breastworks of the first line of defenses, and routed the rebels, capturing about fifty of their number. 

Immediately after this gallant exploit of the cavalry, the Sixth corpscrossed the creek and advanced on the turnpike about a mile, where theenemy was found in force. As we moved along, through the deep ravine, following the pike, we were warned of the active work we might expect infront, as we saw cavalrymen coming to the rear, some leading theirwounded horses, others with their heads bound in bloody handkerchiefs, some with arms hanging in slings, others borne on litters. Here by theroadside might be seen the prostrate, lifeless form of some soldier ofthe Union; there, where a silvery brook babbled along across the pike, on its grassy banks, and beneath the shadow of a large tree, wasgathered a little group of boys in blue, performing the last acts ofkindness to a comrade in whom the vital spark was almost extinguished, and a surgeon bending over the dying soldier striving to render lesspainful the few lingering moments of life. 

We moved up a steep ascent and formed in line of battle in a cornfield;the Third brigade on the left, the First in the center, and theVermonters on the right; then on the left of the Second division theThird division got into position, and the First division came up in therear as reserve. Our artillery was brought into position and a vigorousshelling commenced on both sides. 

The Sixth corps was now ready for a charge upon the enemy, but it wasdiscovered that, by some misconception of orders, the Nineteenth corps, which should have been on the ground, was left far behind. Orders weredispatched to hasten it to the field of action, but two hours, precioushours to that army, elapsed before it was in position. 

Those two hours of delay enabled Early to strengthen his right; to throwup strong earthworks, and bring Gordon's division on the run, to hisassistance. We had been fortunate only in seizing the position on thewest side of the stream, or the battle would, from this delay, have beenworse for us. 

Merritt and Averill, by skillfully maneuvering their troops in front ofBunker's Hill, had enabled us to seize this advantage. 

The Nineteenth corps was formed on the right of the Sixth, in four linesof battle; Wilson's cavalry was on our left. It was eleven o'clock whenthe advance was sounded. In our front were undulating fields, traversedby deep ravines, almost stripped of timber, except where the rebels hadformed their line of battle in a belt of woods that skirted theturnpike. It was an imposing spectacle to watch that line of battle, stretching three miles across the fields, as it moved toward the rebellines, the men as composed as though on parade, the line straight andcompact, the various division, brigade and regimental flags floatinggaily in the sunlight. Away in our front we could see Winchester; itsgleaming spires and shining roofs, bright with the warm glow of mid-day, and we proudly felt that before night it would be ours. Onward, throughthe cornfields and over the grassy knolls, now descending into a ravineand now rising upon the open plain, where the rebel artillery swept withterrible effect, the long line pressed forward, regardless of thedestructive fire that constantly thinned our ranks. At every stepforward, men were dropping, dropping; some dead, some mortally hurt, andsome with slight wounds. Now on this side, now on that they fell; stillthe line swept forward, leaving the ground behind it covered with thevictims. 

Thus we pushed onward, the rebels falling back, desperately disputingevery step, when a murderous fire, from batteries which the enemy hadskillfully placed, suddenly swept our right with fearful slaughter. 

Thus far all had gone well. Now our hearts were sick as we looked far tothe right and saw the Nineteenth corps and our Third division fallingback, back, back, the grape and canister of the hostile cannon crashingthrough the now disordered ranks, and the exulting rebels following withwild yells of victory. 

The retreat of the troops on the right of the Second division left itsflank, held by the Vermonters, exposed, and they, too, were forced tofall behind the Third brigade, which still held its ground, the fire inits front being at the moment less severe. Our batteries were rushedforward, and the gallant First division, the noble Russell at its head, came bravely up to the rescue. 

As the noble soldier brought his division into position a cannon ballswept him from his horse--dead. A great spirit had fallen, and in amoment we were made an army of mourners. "I have lost my captain, " saidSheridan, as the work of the day closed. 

We all remembered the modest, almost bashful, demeanor of the fallengeneral among his friends, and his glorious heroism in the presence ofhis enemies, and many tears moistened the brown cheeks of rough soldiersas they thought of the loss of one of our best beloved leaders. 

But, notwithstanding the loss of their hero, the brave division pushedstraight on. Nothing could withstand them; and now, joined by the othertroops of the corps, the boys with the red crosses press on, and as thepeals of musketry and artillery roll through those valleys, it tells ofvictory for the Union. The lost ground is regained, and now the fire infront of the Sixth corps slackens. 

We rested, throwing ourselves on the ground, waiting for orders. Some ofthe men, fatigued from the early march and severe morning's work, slept;while others regaled themselves from their well filled haversacks; andmany gathered in groups to talk over the doings of the morning, and tospeak of those who had been stretched upon the sod, who had fallen withtheir faces to the foe. 

We were waiting for Crook's corps. It had halted on the eastern bank ofthe river as reserve for the army. Now it was brought forward at quickpace and placed, a part on the right of the Nineteenth corps, where therebels could be seen massing troops on their left, with a view ofturning our right flank, the other part in rear of the Nineteenth corps. Averill and Merritt, too, were with the army, and our whole force wastogether. It was nearly three o'clock when Crook's forces were broughtinto position. His right was in a thick forest, and against him wereheavy columns of rebels. 

At length we, of the Sixth corps, heard rapid firing away on the rightof the forest. All was attention. Every man stood to his arms ready toadvance. Sheridan came to our part of the line. His face all aglow withexcitement, the perspiration rolling down his forehead, his famous blacksteed spotted with white foam, a single orderly at his back. He rodestraight to General Getty, exclaiming, "General, I have put Torbert onthe right, and told him to give 'em h--l, and he is doing it. Crook, too, is on the right and giving it to them. Press them, General, they'llrun!" and then, using one of those phrases sometimes employed in thearmy to give additional force to language, he shouted again, "_Pressthem, General, I know they'll run!_" And then the shout that went upfrom the men drowned all the other noise of the battle. 

We did press them, and they did run. Over the long stretch of openplain, down into the deep hollow, up again and over the rolling ground, past the white farm house, on we went. The rebels would run, thenreaching a commanding position, they would turn their artillery upon usand sweep our line with iron hail. On our left was Wilson, with thecavalry charging through the growing corn, the sabres gleaming in thesunlight, the iron scabbards clanging against iron spurs, the horsesdashing madly forward in seeming disorder, but all rushing, like anavalanche, against the right wing of the enemy. Now the retreat became arout. The cheers of the Union boys rose strong and clear above the roarof artillery and the harsh rattle of musketry, and Early's scattered anddemoralized divisions were rushing through Winchester in consternationand unutterable confusion. Frightened teamsters were lashing theiranimals through the streets in greatest alarm; riderless horses weregalloping here and there, and pack mules were on a general stampede. Some streets became entirely blocked up by the disordered mass, and evenfootmen could not press through; a squad of cavalry coming to one ofthese obstructions leaped from their horses and made their escape onfoot. Our cavalry, taking advantage of the confusion, rushed among thepanic stricken fugitives and gathered hundreds of them; captured fifteenbattle-flags and five guns. 

The remnants of the rebel army collected some miles beyond the town, andreformed; but after a short rest made haste to get farther up thevalley. As we advanced we found the mountains full of fugitives, and inthe town were thousands of their wounded. 

The infantry halted upon the high grounds at the borders of the town, leaving the cavalry to follow up the pursuit of the flying foe; and asGenerals Sheridan, Wright, Emory and Crook rode along our front, we madethe welkin ring with lusty cheers. Glorious leaders of a victoriousarmy!

At our feet was Winchester, the scene of Washington's early militaryexperience. Here he was stationed during the French war, and shared inthe perilous sentinelship of the frontier. For then the valley wasravaged by French and Indians, and fearful massacres were of frequentoccurrence; and when Washington demanded of Governor Dinwiddiereinforcements, and was refused, he offered to resign; and when thegovernor could not allow him to resign he sent him men. 

Here, on the ground occupied by the Seventy-seventh New York regiment, near the ruins of an old church, was the grave of General Daniel Morgan, the hero of Quebec and Saratoga, the friend of Washington. A plainmarble tablet, broken across, now covered the grave, with a simpleinscription, his name and the date of his death, 1802. 

In the cemetery, still north, we saw, as we passed, the resting place ofThomas, Earl of Fairfax; a great tory in his day, and the owner ofimmense tracts of land in this part of Virginia, and from whom Fairfaxcounty took its name. 

The sun had sunk to his golden rest behind the wall of hills on our leftwhen we arrived at the outskirts of Winchester; and, as darkness set in, the infantry of our victorious army stretched themselves upon the groundto sleep. It had been a hard day's work, and the men were faint. Itrequired no unusual inducements to woo the angel of sleep. 

If the day had been an active one on the field, it had been no less soin the hospitals. First, early in the morning, came ambulance loads ofmen with white crosses; they were from the Third brigade, Seconddivision, all from the Seventy-seventh New York. Then came others fromthe Forty-ninth New York, from the Seventh Maine, and from the OneHundred and Twenty-second and Forty-third New York. Then came men fromthe Vermont brigade, and from our First brigade, and soon the hospitalsof the Third division began to be filled. Then, last of all, came themen of the red crosses, bleeding and mangled. Surgeons worked all dayand all night. There was no rest as long as a wounded man was uncaredfor. Yet, when morning came, and the medical officers were orderedforward with the army, there was much to do, and faithful men were leftto finish the needful task. Next morning Winchester was full of rebelwounded and rebel prisoners. Five thousand men in gray were under guardin the court house yard and other public places, and Colonel Edwards'brigade of the First division was left to take care of the prisoners andthe town. Many brave men had fallen. Russell was gone; the gallant Uptonwas wounded; Colonel Elright, of the Third division, was dead, and many, many brave boys were lying with their blackened faces to the sun, a slipof paper or a letter envelope pinned to the breast of each to tell theburiers his name and regiment. 

[Illustration: "WHY DON'T HE COME?"]

The term of service of one of our regiments, the Fourth Vermont, hadexpired, and on the day after the battle the small remnant of theregiment, a company of about forty men, under command of Colonel Foster, started for Harper's Ferry, on their return home. They had sufferedheavily, and they left many of their brave comrades dead upon thebattle-field, or suffering in the hospitals. How had those noble boys, whose lives had, at the very expiration of their three years of toil, danger and privations, been given for their country, rejoiced at theprospect of a speedy reunion with the loved ones at home. How had theywritten, even the day before the battle, "we are going home!" and thenhow had the loving ones, away among the beautiful green hills ofVermont, exulted at the thought that now, after three long years ofsuspense and anxiety, the danger and toil were over. And we can pictureto our thoughts the mother who watches with eager interest the smokingtrain as it dashes along at the base of the old hills, wondering if herpatriot son will not come to-day; but instead, a letter comes with theheavy news, a great battle has been fought and her son lies in theValley; or, on the banks of the sunny Champlain, some young sister orlover gazes from the window of the cottage among the trees, at thesteamer as it glides over the surface of the beautiful lake and touchesat the wharf near by. But her soldier boy is not on board, and shewatches in vain to see his familiar form coming toward the cottage. Shesadly leans her head upon her hand and sighs, "Why don't he come?"

CHAPTER XXXI. 

FISHER HILL. 

 March up the valley--Strasburgh--The army confronting Fisher Hill--The flank movement--Flight of Early--The pursuit--Guerrilla warfare--Southern refugees--Starting for Washington--Return to Cedar creek. 

We started very early in the morning in pursuit of Early's defeatedarmy, which it was supposed would halt at the strong position atStrasburgh. On the battle-field which we left, the lifeless bodies ofmany of our men were awaiting the office of the burial parties. Theylay, not in thick clusters, but here and there over a great extent ofground, showing that they had fallen while the lines were in motion; butin places, six or eight mangled bodies would lie in close proximity, showing the fatal effects of some well directed shell. 

In Winchester were nearly five thousand prisoners, and more wereconstantly coming in, and hundreds of rebel wounded were being cared forby sympathizing friends and confederate surgeons. 

We reached the vicinity of Strasburgh, the Sixth corps in advance, atthree o'clock on the 20th, and, as we expected, found the rebelsawaiting us in a position, which the citizens of the valley assured uscould be held by Early's army against one hundred thousand men. Theposition was indeed a formidable one, but nothing daunted our spiritedleader set about devising a way of taking it. 

At Strasburgh the two chains of mountains, the Blue Ridge and theAlleghanies, approach each other, making the valley quite narrow. As ifto interpose an impassable barrier to the advance of an army, amountain, Fisher Hill, stretches across from the Blue Ridge to thebranch of the Alleghanies called the North Mountains. At the foot ofthis mountain, on the north, is the village of Strasburgh, and stillnorth of Strasburgh Cedar creek runs almost directly across the valley. We took possession of the northern part of the village of Strasburgh, the Union pickets occupying one part of the town, and the rebels theother. The night passed with little of interest. 

On the morning of the 21st squads of rebel prisoners were coming in toarmy head-quarters, and as brigade after brigade of cavalry passed, eachcarrying a large number of confederate flags at the head of the column, it looked as though our cavalry had adopted the confederate banner andhad paraded in gala day splendor. 

The mists and fogs melted away, and we discovered that our enemy, latelyrouted and disorganized, now with confidence confronted us and awaitedour advance. During the night the mountain had been the scene of busylabors, and now, breastworks of earth and stones, and lines oftroublesome abattis, rendered the position, so strong by nature, apparently too formidable for any army to attempt to force. But, notwithstanding the brilliant success at Winchester, neither the rebelarmy nor our own fully appreciated the fertile resources of our gallantleader. Starting with his staff early in the day, he rode from one endof the picket line to the other, carefully noting the character of theground. 

To attempt to storm those heights, now strengthened with earthworks andbristling with cannon, would be presumptuous; but away on the rightseemed the vulnerable point of the enemy's line. Returning to hisquarters, Sheridan determined at once upon his plan of attack. TheNineteenth corps was thrown farther to the left, and our Sixth corpsoccupied the position in the center, facing now to the south. Crook'scorps was thrown well to the right, where the North Mountain formed aprecipitous wall for the valley. All day the sharp crack of theskirmishers' rifles, and the ring of the pioneers' axes were heard asthe two lines faced each other, each watching the movements of theother, and each actively engaged in felling trees from which breastworkswere made. 

During the night Crook's corps and our Third division were toiling alongthe side of the mountain unseen and unexpected by the rebels. All nightand the following morning these two commands labored to drag artilleryalong the precipitous mountain side, executing every movement in silenceand with utmost secrecy. The Nineteenth corps and the First and Seconddivisions of the Sixth were all this time keeping up a show ofdetermination to attack in front. 

At length, just as the sun was sinking behind the mountain barrier, awild shout was heard from the hillside where Crook's corps and our Thirddivision were rushing down from the cover of the forest, upon the flankand rear of the astonished confederates. The shout was taken up by thetroops in front, and at the same time the two remaining divisions of theSixth corps and the Nineteenth corps advanced against the rebel front. Completely surprised by the movement on the flank, the rear of the rebelarmy was quickly thrown into a panic. Still resistance was kept up alongthe front. Steadily the troops of Wright and Emory pressed forward, therebel gunners firing their shells over the heads of our men, our lineadvancing over ditches and fences, over fallen trees and stone walls, each man his own commander and each pressing eagerly forward. In theforemost line rode Phil Sheridan, the men cheering him lustily as theypressed hastily forward. "Let us take the guns, " shouted the men; andforward at double-quick they rushed. The panic in the rear had by thistime reached the front, and the whole rebel army was rushing inunutterable confusion and rout, up the valley. They left with us sixteenguns, of which Bidwell's brigade captured six. We gathered up theprisoners, and they numbered eleven hundred. [8] The hill was strewedwith small arms, and cannon and caissons met our view wherever wepassed. 

 [8] The prisoners taken thus far, at Winchester and Fisher Hill, including the wounded, numbered more than seven thousand. The absurdity and falsity of Early's statement, that his effective force at Winchester amounted to only eight thousand five hundred men, is readily seen. The rebel surgeons at Mount Jackson, and the citizens, while claiming that we outnumbered Early's forces, acknowledged that he retreated from Winchester with more than twenty thousand men. 

We had lost, as the cost of this brilliant victory, less than forty menin the army; and the confederate loss in killed and wounded was scarcelygreater. 

We followed the routed army through Mount Jackson, where were largehospitals, occupied by wounded confederates, and attended by confederatesurgeons; then pressed on to New Market, keeping up a running fight withthe rear-guard of the rebel army. 

On the 25th we reached Harrisonburgh, a village more than sixty milesabove Winchester. 

Our march had been a grand triumphal pursuit of a routed enemy. Neverhad we marched with such light hearts; and, though each day had found uspursuing rapidly from dawn till dark, the men seemed to endure thefatigue with wonderful patience. Our column, as it swept up the valley, was a spectacle of rare beauty. Never had we, in all our campaigns, seenanything to compare with the appearance of this victorious little army. The smooth, wide turnpike was occupied by the artillery, ambulances andbaggage wagons moving in double file. The infantry marched in severalparallel columns on either side of the pike, and a line of cavalry, followed by a skirmish line of infantry, led the way. Cavalry, too, hungon either flank, and scouted the country. It was intensely exciting towatch the steady progress of the advancing skirmishers. Now, as theyreached the base of some sloping eminence, the rebel skirmishers wouldconfront them; then, as they advanced, never halting nor slackeningtheir pace, the confederates would surrender the ground, to appear inour front on the next commanding ground. So we marched up the valley--agrand excursion--skirmishing only enough to maintain a constant state ofpleasant excitement. 

At Harrisonburgh we remained until the 29th, then marched farther up thevalley to Mount Crawford, while the cavalry penetrated as far asStaunton. The rebel army was broken up and demoralized, yet considerableforce was in the vicinity of Lynchburgh, and Early devoted himself toreorganizing it. 

Guerrilla warfare was a favorite resort of the rebels in the ShenandoahValley, and many of our men were murdered in cold blood by the cowardlyvillains who lurked about our camps by day as harmless farmers, andmurdered our men at night dressed in confederate uniform. Among thosewho lost their lives by this cowardly species of warfare, were SurgeonOchenslayer, Medical Inspector of our army; Colonel Tolles, ChiefQuartermaster, and Captain Meigs, son of the Quartermaster-General, U. S. A. 

We fell back from Mount Crawford to Harrisonburgh, burning barns, millsand granaries, driving before us cattle and sheep, and bringing whiteand black refugees without number. From Harrisonburgh we again fellback, retracing our steps through New Market, Mount Jackson andWoodstock, and encamped on the evening of the 8th of October on thenorth bank of Cedar creek. Each day as we marched, dark columns of smokerose from numberless conflagrations in our rear and on either flank, where the cavalry was at work carrying out the edict of destruction ofthe valley. A certain number of mills with the grain contained, aspecified number of wheat-stacks and granaries, and cattle and sheepsufficient for the wants of the people of the valley were saved; allother mills, barns, stacks and granaries were burned, and all othercattle and sheep driven away. Seventy mills, with the flour and grain, and over two thousand barns filled with wheat, hay and farmingimplements were thus committed to the flames, and seven thousand cattleand sheep were either driven off or killed and issued to the men. Thisdestruction, cruel as it seemed, was fully justified as a matter ofmilitary necessity. For so long as a rebel army could subsist in thevalley, so long a large force must remain to guard the frontier ofMaryland. 

Hundreds of refugees accompanied us from Staunton, Mount Crawford andHarrisonburgh: Unionists who had endured persecution until it was nolonger endurable, and who now left houses and farms to find relief inthe north from their sufferings for loyalty; and negroes who soughtfreedom from their ancient bondage. 

Among the latter class was a group which had followed the cavalry fromStaunton, and which now took a place in our Sixth corps hospital train, which attracted universal attention. The party rode in one of the hugeVirginia wagons, so familiar to those who have spent much time in thoseparts, and consisted of an aged colored woman, probably more than ninetyyears old, one or two younger women, a black man of fifty, who was acripple, a boy of twelve or fifteen years, and a very large number ofsmall children, varying in hue from jet black to dark brunette. The loadwas drawn by four broken down, spavined animals, the crippled man ridingone of the horses of the rear span, the boy one of the leaders. Thesoldiers manifested great interest in this curious load of refugees, andfreely divided with them their hard tack and coffee. The writer of thesepages, reining his horse to the side of the vehicle, addressed the agednegress, "Well, aunty, are all those your children?" "Lor, no massa, dey's only eighteen ob 'em. " Doubtless she designed to say that therewere only eighteen of the children, not that "only eighteen" were herown. 

As our army neared Fisher Hill the cavalry of the enemy became annoyingto our rear-guard. General Sheridan said to General Torbert, that theannoyance must be stopped at once. Accordingly Custer and his horsemenlay in wait for the rebel cavalry, attacked them, drove them away beyondMount Jackson, and took eleven pieces of artillery and three hundredprisoners from them. They gave us no more trouble at that time. 

Monday, October 10th, the Sixth corps, leaving the Eighth and Nineteenthguarding the line of Cedar creek, turned toward the left and proceededto Front Royal. The Seventy-seventh was made provost guard of the town, and the brigades were stationed along the mountain passes. Here, in theenjoyment of lovely weather, pleasant associations, a bountiful supplyof lamb and honey, and untold quantities of grapes of delicious flavor, the corps remained several days, and the men even flattered themselvesthat in the enjoyment of these luxuries they were to pass the winter. But, as usual with bright anticipations, these were suddenly dispelledby the order to march, on the morning of the 13th, toward Ashby's Gap. 

[Illustration: "GOING NORF. "]

From the direction of our march it was evident that we were on the roadto Washington, and rumor had it that we were to be shipped at once forPetersburgh. We reached the bank of the Shenandoah, where we expected tocross to the gap; the corps was massed by the river side, and the menlooked dismally into the cold, dark waters, and shivered at the thoughtof wading through the stream whose waters would reach nearly to theirnecks. But while we waited to get ready for crossing, a courier came toGeneral Wright with a message from Sheridan to return to his army inhaste. We heard that Longstreet's corps had reinforced Early, and thatan attack had been made, but with no important result. We turned about, encamped for the night among the hills, started again at three o'clockin the morning, and joined the army again on Cedar creek, in theafternoon of the 14th, where we remained in the enjoyment of undisturbedquiet for several days. 

CHAPTER XXXII. 

BATTLE OF CEDAR CREEK. 

 Position of the Union forces on Cedar creek--Demonstrations by Early--The morning of October 19th--Eighth corps straggling--Nineteenth corps routed--The Sixth corps to the rescue--Death of General Bidwell--The Sixth corps holds the enemy--General Wright prepares for another attack--Arrival of Sheridan--The charge--The rout--Guns, wagons and prisoners--The victors in camp. 

Our army was thus resting in apparent security along the banks of Cedarcreek. The men were amusing themselves in visiting the numerous cavernsin the vicinity, strolling among the pleasant groves or wandering by theshady borders of the stream. Sheridan had left the army and returned toWashington for a day or two, to make arrangements for his futuremovements, and General Wright had temporary command of the army. 

Our infantry force was arranged from left to right along the creek, first, on the left of the turnpike, General Crook's "Army of Virginia, "or as it was more generally known, the Eighth corps, holding the leftflank, facing eastward and southward; then, the Nineteenth corps, holding the pike and facing toward the south, its line occupying highbluffs which overhung the creek. On the right of the Nineteenth corps, and almost at right angles with it, was the Sixth corps, its lineextending far toward the north. The corps faced the stream, lookingdirectly west. The divisions of the corps were posted, on the right theSecond, in the center the First, and on the left the Third division. 

On the flanks of the infantry, cavalry was posted; Custer on the rightof the Sixth corps, and Averill's division, now under Colonel Powell, onthe left of the infantry line, near Front Royal. Our line thus extendedfrom North Mountain, on the right, almost to Front Royal, on the left, following nearly the course of Cedar creek, and that part of the northbranch of the Shenandoah which crosses the valley at right angles. 

The enemy had been trying our line at various points, during the lasttwo or three days, and in one instance had captured or dispersed a smallsquad of cavalry on the right, and captured some signaling instruments. These demonstrations were little heeded; our line had been posted byGeneral Sheridan, and these slight attacks seemed of little account. InEarly's army, however, they were considered of more weighty import. Thatarmy had recently been reinforced by Longstreet's corps of sixteenthousand men, and the immediate defeat, and, if possible, destruction, of Sheridan's army was regarded, by both General Lee and the authoritiesat Richmond, as absolutely necessary to the safety of Lee's army. Henceevery preparation had been made for a most determined attack, and theselighter demonstrations had been made to ascertain the exact position ofour troops. 

When, at two o'clock, on the morning of the nineteenth of October, weheard rapid firing where Custer, with his horsemen, held the right, andon the left, where Averill's cavalry was posted, we turned over in ourblankets and said, "The cavalry is having a brush, " and went to sleepagain. And then, at a later hour, at four o'clock in the morning, whenwe of the Sixth corps heard brisk picket firing in front of the Eighthand Nineteenth corps, we were scarcely aroused from our slumbers, for wethought it to be a mere picket skirmish, in which none but thosedirectly engaged had any particular interest. But when the firing becamegeneral along the whole line of these two corps, and we saw hundreds ofmen going with hasty steps and lengthy strides to the rear, we were atlength aroused to the truth that a battle was really in progress. 

From a Sixth corps point of view, the scene was at first extremelyludicrous, we did not know and could not have believed at that time thatthe flank of our army was turned, and that the enemy was actually inpossession of the camps of one whole corps; and when we saw stragglersfilling the fields, taking rapid strides toward the rear, scarce any twoof them going together, some without hats, others destitute of coats orboots, a few with guns, many wearing the shoulder straps of officers, all bent on getting a good way to the rear, never stopping to answer aquestion or explain what was going on at the front, the spectacle was tous of the Sixth corps one of infinite amusement. None of these hundredsand thousands of stragglers were so undignified as to run, but suchwalking was never seen before. None of them deigned to look to the rightor left, they were bent only upon getting as far on the road toWinchester as possible. 

At length the truth flashed upon us. More than half of our army wasalready beaten and routed, while the remainder had been in ignorance ofthe fact that anything serious was transpiring. Now the rebels werepouring down toward the Winchester and Strasburgh turnpike, sending aperfect shower of bullets whistling about the vicinity of thehead-quarters of the army, into the Sixth corps hospital camp and intothe trains, which were by this time joining in the stampede. 

Staff officers now came riding furiously through the camps of the Sixthcorps, with orders to fall in at once, and proceed at double-quick tothe left. 

We may now turn back and trace the cause of this unexpected state ofaffairs. Early had, without doubt, assured himself of the exact positionof our army through information conveyed by spies, who were able tocomprehend the whole situation. He then prepared for a bold and suddenmovement, which should take by surprise one flank of our army. Kershaw'srebel division advanced along the sides of the mountains, and, atmidnight, crossed the north branch of the Shenandoah, still observingthe most complete silence. Even the canteens of the soldiers had beenleft behind lest the sound of them should betray the movement. 

The whole division over, it was massed on the left of General Crook'scommand. A dense fog enveloped the whole surrounding country, and sothick was it that no man could see an object a few feet from him. Underthe cover of this fog, the rebels succeeded in quietly capturing a largepart of the picket force and nothing now interposed between the rebelsand General Crook's camps. Toward these they hastened, and so completewas the surprise, that the men of the Eighth corps were, for the mostpart, quietly sleeping in their tents. The few who had got into thebreastworks were subjected to a fierce fire in the flank, and were soonforced to abandon the line. The rebels seized the Union batteries alongthat part of the line, and turned them upon the camps of the Nineteenthcorps, and at the same time a rebel line of battle advanced against thatcorps from the front. The confusion became every moment greater. Daylight was just merging from night, the thick mists hung like animpenetrable veil over the field, and the men of the Nineteenth corpswere unable to tell whence came all this storm of missiles; but, trailing their guns in the direction from which the shells seemed tocome, the gunners worked their pieces at random. A general stampede wascommenced. The men of the Eighth corps were mostly fugitives; and thosewho strove to keep in line were forced back. Both the fugitives and thedisordered line of battle, were rushing through the camps of theNineteenth corps. The officers of that corps were, with shouts and wildgesticulations, striving to collect their disordered commands, but withlittle success. Riderless horses were galloping here and there, cows, with which the army was well supplied, were bellowing, mules werebraying, bullets whistling and shells howling. The Eighth corps havingleft the way clear, the rebels came down upon the Nineteenth, which gaveway and was doubled upon the Sixth corps, but although thrown intoconfusion it was not in the panic with which the Eighth corps yieldedthe ground. 

It was at this critical moment that the warning was given to the Sixthcorps. General Wright being in command of the army, the corps was incharge of General Ricketts. He at once faced the corps to the rear, andmoved it over the plain in face of the advancing hosts of the enemy. General Ricketts was wounded very early in the engagement of the corps, and the command fell upon General Getty. 

The Second division held the left of the new line, the First the center, and the Third the right. Bidwell's brigade was the left brigade of theSecond division, the Vermonters held the center, and Warner's Firstbrigade the right. The Second division was posted in the edge of an openoak grove. General Grant, of the Vermont brigade, was in charge. 

We now awaited the onset of the victorious columns, which were drivingthe shattered and disorganized fragments of the Eighth and Nineteenthcorps, beaten and discouraged, wildly through our well formed ranks tothe rear. 

The hope of the nation now rested with those heroes of many bloodyfields. Now that peerless band of veterans, the wearers of the Greekcross, whose fame was already among the choicest treasures of Americanhistory, was to show to the country and the world, an exhibition ofvalor which should tower above all the grand achievements of the war. 

The corps, numbering less than twelve thousand men, now confrontedEarly's whole army of more than thirty thousand men, who, flushed withvictory, already bringing to bear against us the twenty-one guns whichthey had just captured from the two broken corps, rushed upon our lineswith those wild, exultant yells, the terror of which can never beconceived by those who have not heard them on the field. 

With fearless impetuosity the rebel army moved up the gentle rise ofground in front of the Sixth corps, and the attack, from one end of theline to the other, was simultaneous. It was like the clash of steel tosteel. The astonished columns were checked. They had found an immovableobstacle to their march of victory. 

The Second division, on the left, nearest the pike, had received themost severe shock of the attack, while Bidwell's brigade, which held theextreme left, and the key to the pike, had sustained the attack of thewhole of Kershaw's rebel division, which came up in compact order towithin very close range. The gallant brigade received the onset withfull volleys, which caused the right of the rebel line to stagger back, and the whole line was, almost at the same moment, repulsed by thecorps. The cavalry on our flank--and never braver men than the cavalryof our little army mounted saddles--were doing their best to protect thepike leading to Winchester, and it was the great aim of both the cavalryand the single organized corps of infantry to hold this pike; for onthis depended the safety of the whole army, and more, of our cause. 

The rebels checked, General Bidwell ordered his brigade to charge. Rising from their places in the little graveyard and the grove, thebrigade rushed forward, the rebels breaking and running in confusiondown the declivity which they had but just ascended with suchconfidence, and across the little stream. But the rebel artillery sentour men back to their places, to the shelter of the roll of ground. Thecharge cost us dearly. Major Brower, of the One hundred andtwenty-second New York, lost his life. Captain Lennon, of theSeventy-seventh, was mortally wounded, Lieutenant Tabor was killed. Captain Taylor, commanding the Sixty-first Pennsylvania, was alsokilled, and many other valuable lives were lost, but the most severeblow to the brigade and the corps, was the loss of our gallant GeneralBidwell. He fell, while bravely directing the charge, with a frightfulshell wound. He was at once borne to an ambulance. The general sent oneof his staff for the writer of these pages. When he reached thegeneral's ambulance, the wounded man said: "Doctor, I suppose there isno hope of recovery. " When told that there was none he exclaimed, "Oh, my poor wife!" Then after a moment he said, "Doctor, see that my recordis right at home. Tell them I died at my post doing my duty. " A fewhours of intense suffering and the brave man was relieved by death. 

The fall of General Bidwell left Colonel French, of the Seventy-seventh, in command of the brigade. The line was quickly reformed in the positionfrom which the charge was made, and again the rebels came on with cheersand yells. They were as bravely met as before, and a secondcounter-charge sent them again in disorder across the creek, leaving theground covered with their dead and wounded. The greatest shock of thesecond charge of the rebels had fallen upon our Third brigade, and noblyhad it been met. A third time Early's forces came on; this time withless spirit. His men now knew the troops they had to contend with. Theyhad been informed that the Sixth corps had been sent to Washington, onits way to Petersburgh. Now they discovered the mistake, and all ofEarly's authority was insufficient to bring them up to a spiritedcharge. We had repulsed them three times with terrible damage to theirranks, as well as sad loss to our own. But now we looked toward theright, and we saw rebels passing around our flank, and the Third andFirst divisions falling back. We were but twelve thousand. They werethirty thousand, and their line far overlapped ours. When Early couldnot drive us he went round us. And now it was necessary to take anotherposition, which should protect the road to Winchester, and GeneralWright directed General Getty to fall back, with his corps, to a morecommanding position, unless he saw good reason for desiring to hold hispresent position. So the order was given to take the new position. 

_The Sixth corps was not driven back. _ It had thrice repulsed the mostdesperate charges of the whole rebel army, and now that the rebels wereturning our flank, it was necessary to interpose an organized force, andthere was no organized troops except the cavalry. 

Certain erudite historians, who have sent broadcast over our land, compilations of newspaper paragraphs under the sounding titles ofhistorians of the rebellion, powerful gentlemen, who, from theircomfortable quarters in northern homes, watched our battles from afar, quiet citizens whose sensibilities were never shocked by the sight of abattle-field, and whose nerves can hardly withstand the shock of firecrackers on the morning of a Fourth of July, have gravely informed theirreaders that our whole army, including the Sixth corps, was drivenpell-mell six miles to the rear; and one of these grave historians veryquietly assures those who have leisure to peruse his queer accumulationsof absurdities, that we were driven all the way to Winchester, adistance of more than twenty miles. For the comfort and encouragement ofthese historians, so prolific of martial literature, and so barren ofany ideas of military movements, it is conceded that their accounts ofthis battle are quite as correct as any which they are accustomed togive to the public. 

We took position just north of Middletown, which was about two miles inthe rear of the position held by the Second division of our corps earlyin the morning. We went back quietly and in good order, a singleregiment, the Second Vermont, holding without difficulty the position weabandoned. We carried with us all our wounded, all our shelter tents andall our personal property of every description, and the rebels did notdare to attack us. When we had taken our new position in the same orderthat we had formed in the morning, the Second division on the left, theFirst in the center, and the Third on the right, other troops also tookposition in the line. The cavalry, which had never for a momentfaltered, took position, Custer on the right, Merritt on the left andthe Nineteenth corps, which had now succeeded in restoring order to itsbroken ranks, was massed on the right and rear of the Sixth. 

With this new line of battle in the strong position we now held, GeneralWright determined that not only should the retreat stop here, but thatthe rebels should be driven back across Cedar creek. Their career ofvictory was ended. The grand old Sixth corps, directed by our own lovedGeneral Getty, had turned the fortunes of the day. It was now teno'clock; far away in the rear was heard cheer after cheer. What was thecause? Were reinforcements coming? Yes, Phil Sheridan was coming, and hewas a host. He had ridden from Winchester at amazing speed, and now, ashe passed the long trains of ambulances in which were the hundreds ofbleeding victims of the morning's work, the wounded men whose shatteredlimbs or mangled bodies attested that they had not run away, raisedthemselves and cheered with wild enthusiasm the hero of the valley. Onhe rode; most of his staff left far to the rear, his famous war-horsecovered with foam and dirt, cheered at every step by hundreds of men inwhom new courage was now kindled. Dashing along the pike, he came uponthe line of battle. "What troops are those?" shouted Sheridan. "TheSixth corps, " was the response from a hundred voices. "We are allright, " said Sheridan, as he swung his old hat and dashed along the linetoward the right. "Never mind, boys, we'll whip them yet; we'll whipthem yet! We shall sleep in our old quarters to-night!" were theencouraging words of the chief as he rode along, while the men threwtheir hats high in air, leaped and danced and cheered in wildest joy. 

Sheridan at once completed the arrangements already commenced and nearlyfinished by General Wright. The men of the Sixth corps meanwhile busiedthemselves in cooking their morning meal. 

None but soldiers can realize the contending emotions we experienced aswe waited for the development of the new arrangements. We had, with thepride which none but soldiers can feel, regained for northern troops theprestige for brilliant achievements and open field fighting in thisvalley, so often, in times past, the scene of humiliation to our arms. Were we now, notwithstanding all our brilliant successes and our proudconsciousness of superiority, to see our prestige fade in an hour?Sheridan said, "No;" and we trusted him. Had Sheridan never reached thefield, General Wright would have led us against the foe, whose ardor wasalready lost after the repeated repulses from the single corps. Butthere was a charm about the real commander of the army, and hisopportune arrival inspired fresh hope and zeal in the breasts of all. Even a considerable portion of the Eighth corps was collected and placedon the left of the Sixth, and then, with cavalry on either flank, Custeron the right and Merritt on the left, we were ready to assume theoffensive. 

Thus, all things being arranged, we were prepared to test the questionwhether our army was to fall back to Winchester beaten and humiliated orreturn to our old camps. 

At one o'clock, the rebels advanced against the right of our line, butwere repulsed. A brisk fire of artillery was for a time kept up, buteven this died away and nothing but the scattering fire of skirmisherswas heard. 

Early had, without doubt, now relinquished the idea of any furtheroffensive operations, and he as little thought that any were designed onour part. The rebels quietly proceed to bring their baggage wagons andambulances across the river, and they set themselves about fitting upour camps for their own use. 

At three o'clock, Sheridan gave the order to move; wheeling from rightto left, as a gate swings upon its hinges. The Third division on theright of our corps became for a moment embarrassed in passing through astrip of woods, the First division moved slowly but firmly, gaining astrong position. The Second division also advanced, but it was orderedto go very slowly, and this was far more difficult than to rush quicklyover the ground. Yet the division obeyed the order and forced the rebelsto fall back. In front of the First and Second brigades was a stonewall. This they seized and were at once partially sheltered; but therewas no such protection for the Third brigade. In its front was a meadowand a gradually inclined plane, and behind a wall which skirted thecrest, was the rebel line. Between that line and ours, in a hollow, stood a brick mill, from the windows of which the enemy's sharpshooterspicked off our men. The galling fire from the line of battle, and thefatal shots of the sharpshooters in the mill, made it impossible toadvance slowly, and the line fell back. Our best men were falling fast. The color-sergeant of the Seventy-seventh fell dead; another sergeantseized the flag and fell. Adjutant Gilbert Thomas, a youth of rarebeauty and surpassing bravery, seized the fallen flag; he cried, "forward, men!" and fell dead with the staff grasped in his hand. 

"I cannot take my brigade over that field, slowly, " said Colonel French;"then go quickly, " responded General Getty. The word was given, and witha bound and a shout the noble brigade went across the field, quicklydriving the confederates from their strong position. 

By this time the right of the army had started the rebels, and theirwhole line was giving way. The three divisions of the Sixth corpsbounded forward, and commenced the wildest race that had ever beenwitnessed even in that valley so famous for the flight of beaten armies. The rebel lines were completely broken, and now in utmost confusion, every man was going in greatest haste toward Cedar creek. Our men, withwild enthusiasm, with shouts and cheers, regardless of order orformation, joined in the hot pursuit. There was our mortal enemy, whohad but a few hours since driven us unceremoniously from our camps, nowbeaten, routed, broken, bent on nothing but the most rapid flight. Wehad not forgotten our humiliation of the morning, and the thought of itgave fleetness to the feet of our pursuers. 

From the point where we broke the rebel ranks to the crossing of Cedarcreek, was three miles, an open plain. Over this plain and down the pikethe panic-stricken army was flying, while our soldiers, without everstopping to load their pieces, were charging tardy batteries with emptymuskets, seizing prisoners by scores and hundreds, every Union soldierhis own commander, bent on nothing but the destruction of the flyingfoe. As we reached Cedar creek, the pursuit was given over to thecavalry. The gallant Custer, now in his wild joy, could be heardshouting to his impetuous men, "Charge them! Charge them!" and then wecould hear words, hard to print, but which added startling emphasis tothe commands. 

Crossing the river, he came upon the pike, crowded with men and cannon, caissons and ambulances, wagons and pack animals. With one mighty sweep, forty-five pieces of artillery, many wagons and ambulances, and hundredsof prisoners, were taken. Merritt, too, captured seven guns, manybattle-flags, and prisoners without number. Indeed, the prisoners couldnot be numbered, for there were not enough of the cavalry to guard them, and as soon as they had thrown down their arms they were passed to therear, and in the darkness hundreds of them escaped to the mountains. Through the darkness the cavalry kept up the pursuit until Mount Jacksonwas passed. 

The infantry returned to the camps, and as we took our old places, cheers made the welkin ring; and then as we heard constantly of newtrophies, the wild huzzahs rang from one end of our army to the other. Such wild joy has rarely been felt by an army. What cared the men of theNineteenth corps that they were forced to lie upon the ground withouttents or blankets? Our army was victorious and our honor saved. 

The moon shining brightly over the battle-field revealed the camps ofthe living side by side with the resting places of the dead. All the wayfrom Middletown to Cedar creek the debris of battle was scattered overthe fields. Here and there were seen the remains of our comrades of themorning, their lifeless bodies stripped by vandal rebels of almost everygarment. They lay like specters in the pale moonlight; here, still indeath, under a cluster of bushes, was stretched a group; there, by theside of a wall, a row of inanimate bodies marked a spot where brave menhad fallen at their posts; in the ravine where the little creek woundits way, and beneath the boughs of the chestnut trees of the grove, manyslept their last sleep. Among our camps, the spades of the pioneers wereheard as they hollowed out the shallow graves; and as we threw ourselvesupon the ground to rest, we mourned for our comrades, and we rejoicedfor our victory. 

Sad, sad it was to think of the noble ones who had left us. Never againwere we to see the form of the great-hearted Bidwell at the head of hisbrigade. We remembered his heroic bravery in all the terrible fights ofthose bloody days, from the Rapidan to Petersburgh; we thought of himwhen, at Winchester and Fisher Hill, he directed the movements of hisbrigade with such consummate coolness and skill; we remembered hiscordial smile and friendly words, and then we thought of his heroism inthe morning, and our hearts were heavy to think that he was gone. 

Adjutant Thomas, too, had left us; our noble, beautiful boy. Could hehave died a grander death had he been spared longer? Could his lastwords have been better chosen had he expired in the embrace of lovedones at home? "Forward, men; forward!" Were they not grand dying words?Rest, brother; thy death was as grand as thy life was lovely. 

Lennon's bright eye must soon close forever. We should never again hearhis hearty laugh or listen to his sparkling wit. He had fallen as a herofalls, and his life had been the life of a hero and patriot. Belding andTabor, too, brave captains of brave men, each had fallen in advance ofhis friends. 

Major Brower of the One Hundred and Twenty-second, Captain Taylor, commanding the Sixty-first Pennsylvania, Lieutenant-Colonel Kohler ofthe Ninety-eighth Pennsylvania and Major Borman of the Fifteenth NewJersey, all brave and competent officers, were lost to our corps; whileamong the wounded were General Ricketts, Colonel Penrose, commander ofthe New Jersey brigade, Colonel Dwight of the One Hundred andTwenty-second, Captain Orr of Bidwell's staff, and Lieutenant Mitchellof the Seventh Maine. 

Our army remained along Cedar creek for several days, the cavalry onlyscouting up the valley in search of remnants of Early's shattered army. Then, we fell back to the vicinity of Winchester, where our men builtcomfortable quarters, and here we remained until General Grant called usback to Petersburgh. Many of the regiments in the meantime were musteredout of the service as regiments, the recruits and reënlisted menremaining as battalions with the name of the original regiments, exceptthe substitution of the battalion for the regiment. Among otherregiments whose time expired was the one whose early career formed thesubject of the first chapters of this narrative, and whose honorable andindeed brilliant course we have never lost sight of. The returningveterans left camp on the 19th of November, leaving two hundred andfifty men still to represent the organization. We will not pause tospeak of the parting of those so long companions in arms, of the triphomeward or of the brilliant reception and magnificent entertainmentextended by the patriotic citizens of Saratoga to the veterans of ahundred battles. These were fitting testimonials of appreciation of theservice of patriot soldiers. 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 

THE FINAL CAMPAIGN. 

 Sixth corps returns to Petersburgh--Condition of the corps--Sheridan joins the grand army--Capture of Fort Steadman--The last grand charge--The pursuit of Lee's army--Tributes to the Sixth corps--Disbanding. 

On the 9th of December, the Sixth corps was recalled to Petersburgh. Weneed not describe the journey to Washington, nor the steamboat ride toCity Point; the scenes along this route have already been described. 

We took our position on the Weldon railroad, erected more comfortablehuts than we had ever built before, our sick were placed in hospitalsfitted up with great taste, and everything which the government or ourfriends at home, through the agencies of Sanitary and ChristianCommissions, could do for their comfort was gladly done. 

During our absence in the Shenandoah Valley, the army under GeneralGrant had been making steady progress in the siege of Petersburgh, andour war-worn brothers of the other corps showed upon their faces themarks of overwork. We were in fresh vigor. We had marched through ablooming valley literally abounding in milk and honey. The fruits of thevine, the orchard and the fold had been ours, and our camps had been ingreen fields and pleasant groves, we had marched over wide roads, andthrough rolling meadows, and we had fought in the open field. Wereturned to our old comrades, proud of our own achievements, and of thepraise we had won from the nation. We could point to the valley, and tothe memory of Early's army, now no more; and we proudly claimed that ithad been ours to rid the country of one of the most troublesome of therebel columns. 

Now that we were again in the trenches, we felt a confidence in our ownvalor which made our corps eminently fitted for the last grand duty, thecrowning act in the glorious history of this superb corps, the breakingasunder of Lee's lines at Petersburgh, and as the result, the overthrowof the rebellion. 

Grant's army had, during our absence, extended the line much farther tothe west and south. When we left for Washington, our line extended onlya little beyond the Jerusalem plank road. Now, it crossed the Weldonrailroad, and reached Hatcher's Run, nearly eight miles from theposition occupied by us when we left the lines. The military railroad, too, had been constructed, and now all supplies were brought from CityPoint to the rear of our camps by rail cars. 

The famous mine had exploded, and with it the project of takingPetersburgh by surprise. Events of importance had transpired on thenorth of the James, and the Dutch Gap canal was in progress. Yet, Lee'sarmy held us at arm's length, and Petersburgh was still to be taken. 

In the latter part of February, our friend, Sheridan, was ordered toleave the valley with his superb body of horsemen, and cross the countrythrough Lynchburgh, destroy Lee's communications with the west, passthrough Danville and join Sherman in his grand march to the sea. But theJames river, swollen by heavy rains, forbade a crossing, and Sheridan, nowise disconcerted, turned the heads of his horses toward the WhiteHouse, and after many adventures, having wrought much mischief in therear of the rebel army, he joined Grant's army before Petersburgh, onthe 26th of March. The result was better than though he had been able toaccomplish the original design. 

Now, the Army of the Potomac was one again. The Sixth corps, andSheridan with his cavalry, were important elements in that grand army;and now, as the glorious spring-time was drying the depths of the mud, and opening the way for a fresh campaign, we were in most superbcondition to administer the last blows to the already tottering fabricof the rebellion. 

We need not dwell long upon the particulars of this final campaign. 

Lee took the initiative. Knowing that it would be impossible to hold hispresent line much longer, he determined to retreat to Danville; butwishing to cover his retreat by a bold movement in front, he sent astrong column to attack Fort Steadman, a point toward the right of theline where the two opposing lines were very close. The fort was guardedby troops of the Ninth corps. The attack was made very early on themorning of the 25th of March, and resulted in the complete surprise andcapture of the fort and of many of the men of the Ninth corps. It was ashort-lived triumph; the work taken was commanded by the guns of otherforts on either flank, and the enfilading guns with strong bodies ofinfantry soon compelled a retreat of the enemy. 

Meanwhile the opportunity had not been lost by General Meade foradvancing his line on the left. The Sixth corps was to do the work. TheThird brigade, Second division was sent forward to take and hold therebel picket line near the Squirrel Level road, for the double purposeof withdrawing the attention of the enemy, and of advancing our line forfuture operations. The brigade gallantly executed the order, and, notwithstanding the rebels brought nine pieces of artillery to bear uponit, and sent reinforcements to the point, the ground was held. ColonelDwight of the One Hundred and Twenty-second was killed; Captain Oakleyand Lieutenant Pierce lost their lives, and many others of the brigadewere killed or wounded. 

The 29th of March was the day fixed for the opening of the grand finalcampaign. The Twenty-fourth corps relieved the Second and Fifth corpsfrom the intrenchments in front of Petersburgh, and these two corps wereloose to join Sheridan in an expedition on our left with the view ofturning the enemy's right flank. 

Leaving camp early on the morning of the 29th, the two corps and thecavalry proceeded to the southwest, crossed Hatcher's Run, and marchedtoward Dinwiddie Court House, the infantry reaching the Quaker road, thecavalry continuing the march to Dinwiddie. We had now an unbroken linefrom the Appomattox to Dinwiddie Court House. The corps were posted fromright to left, as follows: Ninth, Sixth, Twenty-fourth, Second, Fifth, and on the left of all, Sheridan with the cavalry. 

On the morning of the 30th, the infantry and cavalry on the left wereready for the grand blow upon the flank and rear of the enemy, but aheavy rain storm set in, rendering the roads impracticable, and exceptsome maneuvering to get nearer the enemy's position, no movements weremade. On the following day, the rebels made a fierce onset upon thecorps of Warren, but failed to dislodge him. April 1st, Sheridan, withinfantry and cavalry, engaged the rebels at a place called Five Forks, aposition of vital importance to the enemy. 

While Sheridan was thus dealing heavy blows upon the flank, we in frontwere preparing for a general advance. 

[Illustration: CHARGE OF THE SIXTH CORPS, WHICH BROKE THE REBEL LINES, April 2, 1865. ]

The position occupied by the Sixth corps formed a salient, the angleapproaching very near the rebel line. Here, in front of Fort Welch andFort Fisher, the corps was massed in columns of brigades in _echelon_, forming a mighty wedge, which should rive the frame-work of theconfederacy. 

The corps was formed in the rear of the picket line; the Third brigade, Second division, being the point of the wedge. On the right of thatbrigade was the First brigade of the same division, and on the left, theVermont brigade. The First division of three brigades was in _echelon_by brigades on the right of the Second, and the Third of two largebrigades also in _echelon_. Each brigade was in column of battalions. Axemen were ready to be sent forward to remove abattis, and CaptainAdams had twenty cannoneers ready to man captured guns. Every commandingofficer of battalions was informed what he was expected to do, and thusall was in readiness. 

At half-past four in the morning of April 2d, the signal gun from FortFisher sounded the advance. Without wavering, through the darkness, thewedge which was to split the confederacy was driven home. 

The abattis was past, the breastworks mounted, the works were our own. Thousands of prisoners, many stands of colors and many guns were ourtrophies, while many of our friends, dead or wounded, was the price ofour glory. The rebel line was broken, and now the troops of Ord, andthose of the Ninth corps pressed on after us. Humphries, too, of theSecond corps, hearing of our splendid success, stormed the works in hisfront away on the left and carried them. The confederate army gatheredclose around Petersburgh, but we followed closely. We will not stop totell all the splendid achievements of that glorious day. 

That night our corps rested on the Appomattox, just above Petersburgh, and General Grant, of the Vermont brigade, had his head-quarters in thehouse which General Lee had occupied all winter, and had left only a fewhours before. During the night Lee made his escape with his army. He hadalready sent word to Richmond that he was to retreat, and the fatalmessage reached Davis while in church. 

We all joined in the pursuit next morning. The Second and Sixth corpshastening to the help of Sheridan, who was following hard after theflying army. We confronted Lee at Jetersville, and on the morning of the6th we moved up to attack, but there was no army to attack. Why need wetell of the forced march that followed; of the gallant fight at Sailor'screek, where we whipped Lee's army; of the wild joy of the surrender?These are all too well known to repeat, and the details would betiresome. 

The grand old Sixth corps, the pride of the army and the delight of thenation, had crowned all its former record of glory by breaking thefamous "backbone" of the rebellion, and all that follows is tame. 

General Grant did us the credit to say, "General Wright penetrated thelines with his whole corps, sweeping everything before him, and to hisleft, toward Hatcher's run, capturing many guns and several thousandprisoners. "

General Meade, too, says: "Major-General Wright attacked at four A. M. , carrying everything before him, taking possession of the enemy's strongline of works, and capturing many guns and prisoners. After carrying theenemy's lines in his front, and reaching the Boydtown plank road, Major-General Wright turned to his left and swept down the enemy's lineof intrenchments till near Hatcher's run, where, meeting the head of theTwenty-fourth corps, General Wright retraced his steps and advanced onthe Boydtown plank road toward Petersburgh, encountering the enemy in aninner line of works immediately around the city. "

The march and halt at Danville, the rapid journey throughFredericksburgh to Alexandria, the separate review of the corps underthe scorching rays of one of the hottest days ever known even inWashington, when hundreds of our men fell down from sunstroke andexhaustion, the return to camp and the disbanding, finish the story ofthe grandest corps that ever faced a foe.