WILLIAM OF GERMANY

by

STANLEY SHAW, LL. D. Trinity College Dublin

WITH A FRONTISPIECE

1913

The Frontispiece is from a photograph by E. Bieber, of Berlin

CONTENTS PAGE

 I. INTRODUCTORY....................................... 1

 II. YOUTH (1859-1881).................................. 10

 III. PRE-ACCESSION DAYS (1881-1887)..................... 42

 IV. "VON GOTTES GNADEN"................................ 56

 V. THE ACCESSION (1888-1890).......................... 69

 VI. THE COURT OF THE EMPEROR........................... 105

 VII. "DROPPING THE PILOT"............................... 125

 VIII. SPACIOUS TIMES (1891-1899)......................... 144

 IX. THE NEW CENTURY (1900-1901)........................ 189

 X. THE EMPEROR AND THE ARTS........................... 205

 XI. THE NEW CENTURY--_continued_ (1902-1904)........... 237

 XII. MOROCCO (1905)..................................... 255

 XIII. BEFORE THE "NOVEMBER STORM" (1906-1907)............ 275

 XIV. THE NOVEMBER STORM (1908).......................... 289

 XV. AFTER THE STORM (1909-1913)........................ 321

 XVI. THE EMPEROR TO-DAY................................. 342

 INDEX ................................................... 391

I. INTRODUCTORY. 

William the Second, German Emperor and King of Prussia, Burgrave ofNürnberg, Margrave of Brandenburg, Landgrave of Hessen and Thuringia, Prince of Orange, Knight of the Garter and Field-Marshal of GreatBritain, etc. , was born in Berlin on January 27, 1859, and ascendedthe throne on June 15, 1888. He is, therefore, fifty-four years oldin the present year of his Jubilee, 1913, and his reign--happily yetunfinished--has extended over a quarter of a century. 

The Englishman who would understand the Emperor and his time mustimagine a country with a monarchy, a government, and a people--inshort, a political system--almost entirely different from his own. InGermany, paradoxical though it may sound to English ears, thereis neither a government nor a people. The word "government" occursonly once in the Imperial Constitution, the Magna Charta of modernGermans, which in 1870 settled the relations between the Emperor andwhat the Englishman calls the "people, " and then only in anunimportant context joined to the word "federal. "

In Germany, instead of "the people" the Englishman speaks of when hetalks politics, and the democratic orator, Mr. Bryan, in America isfond of calling the "peopul, " there is a "folk, " who neither claimto be, nor apparently wish to be, a "people" in the English sense. The German folk have their traditions as the English people havetraditions, and their place in the political system as the Englishpeople have; but both traditions and place are wholly different fromthose of the English people; indeed, it may be said are just thereverse of them. 

The German Emperor believes, and assumes his people to believe, thatthe Hollenzollern monarch is specially chosen by Heaven to guide andgovern a folk entrusted to him as the talent was entrusted to thesteward in Scripture. Until 1848, a little over sixty years ago, theEmperor (at that time only King of Prussia) was an absolute, or almostabsolute, monarch, supported by soldiers and police, and his wisheswere practically law to the folk. In that year, however, owing to theinfluence of the French Revolution, the King by the gift of aConstitution, abandoned part of his powers, but not any governingpowers, to the folk in the form of a parliament, with permission tomake laws for itself, though not for him. To pass them, that is; forthey were not to carry the laws into execution--that was a matter theKing kept, as the Emperor does still, in his own hands. 

The business of making laws being, as experience shows, provocative ofdiscussion, discussion of argument, and argument of controversy, therenow arose a dozen or more parties in the Parliament, each with its ownset of controversial opinions, and these the parties applied to thenovel and interesting occupation of law-making. 

However, it did not matter much to the King, so long as the folk didnot ask for further, or worse still, as occurred in England, for allhis powers; and accordingly the parties continued their discussions, as they do to-day, sometimes accepting and sometimes rejecting theirown or the King's suggestions about law-making. Generally speaking, the relation is not unlike that established by the dame who said toher husband, "When we are of the same opinion, you are right, but whenwe are of different opinions, I am right. " If the Parliament does notagree with the Emperor, the Emperor dissolves it. 

These parties, from the situation of their seats in a parliament of397 deputies, became known as the parties of the Right, orConservative parties, and the parties of the Left, or Liberal parties. Between them sat the members of the Centre, who, as representing theCatholic populations of Germany--roughly, twenty-two millions out ofsixty-six--became a powerful and unchanging phalanx of a hundreddeputies, which had interests and tactics of its own independently ofRight or Left. 

By and by, one of the parties of the Left, representing the classeswho work with their hands as distinguished from the classes who workwith their heads, thought they would like to live under a politicalsystem of their own making and began to show a strong desire to takeall power from the King and from the Parliament too. They agitated andorganized, and organized and agitated, until at length, having settledon what was found to be an attractive theory, they made a whollyseparate party, almost a people and parliament of their own. This isknown as the Social Democracy, with, at present, no deputies. 

Such, in a comparatively few sentences, is the political state ofthings in Germany. It might indeed be expressed in still fewer words, as follows: Heaven gave the royal house of Hohenzollern, as a present, a folk. The Hohenzollerns gave the folk, as a present, a parliament, apower to make laws without the power of executing them. The SocialDemocrats broke off from the folk and took an anti-Hohenzollern andanti-popular attitude, and the folk in their Parliament divided intoparties to pass the time, and--of course--make laws. 

This may seem to be treating an important subject with levity. It isintended merely as a statement of the facts. The system in Germanyworks well, to an Englishman indeed surprisingly so. In England thereis no Heaven-appointed king; all the powers of the King, both that ofmaking laws and of administering them, have long ago been taken by thepeople from the King and entrusted by them to a parliament, themajority of whom, called the Government, represent the majority of theelecting voters. In the case of Germany the folk have surrendered someof what an Englishman would term their "liberties, " for example, theright to govern, to the King, to be used for the common good; whereasin the case of England, the people do not think it needful tosurrender any of their liberties, least of all the government of theircountry, in order to attain the same end. 

Thus, while the German Emperor and the German folk have the same aimsas the English King and the English people, the common weal and thefair fame of their respective countries, the two monarchs and the twopeoples have agreed on almost contrary ways of trying to secure them. 

The political system of Germany has had to be sketched introductorilyas for the Englishman, a necessary preliminary to an understanding ofthe German Emperor's character and policy. One of the most importantresults of the character and policy is the state of Anglo-Germanrelations; and the writer is convinced that if the character andpolicy were better and more generally known there would be noestrangement between the two countries, but, much more probably, mutual respect and mutual good-will. 

With the growth of this knowledge, the writer is tempted to believe, would cease a delusion that appears to exist in the minds, or ratherthe imaginations, of two great peoples, the delusion that the highestnational interests of both are fundamentally irreconcilable, and thatthe policies of their Governments are fundamentally opposed. 

It seems indeed as though neither in England nor in Germany has theleast attention been paid to the astonishing growth of commercebetween the countries or to the repeated declarations made through along series of years by the respective Governments on their countries'behalf. The growth in commerce needs no statistics to prove it, for itis a matter of everyday observation and comment. The EnglishGovernment declares it a vital necessity for an insular Power likeGreat Britain, with colonies and duties appertaining to theirpossession in all, and the most distant, parts of the world, to have anavy twice as powerful as that of any other possibly hostile Power. The ordinary German immediately cries out that England is planning toattack him, to annihilate his fleet, destroy his commerce, anddiminish his prestige among the nations. The German Governmentrepeatedly declares that the German fleet is intended for defence notaggression, that Germany does not aim at the seizure of other people'sproperty, but at protecting her growing commerce, at standing by hersubjects in all parts of the world if subjected to injury or insult, and at increasing her prestige, and with it her power for good, in thefamily of nations. The ordinary Englishman immediately cries out thatGermany is seeking to dispute his maritime supremacy, to rob him ofhis colonies, and to appropriate his trade. Is it not conceivable thatboth Governments are telling the truth, and that their designs are nomore and no less than the Governments represent them to be? Thenecessity for Great Britain possessing an all-powerful fleet that willkeep her in touch with her colonies if she is not to lose themaltogether, is self-evident, and understood by even the mostChauvinistic German. The necessity for Germany's possessing a fleetstrong enough to make her rights respected is as self-evident. Moreover, if Germany's fleet is a luxury, as Mr. Winston Churchillsays it is, she deserves and can afford it. As a nation she hasprospered and grown great, not by a policy of war and conquest, but byhard work, thrift, self-denial, fidelity to international engagements, well-planned instruction, and first-rate organization. Why should shenot, if she thinks it advisable and is willing to spend the money onit, supply herself with an arm of defence in proportion to her size, her prosperity, and her desert? It may be that, as Mr. Norman Angellholds, the entire policy of great armaments is based on economicerror; but unless and until it is clear that the German navy isintended for aggression, its growth may be viewed by the rest of theworld with equanimity, and by the Englishman, as a connoisseur in suchmatters, with admiration as well. A man may buy a motor-car which hisfriends and neighbours think must be costly and pretentious beyond hismeans; but that is his business; and if the man finds that, owing togood management and industry and skill, his business is growing andthat a motor-car is, though in some not absolutely clear and definiteway, of advantage to him in business and satisfying to his legitimatepride--why on earth should he not buy or build it?

The truth is that if our ordinary Englishman and German were to sitdown together, and with the help of books, maps, and newspapers, carefully and without prejudice, consider the annals of theirrespective countries for the last sixteen years with a view toestablishing the causes of their delusion, they could hardly fail toconfess that it was due to neither believing a word the other said; toeach crediting the other with motives which, as individuals and men ofhonesty and integrity in the private relations of life, each wouldindignantly repudiate; to each assuming the other to be in thecondition of barbarism mankind began to emerge from nineteen hundredyears ago; to both supposing that Christianity has had so littleinfluence on the world that peoples are still compelled to live and goabout their daily work armed to the teeth lest they may be bludgeonedand robbed by their neighbours; that the hundreds of treaties solemnlysigned by contracting nations are mere pieces of waste paper onlytestifying to the profundity and extent of human hypocrisy; thatchurches and cathedrals have been built, universities, colleges, andschools founded, only to fill the empty air with noise; that theprinting presses of all countries have been occupied turning outmyriads of books and papers which have had no effect on the reason orconscience of mankind; that nations learn nothing from experience; andto each supposing that he and his fellow-countrymen alone are themonopolists of wisdom, honour, truth, justice, charity--in short, ofall the attributes and blessings of civilization. Is it not time todiscard such error, or must the nations always suspect each other? Tofinish with our introduction, and notwithstanding that _qui s'excuses'accuse_, the biographer may be permitted to say a few words on hisown behalf. Inasmuch as the subject of his biography is still, as hasbeen said, happily alive, and is, moreover, in the prime of hismaturity, his life cannot be reviewed as a whole nor the ultimateconsequences of his character and policy be foretold. The biographerof the living cannot write with the detachment permissible to thehistorian of the dead. No private correspondence of the Emperor's isavailable to throw light on his more intimate personal disposition andrelationships. There have been many rumours of war since hisaccession, but no European war of great importance; and if a few minorcampaigns in tropical countries be excepted, Germany for over fortyyears, thanks largely to the Emperor, has enjoyed the advantages ofpeace. 

From the pictorial and sensational point of view continuous peace is adrawback for the biographer no less than for the historian. What wouldhistory be without war?--almost inconceivable; since wars, not peace, are the principal materials with which it deals and supply it withmost of its vitality and interest--must it also be admitted, itscharm? For what are Hannibal or Napoleon or Frederick the Greatremembered?--for their wars, and little else. Shakespeare has itthat--

 "Men's evil manners live in brass; their virtues We write in water. "

Who, asks Heine, can name the artist who designed the cathedral ofCologne? In this regard the biographer of an emperor is almost asdependent as the historian. 

The biography of an emperor, again, must be to a large extent, thehistory of his reign, and in no case is this more true than in that ofEmperor William. But he has been closely identified with every eventof general importance to the world since he mounted the throne, andthe world's attention has been fastened without intermission on hiswords and conduct. The rise of the modern German Empire is the salientfact of the world's history for the last half-century, and accordinglyonly from this broader point of view will the Emperor's futurebiographer, or the historian of the future, be able to do him or hisEmpire justice. 

Lastly, another difficulty, if one may call it so, experienced equallyby the biographer and the historian, is the fact that the life of theEmperor has been blameless from the moral standpoint. On two or threeoccasions early in the reign accounts were published of scandals atthe Court. They may not have been wholly baseless, but none of themdirectly involved the Emperor, or even raised a doubt as to hisrespectability or reputation. Take from history--or from biography forthat matter--the vices of those it treats of, and one-third, perhapsone-half, of its "human interest" disappears. 

In the circumstances, therefore, all the writer need add is that hehas done the best he could. He has ignored, certainly, at two or threestages of his narration, the demands of strict chronologicalsuccession; but if so, it has been to describe some of the moreimportant events of the reign in their totality. He has also felt itnecessary, as writing for English readers of a country not their own, to combine a portion of history with his biography. If, at the sametime, he has ventured to infuse into both biography and history aslight admixture of philosophy, he can only hope that the fusion willnot prove altogether disagreeable. 

II. 

YOUTH

1859-1881

As the education of a prince, and the surroundings in which he isbrought up, are usually different from the education and surroundingsof his subjects, it is not surprising if, at least during some portionof his reign, and until he has graduated in the university of life, misunderstandings, if nothing worse, should occur between them: indeedthe wonder is that princes and people succeed in living harmoniouslytogether. They are separated by great gulfs both of sentiment andcircumstance. Bismarck is quoted by one of his successors, PrinceHohenlohe, as remarking that every King of Prussia, with whateverpopularity he began his reign, was invariably hated at the close ofit. 

The prince that would rule well has to study the science ofgovernment, itself a difficult and incompletely explored subject, andthe art of administration; he has to know history, and above all thehistory of his own country; not that history is a safe or certainguide, but that it informs him of traditions he will be expected tocontinue in his own country and respect in that of others; he mustunderstand the political system under which his people choose to live, and the play of political, religious, economic, and social forceswhich are ever at work in a community; he must learn to speak andunderstand (not always quite the same thing) other languages besideshis own; and concurrently with these studies he must endeavour todevelop in himself the personal qualities demanded by his highoffice--health and activity of body, quick comprehension and decision, a tenacious memory for names and faces, capacity for public speaking, patience, and that command over the passions and prejudices, naturalor acquired, which is necessary for his moral influence as a ruler. Onwhat percentage of his subjects is such a curriculum imposed, and whatallowances should not be made if a full measure of success is notachieved?

But even when the prince has done all this, there is still a study, the most comprehensive and most important of all, in which he shouldbe learned--the study of humanity, and in especial that part of itwith the care of whose interests and happiness he is to be charged. Afew people seem to have this knowledge instinctively, others acquiresomething of it in the school of sad experience. It is not the faultof the Emperor, if, in his youth, his knowledge of humanity was notprofound. There was always a strong vein of idealism and romance amongHohenzollerns, the vein of a Lohengrin, a Tancred, or some mediævalknight. The Emperor, of course, never lived among the common people;never had to work for a living in competition with a thousand othersmore fortunate than he, or better endowed by nature with the qualitiesand gifts that make for worldly success; never, so far as is known toa watchful and exceptionally curious public, endured domestic sorrowof a deep or lasting kind; never suffered materially or in his properperson from ingratitude, carelessness, or neglect; never knew the"penalty of Adam, the seasons' difference"; never, in short, feltthose pains one or more of which almost all the rest of mankind haveat one time or other to bear as best they may. 

The Emperor has always been happy in his family, happy in seeing hiscountry prosperous, happy in the admiration and respect of the peopleof all nations; and if he has passed through some dark hours, he mustfeel happy in having nobly borne them. Want of knowledge of the trialsof ordinary humanity is, of course, no matter of reproach to him; onthe contrary, it is matter of congratulation; and, as several of hisfrankest deliverances show, he has, both as man and monarch, felt manya pang, many a regret, many a disappointment, the intensity of whichcannot be gauged by those who have not felt the weight of hisresponsibilities. 

A discharge of 101 guns in the gardens of Crown Prince Frederick'spalace in Berlin on the morning of January 27, 1859, announced thebirth of the future Emperor. There were no portents in that hour. Nature proceeded calmly with her ordinary tasks. Heaven gave nospecial sign that a new member of the Hohenzollern family had appearedon the planet Earth. Nothing, in short, occurred to strengthen thefaith of those who believe in the doctrine of kingship by divineappointment. 

It was a time of political and social turmoil in many countries, thegroundswell, doubtless, of the revolutionary wave of 1848. The CrimeanWar, the Indian Mutiny, and the war with China had kept England in acontinual state of martial fever, and the agitation for electoralreform was beginning. Lord Palmerston was Prime Minister, with LordOdo Russell as Minister for Foreign Affairs and Mr. Gladstone asMinister of Finance. Napoleon III was at war with Austria as the allyof Italy, where King Emmanuel II and Cavour were laying thefoundations of their country's unity. Russia, after defeating Schamyl, the hero of the Caucasus, was pursuing her policy of penetration inCentral Asia. 

In Prussia the unrest was chiefly domestic. The country, whilenominally a Great Power, was neutral during the Crimean War, andplayed for the moment but a small part in foreign politics. Bismarck, in his "Gedanke und Erinnerungen, " compares her submission to Austriato the patience of the French noble-man he heard of when minister inParis, whose conduct in condoning twenty-four acts of flagrantinfidelity on the part of his wife was regarded by the French as anact of great forbearance and magnanimity. Prince William, theEmperor's grandfather, afterwards William I, first German Emperor, wason the throne, acting as Prince Regent for his brother, FrederickWilliam IV, incapacitated from ruling by an affection of the brain. The head of the Prussian Ministry, Manteuffel, had been dismissed, anda "new era, " with ministers of more liberal tendencies, among them vonBethmann Hollweg, an ancestor of the present Chancellor, had begun. General von Roon was Minister of War and Marine, offices at that timeunited in one department. The Italian War had roused Germany anew to adesire for union, and a great "national society" was founded atFrankfurt, with the Liberal leader, Rudolf von Bennigsen, at its head. Public attention was occupied with the subject of reorganizing thearmy and increasing it from 150, 000 to 210, 000 men. Parliament was onthe eve of a bitter constitutional quarrel with Bismarck, who becamePrussian Prime Minister (Minister President) in 1862, about the grantof the necessary army funds. Most of the great intellects ofGermany--Kant, Goethe, Schiller, Hegel, Fichte, Schleiermacher--hadlong passed away. Heinrich Heine died in Paris in 1856. FrederickNietzsche was a youth, Richard Wagner's "Tannhäuser" had just beengreeted, in the presence of the composer, with a storm of hisses inthe Opera house at Paris. The social condition of Germany may bepartially realized if one remembers that the death-rate was over 28per _mille_, as compared with 17 per _mille_ to-day; that only a starthad been made with railway construction; that the country, with itsnot very generous soil, depended wholly upon agriculture; thatsavings-bank deposits were not one-twelfth of what they are now; thatthere were 60 training schools where there are 221 to-day, and 338evening classes as against 4, 588 in 1910; that many of the principaltowns were still lighted by oil; that there was practically no navy;and that the bulk of the aristocracy lived on about the same scale asthe contemporary English yeoman farmer. Berlin contained a little lessthan half a million inhabitants, compared with its three and a halfmillions of to-day, and the state of its sanitation may be imaginedfrom the fact that open drains ran down the streets. 

The Emperor's father, Frederick III, second German Emperor, wasaffectionately known to his people as "unser Fritz, " because of hisliberal sympathies and of his high and kindly character. To mostEnglishmen he is perhaps better known as the husband of the Princess, afterwards Empress, Adelaide Victoria, eldest daughter of QueenVictoria, and mother of the Emperor. Frederick III had no great sharein the political events which were the birth-pangs of modern Germany, unless his not particularly distinguished leadership in the war of1866 and that with France be so considered. The greater part of hislife was passed as Crown Prince, and a Crown Prince in Germany leads alife more or less removed from political responsibilities. Hesucceeded his father, William I, on the latter's death, March 9, 1888, reigned for ninety-nine days, and died, on June 15th following, fromcancer of the throat, after an illness borne with exemplary fortitude. 

To what extent the character of his parents affected the character ofthe Emperor it is impossible to determine. The Emperor seldom refersto his parents in his speeches, and reserves most of his panegyric forhis grandfather and his grandfather's mother, Queen Louise; but thecomparative neglect is probably due to no want of filial admirationand respect, while the frequent references to his grandfather inparticular are explained by the great share the latter took in theformation of the Empire and by his unbounded popularity. The CrownPrince was an affectionate but not an easy-going father, with apassion for the arts and sciences; his mother also was adisciplinarian, and, equally with her husband, passionately fond ofart; and it is therefore not improbable that these traits descended tothe Emperor. As to whether the alleged "liberality" of the CrownPrince descended to him depends on the sense given to the word"liberal. " If it is taken to mean an ardent desire for the good andhappiness of the people, it did; if it is taken to mean anyinclination to give the people authority to govern themselves anddirect their own destinies, it did not. 

The mother of the Emperor, the Empress Frederick, had much of QueenVictoria's good sense and still more of her strong will. A thoroughlyEnglish princess, she had, in German eyes, one serious defect: shefailed to see, or at least to acknowledge, the superiority of mostthings German to most things English. She had an English nurse, EmmaHobbs, to assist at the birth of the future Emperor. She made Englishthe language of the family life, and never lost her English tastes andsympathies; consequently she was called, always with an accent ofreproach, "the Engländerin, " and in German writings is represented ashaving wished to anglicize not only her husband, her children, and herCourt, but also her adopted country and its people. A chaplain of theEnglish Church in Berlin, the Rev. J. H. Fry, who met her many times, describes her as follows:--

 "She was not the wife for a German Emperor, she so English and insisted so strongly on her English ways. The result was that she was very unpopular in Germany, and the Germans said many wicked things of her. She hated Berlin, and if her son, the present Emperor, had not required that she should come to the capital every winter, she would have lived altogether at Cronberg in the villa an Italian friend bequeathed to her. 

 "She was extremely musical, had extensively cultivated her talents in this respect, and was an accomplished linguist. Like her mother, Queen Victoria, she was unusually strong-minded, and was always believed to rule over her amiable and gentle husband. Her interest in the English community was great, another reason for the dislike with which the Germans regarded her. To her the community owes the pretty little English church in the Mon Bijou Platz (Berlin), which she used to attend regularly, and where a funeral service, at which the Emperor was present, was held in memory of her. 

 "German feeling was further embittered against her by the Morell Mackenzie incident, and to this day controversy rages round the famous English surgeon's name. The controversy is as to whether or not Morell Mackenzie honestly believed what he said when he diagnosed the Emperor's illness as non-cancerous in opposition to the opinion of distinguished German doctors like Professor Bergmann. Under German law no one can mount the throne of Prussia who is afflicted with a mortal sickness. For long it had been suspected that the Emperor's throat was fatally affected, and, therefore, when King William was dying, it became of dynastic and national importance to establish the fact one way or other. Queen Victoria was ardently desirous of seeing her daughter an Empress, and sent Sir Morrell Mackenzie to Germany to examine the royal patient. On the verdict being given that the disease was not cancer, the Crown Prince mounted the throne, and Queen Victoria's ambition for her daughter was realized. 

 "The Empress also put the aristocracy against her by introducing several relaxations into Court etiquette which had up to her time been stiff and formal. Her relations with Bismarck, as is well known, were for many years strained, and on one occasion she made the remark that the tears he had caused her to shed 'would fill tumblers. ' On the whole she was an excellent wife and mother. She was no doubt in some degree responsible for the admiration of England as a country and of the English as a people which is a marked feature of the Emperor's character. "

This account is fairly correct in its estimation of the EmpressFrederick's character and abilities, but it repeats a popular error insaying that German law lays down that no one can mount the Prussianthrone if he is afflicted with a mortal sickness. There is no "Germanlaw" on the subject, and the law intended to be referred to is theso-called "house-law, " which, as in the case of other German noblefamilies, regulates the domestic concerns of the House ofHohenzollern. Bismarck disposes of the assertion that a Hohenzollernprince mortally stricken is not capable of succession as a "fable, "and adds that the Constitution, too, contains no stipulation of thesort. The influence of his mother on the Emperor's character did notextend beyond his childhood, while probably the only naturaldispositions he inherited from her were his strength of will and hisappreciation of classical art and music. Many of her political ideaswere diametrically opposed to those of her son. Her love of art madeher pro-French, and her visit to Paris, it will be remembered, notbeing made _incognito_, led to international unpleasantness, originating in the foolish Chauvinism of some leading French painterswhose ateliers she desired to inspect. She believed in a homogeneousGerman Empire without any federation of kingdoms and states, advocateda Constitution for Russia, and was satisfied that the common sense ofa people outweighed its ignorance and stupidity. 

The Emperor has four sisters and a brother. The sisters are Charlotte, born in 1860, and married to the Hereditary Prince of Saxe-Meiningen;Victoria, born in 1866, and married to Prince Adolphus ofSchaumberg-Lippe; Sophie, born in 1870, and married to KingConstantine, of Greece; and Margarete, born in 1872, and married toPrince Friederich Karl of Hessen. 

The Emperor's only brother, Prince Henry of Prussia, was born in 1862, and is married to Princess Irene of Hessen. He is probably the mostpopular Hohenzollern to-day. He adopted the navy as a profession anddevotes himself to its duties, taking no part in politics. Like theEmperor himself and the Emperor's heir, the Crown Prince, he is agreat promoter of sport, and while a fair golfer (with a handicap of14) and tennis player, gives much of his leisure to the encouragementof the automobile and other industries. Every Hohenzollern is supposedto learn a handicraft. The Emperor did not, owing to his shortenedleft arm. Prince Henry learned book-binding under a leading Berlinbookbinder, Herr Collin. The Crown Prince is a turner. Prince Henryseems perfectly satisfied with his position in the Empire asInspector-General of the Fleet, stands to attention when talking tothe Emperor in public, and on formal occasions addresses him as"Majesty" like every one else. Only in private conversation does heallow himself the use of the familiar _Du_. The Emperor has a strongaffection for him, and always calls him "Heinrich. "

Many stories are current in Germany relating to the early part of theEmperor's boyhood. Some are true, others partially so, while othersagain are wholly apochryphal. All, however, are more or lesscharacteristic of the boy and his surroundings, and for this reason aselection of them may be given. Apropos of his birth, the followingstory is told. An artillery officer went to receive orders for thesalute to be discharged when the birth occurred. They were given himby the then Prince Regent, afterwards Emperor William I. The officershowed signs of perplexity. "Well, is there anything else?" inquiredthe Regent. "Yes, Royal Highness; I have instructions for the birth ofa prince and for that of a princess (which would be 30 guns); but whatif it should be twins?" The Regent laughed. "In that case, " he said, "follow the Prussian rule--_suum cuique_. "

When the child was born the news ran like wildfire through Berlin, andall the high civil and military officials drove off in any vehiclethey could find to offer their congratulations. The Regent, who was atthe Foreign Office, jumped into a common cab. Immediately after himappeared tough old Field-Marshal Wrangel, the hero of the Danish wars. He wrote his name in the callers' book, and on issuing from the palaceshouted to the assembled crowd, "Children, it's all right: a finestout recruit. " On the evening of the birth a telegram came from QueenVictoria, "Is it a fine boy?" and the answer went back, "Yes, a veryfine boy. "

Another story describes how the child was brought to submit cheerfullyto the ordeal of the tub. He was "water-shy, " like the vast majorityof Germans at that time, and the nurses had to complain to his father, Crown Prince Frederick, of his resistance. The Crown Prince thereupondirected the sentry at the palace gate not to salute the boy when hewas taken out for his customary airing. The boy remarked the neglectand complained to his father, who explained that "sentries were notallowed to present arms to an unwashed prince. " The stratagemsucceeded, and thereafter the lad submitted to the bathing with a goodgrace. 

Like all boys, the lad was fond of the water, though now in anothersense. At the age of two, nursery chroniclers relate, he had a toyboat, the _Fortuna_, in which he sat and see-sawed--and learned not tobe sea-sick! At three he was put into sailor's costume, with thebell-shaped trousers so dear to the hearts of English mothers fiftyyears ago. 

At the age of four he had a memorable experience, though it is hardlylikely that now, after the lapse of half a century, he remembers muchabout it. This was his first visit to England in 1863, when he wastaken by his parents to be present at the marriage of his uncle, KingEdward VII, then Prince of Wales. The boy, in pretty Highland costume, was an object of general attention, and occupies a prominent place inthe well-known picture of the wedding scene by the artist Frith. Theensuing fifteen years saw him often on English soil with his fatherand mother, staying usually at Osborne Castle, in the Isle of Wight. Here, it may be assumed, he first came in close contact with theocean, watched the English warships passing up and down, and imbibedsome of that delight in the sea which is not the least part of theheritage of Englishmen. The visits had a decided effect on him, for atten we find him with a row-boat on the Havel and learning to swim, andon one occasion rowing a distance of twenty-five miles between 6 a. M. And 3 p. M. About this time he used to take part with his parents inexcursions on the _Royal Louise_, a miniature frigate presented byGeorge IV to Frederick William III. 

Still another story concerns the boy and his father. The former cameone day in much excitement to his tutor and said his father had justblamed him unjustly. He told the tutor what had really happened andasked him, if, under the circumstances, he was to blame. The tutor wasin perplexity, for if he said the father had acted unjustly, as infact he thought he had, he might lessen the son's filial respect. However, he gave his candid opinion. "My Prince, " he said, "thegreatest men of all times have occasionally made mistakes, for to erris human. I must admit I think your father was in the wrong. ""Really!" cried the lad, who looked pained. "I thought you would tellme I was in the wrong, and as I know how right you always are I wasready to go to papa and beg his pardon. What shall I do now?" "Leaveit to me, " the tutor said, and afterwards told the Crown Prince whathad passed. The Crown Prince sent for his son, who came and stood withdowncast eyes some paces off. The Crown Prince only uttered the twowords, "My son, " but in a tone of great affection. As he folded thePrince in his arms he reached his hand to the tutor, saying, "I thankyou. Be always as true to me and to my son as you have been in thiscase. "

The last anecdote belongs also to the young Prince's private tutordays. At one time a certain Dr. D. Was teaching him. Every morning ateleven work was dropped for a quarter of an hour to enable the pair, teacher and pupil, to take what is called in German "secondbreakfast. " The Prince always had a piece of white bread and butter, with an apple, a pear, or other fruit, while the teacher was asregularly provided with something warm--chop, a cutlet, a slice offish, salmon, perch, trout, or whatever was in season, accompanied bysalad and potatoes. The smell of the meat never failed to appeal tothe olfactory nerves of the Prince, and he often looked, longinglyenough, at the luxuries served to his tutor. The latter noticed it andfelt sorry for him; but there was nothing to be done: the royal orderswere strict and could not be disobeyed. One day, however, the lesson, one of repetition, had gone so well that in a moment of gratitude thetutor decided to reward his pupil at all hazards. The lunch appeared, steaming "perch-in-butter" for the tutor, and a plate of bread andbutter and some grapes for the pupil. The Prince cast a glance at thesavoury dish and was then about to attack his frugal fare when thetutor suddenly said, "Prince, I'm very fond of grapes. Can't we foronce exchange? You eat my perch and I--" The Prince joyfully agreed, plates were exchanged, and both were heartily enjoying the meal whenthe Crown Prince walked in. Both pupil and tutor blushed a little, butthe Crown Prince said nothing and seemed pleased to hear how well thelesson had gone that day. At noon, however, as the tutor was leavingthe palace, a servant stopped him and said, "His Royal Highness theCrown Prince would like to speak with the Herr Doktor. "

"Herr Doktor, " said the Crown Prince, "tell me how it was that thePrince to-day was eating the warm breakfast and you the cold. "

The tutor tried to make as little of the affair as possible. It was ajoke, he said, he had allowed himself, he had been so well pleasedwith his pupil that morning. 

"Well, I will pass it over this time, " said the Crown Prince, "but I must ask you to let the Prince get accustomed to bear the preference shown to his tutor and allow him to be satisfied with the simple food suitable for his age. What will he eat twenty years hence, if he now gets roast meat? Bread and fruit make a wholesome and perfectly satisfactory meal for a lad of his years. "

During second breakfast next day, the Prince took care not to look upfrom his plate of fruit, but when he had finished, murmured as thoughby way of grace, "After all, a fine bunch of grapes is a splendidlunch, and I really think I prefer it, Herr Doktor, to yournice-smelling perch-in-butter. "

The time had now come when the young Prince was to leave the paternalcastle and submit to the discipline of school. The parents, one may besure, held many a conference on the subject. The boy was beginning tohave a character of his own, and his parents doubtless often had inmind Goethe's lines:--

 "Denn wir können die Kinder nach unserem Willen nicht formen, So wie Gott sie uns gab, so muss man sie lieben und haben, Sie erzielen aufs best und jeglichen lassen gewähren. "

 ("We cannot have children according to our will: as God gave them so must we love and keep them: bring them up as best we can and leave each to its own development. ")

It had always been Hohenzollern practice to educate the Heir to theThrone privately until he was of an age to go to the university, butthe royal parents now decided to make an important departure from itby sending their boy to an ordinary public school in some carefullychosen place. The choice fell on Cassel, a quiet and beautiful spotnot far from Wilhelmshohe, near Homburg, where there is a Hohenzollerncastle, and which was the scene of Napoleon's temporary detentionafter the capitulation of Sedan. Here at the Gymnasium, or _lycée_, founded by Frederick the Great, the boy was to go through the regularschool course, sit on the same bench with the sons of ordinaryburghers, and in all respects conform to the Gymnasium's regulations. The decision to have the lad taught for a time in this democraticfashion was probably due to the influence of his English mother, whomay have had in mind the advantages of an English public school. Theexperiment proved in every way successful, though it was at the timeadversely criticized by some ultra-patriotic writers in the press. Tothe boy himself it must have been an interesting and agreeablenovelty. Hitherto he had been brought up in the company of hisbrothers and sisters in Berlin or Potsdam, with an occasional"week-end" at the royal farm of Bornstedt near the latter, the onlyoccasions when he was absent from home being sundry visits to theGrand Ducal Court at Karlsruhe, where the Grand Duchess was an aunt onhis father's side, and to the Court at Darmstadt, where the GrandDuchess was an aunt on the side of his mother. 

An important ceremony, however, had to be performed before hisdeparture for school--his confirmation. It took place at Potsdam onSeptember 1, 1874, amid a brilliant crowd of relatives and friends, and included the following formal declaration by the young Prince:

 "I will, in childlike faith, be devoted to God all the days of my life, put my trust in Him and at all times thank Him for His grace. I believe in Jesus Christ, the Saviour and Redeemer. Him who first loved me I will love in return, and will show this love by love to my parents, my dear grandparents, my sisters and brothers and relatives, but also to all men. I know that hard tasks await me in life, but they will brace me up, not overcome me. I will pray to God for strength and develop my bodily powers. "

The boy and his brother Henry stayed in Cassel for three years, in thewinter occupying a villa near the Gymnasium with Dr. Hinzpeter, and insummer living in the castle of Wilhelmshohe hard by. Besides attendingthe usual school classes, they were instructed by private tutors indancing, fencing, and music. Both pupils are represented as havingbeen conscientious, and as moving among their schoolmates withoutaffectation or any special consciousness of their birth or rank. Manyyears afterwards the Emperor, when revisiting Cassel, thus referred tohis schooldays there:

 "I do not regret for an instant a time which then seemed so hard to me, and I can truly say that work and the working life have become to me a second nature. For this I owe thanks to Cassel soil;"

and later in the same speech:

 "I am pleased to be on the ground where, directed by expert hands, I learned that work exists not only for its own sake, but that man in work shall find his entire joy. "

This is the right spirit; but if he had said "greatest joy" and "canfind, " he would have said something more completely true. 

The life at Cassel was simple, and the day strictly divided. Thefuture Emperor rose at six, winter and summer, and after a breakfastof coffee and rolls refreshed his memory of the home repetition-worklearned the previous evening. He then went to the Gymnasium, and whenhis lessons there were over, took a walk with his tutor before lunch. Home tasks followed, and on certain days private instruction wasreceived in English, French, and drawing. His English and Frenchbecame all but faultless, and he learned to draw in rough-and-ready, if not professionally expert fashion. Wednesdays and Saturdays, whichwere half-holidays, were spent roving in the country, especially inthe forest, with two or three companions of his own age. In winterthere was skating on the ponds. The Sunday dinner was a formal affair, at which royal relatives, who doubtless came to see how the princeswere getting on, and high officials from Berlin, were usually present. After dinner the princes took young friends up to their private roomsand played charades, in which on occasion they amused themselves withthe ever-delightful sport of taking off and satirizing theirinstructors. At this time the future Emperor's favourite subjects werehistory and literature, and he was fond of displaying his rhetoricaltalent before the class. The classical authors of his choice wereHomer, Sophocles, and Horace. Homer particularly attracted him; it iseasy to imagine the conviction with which, as a Hohenzollern, he woulddeliver the declaration of King Agamemnon to Achilles:--

 "And hence, to all the host it shall be known That kings are subject to the gods alone. "

The young Prince left Cassel in January, 1877, after passing the exit(_abiturient_) examination, a rather severe test, twelfth in a classof seventeen. The result of the examination was officially describedas "satisfactory, " the term used for those who were second in degreeof merit. On leaving he was awarded a gold medal for good conduct, oneof three annually presented by a patron of the Gymnasium. 

A foreign resident in Germany, who saw the young Prince at this time, tells of an incident which refers to the lad's appearance, and showsthat even at that early date anti-English feeling existed among thepeople. It was at the military manoeuvres at Stettin:

 "Then the old Emperor came by. Tremendous cheers. Then Bismarck and Moltke. Great acclaim. Then passed in a carriage a thin, weakly-looking youth, and people in the crowd said, 'Look at that boy who is to be our future Emperor--his good German blood has been ruined by his English training. '"

Before closing the Emperor's record as a schoolboy it will be ofinterest to learn the opinion of him formed by his French tutor atCassel, Monsieur Ayme, who has published a small volume on theeducation of his pupil, and who, though evidently not too wellsatisfied with his remuneration of £7 10s. A month, or with beingrequired to pay his own fare back from Germany to France, writesfavourably of the young princes. "The life of these young people(Prince William and Prince Henry) was, " he says, "the most studious and peaceful imaginable. Up at six in the morning, they prepared their tasks until it was time to go to school. Lunch was at noon and tea at five. They went to bed at nine or half-past. All their hours of leisure were divided between lessons in French, English, music, pistol-shooting, equitation, and walking. Now and then they were allowed to play with boys of their own age, and on fête days and their parents' birth-anniversaries they had the privilege of choosing a play and seeing it performed at the theatre. As pocket-money Prince William received 20s. A month, and Henry 10s. Out of these modest sums they had to buy their own notepaper and little presents for the servants or their favourite companions. "

As to Prince William's character as a schoolboy, Monsieur Ayme writes:

 "I do not suppose William was ever punished while he was in Cassel. He was too proud to draw down upon himself criticism, to him the worst form of punishment. At the castle, as at school, he made it a point of honour to act and work as if he had made his plans and resolved to stick to them. He was always among the first of his class, and as for me I never had any need to urge him on. If I pointed out to him an error in his task he began it over again of his own accord. We did grammar, analysis, dictations, and compositions, and he got over his difficulties by sheer perseverance. For example, if he was reading a fine page of Victor Hugo, or the like, he hated to be interrupted, so deeply was he interested in the subject he was reading. Style and poetry had a great effect upon him; he expressed admiration for the form and was aroused to enthusiasm by generous or noble ideas. Frederick the Great was the hero of his choice, a model of which he never ceased dreaming, and which, like his grandfather, he proposed as his own. It is easy to conceive that after ten or twelve years of such study, regularly and methodically pursued, the Prince must have possessed a literary and scientific baggage more varied and extensive than that of his companions. And he worked hard for it, few lads so hard. To speak the truth, he was much more disciplined and much more deprived of freedom and recreation of all sorts than most children of his age. "

_Par paranthèse_ may be introduced here a reference to Prince Henry, of whom Monsieur Ayme writes less enthusiastically. 

 "One day, " the tutor writes, "I was dictating to him something in which mention of a queen occurs. I came to the words '... In addition to her natural distinction she possessed that August majesty which is the appanage of princesses of the blood royal.... '

 "Prince Henry laid down his pen and remarked, 'The author who wrote this piece did not live much with queens. '

 "'Why?' I asked. 

 "'Because I never observed the August majesty which attaches to princesses of the blood royal, and yet I have been brought up among them, ' was the reply. 

 "William, however, " continues Monsieur Ayme, "was the thinker, prudent and circumspect; the wise head which knew that it was not all truths which bear telling. He was not less loyal and constant in his opinions. He admired the French Revolution, and the declaration contained in 'The Rights of Man, ' though this did not prevent his declaiming against the Terrorists. "

One incident in particular must have appealed to the French tutor. Monsieur Ayme and his Prussian pupil one day began discussing thedelicate question of the war of 1870. In the course of the discussionboth parties lost their tempers, until at last Prince William suddenlygot up and left the room. He remained silent and "huffed" for somedays, but at last he took the Frenchman aside and made him a formalapology. "I am very sorry indeed, " he said, "that you took seriously my conduct of the other day. I meant nothing by it, and I regret it hurt you. I am all the more sorry, because I offended in your case a sentiment which I respect above any in the world, the love of country. "

But it is time to pass from the details of the Emperor's early youth, and observe him during the two years he spent, with interruptions, atthe university. From Cassel he went immediately to Bonn, where, asduring the years of military duty which followed, we only catchglimpses of him as he lived the ordinary, and by no means austere, life of the university student and soldier of the time; that is tosay, the ordinary life with considerable modifications and exceptions. He did not, like young Bismarck, drink huge flagons of beer at asitting, day after day. He was not followed everywhere by aboar-hound. He fought no student's duels--though a secret performanceof the kind is mentioned as a probability in the chronicles--or goabout looking for trouble generally as the swashbuckling Junker, Bismarck, did; for in the first place his royal rank would not allowof his taking part in the bloody amusement of the _Mensur_, and hisnatural disposition, if it was quick and lively, was not cholericenough to involve him in serious quarrel. His studies were to someextent interrupted by military calls to Berlin, for after beingappointed second lieutenant in the First Regiment of Foot Guards atPotsdam on his tenth birthday, the Hohenzollern age for entering thearmy, he was promoted to first lieutenant in the same regiment onleaving Cassel. 

For the most part the university lectures he attended were the coursesin law and philosophy, and he is not reported to have shown anyparticular enthusiasm for either subject. The differences between anEnglish and a German university are of a fundamental kind, perhaps thegreatest being that the German university does not aim at influencingconduct and character in the same measure as the English, but israther for the supply of knowledge of all sorts, as a monsterwarehouse is for the supply of miscellaneous goods. Again, the Germanuniversity, which, like all American universities except Princetown, has more resemblance to the Scottish universities than to those atOxford, Cambridge, or Dublin, is not residential nor divided intocolleges, but is departmentalized into "faculties, " each with its ownprofessors and _privat docentes_, or official lecturers, mostly youngsavants, who have not the rank or title of professor, but haveobtained only the _venia legendi_ from the university. The lectures, as a rule of admirable learning and thoroughness, invariably layinggreat and prosy stress on "development, " are delivered in large hallsand may be subscribed for in as many faculties as the student chooses, the cost being about thirty shillings or there-abouts per term foreach lecture "heard. " Outside the university the student enjoyscomplete independence, which is a privilege highly (and sometimesviolently) cherished, especially by non-studious undergraduates, underthe name "academic freedom. " The German preparing for one or other ofthe learned professions will probably spend a year or two at each ofthree, or maybe four, universities, according to the special facultyhe adopts and for which the university has a reputation. There areplenty of hard-working students of course; nowadays probably the greatmajority are of this kind; but to a large proportion also theuniversity period is still a pleasant, free, and easy halting-placebetween the severe discipline and work of the school and the sternstruggle of the working world. 

The social life of the English university is paralleled in Germany byassociations of students in student "Corps, " with theatrical uniformsfor their _Chargierte_ or officers, special caps, sometimes ofextraordinary shape, swords, leather gauntlets, Wellington boots, andother distinguishing gaudy insignia. The Corps are more or lessselect, the most exclusive of all being the Corps Borussia, which atevery university only admits members of an upper class of society, though on rare occasions receiving in its ranks an exceptionallyaristocratic, popular, or wealthy foreigner. To this Corps, the nameof which is the old form of "Prussia, " the Emperor belonged when atBonn, and in one or two of his speeches he has since spoken of theagreeable memories he retains in connexion with it and the practicesobserved by it. 

Common to all university associations in Germany--whether Corps, Landsmannschaft, Burschenschaft, or Turnerschaft--is the practice ofthe _Mensur_, or student duel. It is not a duel in the sense usuallygiven to the word in England, for it lacks the feature of personalhostility, hate, or injury, but is a particularly sanguinary form ofthe English "single-stick, " in which swords take the place of sticks. These swords (_Schläger_), called, curiously enough, _rapiere_, arelong and thin in the blade, and their weight is such that at everyduel students are told off on whose shoulders the combatants can resttheir outstretched sword-arm in the pauses of the combat caused by theduellists getting out of breath; consequently, an undersized studentis usually chosen for this considerate office. The heads and faces ofthe duellists are swathed in bandages--no small incentive toperspiration, the vital parts of their bodies are well protectedagainst a fatal prick or blow, and the pricks or slashes must bedelivered with the hand and wrist raised head-high above the shoulder. It is considered disgraceful to move the head, to shrink in thesmallest degree before the adversary, or even to show feeling when themedical student who acts as surgeon in an adjoining room staunches theflow of blood or sews up the scars caused by the swords. The duel of amore serious kind--that with pistols or the French rapier, or with thebare-pointed sabre and unprotected bodies--is punishable by law, andis growing rarer each year. 

Take a sabre duel--"heavy sabre duel" is the German name forit--arising out of a quarrel in a cafe or beer-house, and in which oneof the opponents may be a foreigner affiliated to some Corps orBurschenschaft. Cards are exchanged, and the challenger chooses asecond whom he sends to the opponent. The latter, if he accepts thechallenge, also appoints a second; the seconds then meet and arrangefor the holding of a court of honour. The court will probably consistof old Corps students--lawyer, a doctor, and two or three othermembers of the Corps or Burschenschaft. The court summons theopponents before it and hears their account of the quarrel; theseconds produce evidence, for example the bills at the cafe orbeer-hall, showing how much liquor has been consumed; also as to age, marriage or otherwise, and so on. Then the court decides whether thereshall be a duel, or not, and if so, in what form it shall be fought. 

The duel may be fixed to take place at any time within six months, andmeanwhile the opponents industriously practise. The scene of the duelis usually the back room of some beer-hall, with locked doors betweenthe duellists and the police. The latter know very well what is goingon, but shut their eyes to it. The opponents take their places atabout a yard and a half distance from advanced foot to advanced foot, and a chalk line is drawn between them. Close behind each opponent ishis second with outstretched sword, ready to knock up the duellists'weapons in case of too dangerous an impetuosity in the onset. Theumpire _(Unparteiischer)_, unarmed, stands a little distance from theduellists. The latter are naked _to_ the waist, but wear a leatherapron like that of a drayman, covering the lower half of the chest, and another piece of leather, like a stock, protecting their necks andjugular veins. The duel may last a couple of hours, and any number ofrounds up to as many as two hundred may be fought. The rounds consistof three or four blows, and last about twenty seconds each, when theseconds, who have been watching behind their men in the attitude of awicket-keeper, with their sword-points on the ground, jump in andknock up the duellists' weapons. When one duellist is disabled by skinwounds--there are rarely any others--or by want of breath, palpitationor the like, the duel is over, and the duellists shake hands. Thisdescription, with some slight modifications, applies to the ordinaryCorps _Mensuren_, which are simply a bloody species of gymnasticexercise. 

On one occasion early in the reign the Emperor spoke of the Corpssystem with great enthusiasm, and especially endorsed the practice ofthe _Mensur_. "I am quite convinced, " he said at Bonn in 1891, threeyears after his accession, "that every young man who enters a Corps receives through the spirit which rules in it, and supposing he imbibes the spirit, his true directive in life. For it is the best education for later life a young man can obtain. Whoever pokes fun at the German student Corps is ignorant of its true tendency, and I hope that so long as student Corps exist the spirit which is fostered in them, and which inspires strength and courage, will continue, and that for all time the student will joyfully wield the _Schläger_. "

Regarding the _Mensur_, he went on:

 "Our _Mensuren_ are frequently misunderstood by the public, but that must not let us be deceived. We who have been Corps students, as I myself was, know better. As in the Middle Ages through our gymnastic exercises (_Turniere_) the courage and strength of the man was steeled, so by means of the Corps spirit and Corps life is that measure of firmness acquired which is necessary in later life, and which will continue to exist as long as there are universities in Germany. "

The word for firmness used by the Emperor was _Festigkeit_, which mayalso be translated determination, steadiness, fortitude, orresoluteness of character. It may be that practice of the _Mensur_, which is held almost weekly, has a lifelong influence on the Germanstudent's character. It probably enables him to look the adversary inthe eye--look "hard" at him, as the mariners in Mr. A. W. Jacobs'sdelightful tales look at one another when some particularly ingeniouslie is being produced. In a way, moreover, it may be said tocorrespond to boxing in English universities, schools, and gymnasia. But, on the whole, the Anglo-Saxon spectator finds it difficult tounderstand how it can exercise any influence for good on the moralcharacter of a youth, or determine, as the Emperor says it does, adisposition which is cowardly or weak by nature to bravery orstrength, save of a momentary and merely physical kind. The Englishmanwho has been present at a _Mensur_ is rather inclined to think theatmosphere too much that of a shambles, and the chief result of thepractice the cultivation of braggadocio. 

Besides, the practice is illegal, and though purposely overlooked, save in one German city, that of Leipzig, where it is punished withsome rigour, the Emperor, who is supposed to embody the majesty andeffectiveness of the law, is hardly the person to recommend it. Hisinconsistency in the matter on one occasion placed him in anundignified position. Two officers of the army quarrelled, and one, aninfantry lieutenant, sent a challenge to the other, an army medicalman. The latter refused on conscientious grounds, whereupon he wascalled on by a military court of honour to send in his resignation. The case was sent up to the Emperor, who upheld the decision of thecourt of honour, adding the remark that if the surgeon hadconscientious scruples on the point he should not remain in the army. An irate Social Democratic editor thereupon pointed out that such adecision came with a bad grace from a man with whom, or with any ofwhose six sons, no one was allowed to fight. The Emperor is still amember of the Borussia Corps, but chiefly shows his interest bykeeping its anniversaries in mind, by every few years attending one ofits annual drinking festivals (_Commers_), and by paying a substantialyearly subscription. 

The German student Corps, historically, go back to the fourteenthcentury, when the first European universities were established atBologna, Paris, and Orleans. Universities then were not so called fromthe universality of their teachings, but rather as meaning acorporation, confraternity, or collegium, and were in reality socialcentres in the towns where they were instituted. The most renowned wasthat of Paris, and here was founded the first student Corps. It wascalled the "German Nation of Paris, " a corporation of students, withstatutes, oaths, special costumes, and other distinctive features. Atfirst, strange to say, it contained more Englishmen than Germans. The"Nation" had a procurator, a treasurer, and a bedell, the last to lookafter the legal affairs of the association. Drinking was not thesupposed purpose of the society, but the Corps mostly assembled, asGerman Corps do to-day, for drinking purposes. 

The earliest form of German student associations Was theLandsmannschaft. To this society, composed of elders and juniors, new-comers, called Pennales, were admitted after painful ceremoniesand became something like the "fags" at an English public school. Theobject of the original Landsmannschaft was to keep alive the spirit ofnationality. The object of the German Corps is different. It is tobeget and perpetuate friendship, and this accounts for the steadygoodwill the Emperor has always shown towards the comrades of his Bonnand Borussia days. 

An ancient form of Corps entertainment is called the Hospiz, now, however, much modified. Upon invitation the members of the Corps meetin a beer-hall or in the rooms of one of the Corps. The president isseated with a house-key on the table before him as a symbol ofunfettered authority. As members arrive, the president takes awaytheir sticks and swords and deposits them in a closet. The guests sitdown and are handed filled pipes and a lighted _fidibus_, orpipe-lighter. Bread and butter and cheese, followed by coffee, areoffered. After this, the real work of the evening begins--thedrinking. A large can of beer stands on a stool beside the president. The latter calls for silence by rapping three times on the table withthe house-key, and the Hospiz is declared open. Thenceforward only thepresident pours out the beer, unless he appoints a deputy during hisabsence. The president's great aim and honour is to make every one, including himself, intoxicated. He begins by rapping the table withhis glass and saying "Significat ein Glas. " In response all draintheir glasses. Then comes a "health to all, " and this is followed by a"health to each. " "The Ladies" follow, including toasts to the prettygirls of the town, and ladies known to be favourites of those present. Married ladies or women of bad reputation must not be toasted in theHospiz. 

A story is told of a toast the Emperor, in these his Lohengrin days, once proposed at a Borussia meeting. "On the Kreuzberg" (a hill nearBonn), he said, "I saw a picture, the ideal of a German woman. She united in herself beauty of face and an imposing form, the roses in her cheeks spoke of the modesty peculiar to our maids, and her voice sounded harmoniously like the lute of the Minnesingers on the Wartburg. She told me her name--may it be blessed. "

The toast found its way into the local papers and gave birth to aromantic legend connecting the future Emperor with a pretty and modestgirl of the town, but no true basis for it has ever been discovered. 

In toasting the Ladies in a Hospiz each of those present may name thelady of his choice, and if two name the same lady they have a drinkingbout to determine which is entitled to claim her. The one who firstadmits that he can drink no more--usually signified by a hasty andzigzag retreat from the room--is declared the loser. If a guest comeslate to the Hospiz he must drink fast so as to catch up with earlierarrivals, unless he has been drinking elsewhere, when he is let offwith drinking a "general health. "

The close of the Emperor's student days was marked by an event whichwas to have a great influence on his life and happiness. It was in1879 that he made the acquaintance of the young lady who was, a coupleof years later, to become his wife, and subsequently Empress. When atBonn Prince William had developed a liking for wild-game shooting, andaccepted an invitation from Duke Frederick of Schleswig-Holstein toshoot pheasants at Primkenau Castle, the Duke's seat in Silesia. Morethan one romantic story is current about the first meeting of thelovers, but that most generally credited, as it was published at ornear the time, represents the young sportsman as meeting the ladyaccidentally in the garden of the castle. He had arrived at night andgone shooting early next morning before being introduced to the familyof his host, and on his return surprised the fair-haired and blue-eyedPrincess Auguste Victoria as she lay dozing in a hammock in thegarden. The student approached, the words "little Rosebud" on hislips, but hastily withdrew as the Princess, all blushes, awoke. Thepair met shortly afterwards at breakfast, when the visitor learned whothe "little rosebud" was whom he had surprised. The Princess was thentwenty-two, but looked much younger, a privilege from nature she stillpossesses in middle age. The impression made on the student was deepand lasting, and the engagement was announced on Valentine's Day, inFebruary, 1880. The marriage was celebrated on February 27th of thefollowing year at the royal palace in Berlin. Great popular rejoicingmarked the happy occasion, Berlin was gaily flagged to celebrate theformal entrance of the bride into the capital, and most other Germancities illuminated in her honour. The imperial bridegroom came fromPotsdam at the head of a military escort selected from his regimentand preceded the bridal cortege, in which the ancient coronationcarriage, with its smiling occupant, and drawn by eight prancingsteeds, was the principal feature. On the day following the marriagethe young couple went to Primkenau for the honeymoon. 

The marriage with a princess of Schleswig-Holstein was not only anevent of general interest from the domestic and dynastic point ofview. It had also political significance, for it meant the happy closeof the troubled period of Prussian dealings with those conqueredterritories. 

A story throwing light on the young bride's character is current inconnexion with her wedding. One of the hymns contained astrophe--"Should misfortune come upon us, " which her friends wantedher to have omitted as striking too melancholy a note. "No, " she said, "let it be sung. I don't expect my new position to be always a bed of roses. Prince William is of the same mind, and we have both determined to bear everything in common, and thus make what is unpleasant more endurable. "

Since the marriage their domestic felicity, as all the world is aware, has never been troubled, and the example thus given to their subjectsis one of the surest foundations of their influence and authority inGermany. The secret of this felicity, affection apart, is to be soughtfor in the strong moral sense of the Emperor regarding what he owes tohimself and his people, but no less perhaps in the exemplary characterof the Empress. As a girl at Primkenau she was a sort of LadyBountiful to the aged and sick on the estate, and led there the simplelife of the German country maiden of the time. It was not the day ofelectric light and central heating and the telephone; hardly of lawntennis, certainly not of golf and hockey; while motor-cars andmilitant suffragettes were alike unknown. Instead of these delightsthe Princess, as she then was, was content with the humdrum life of aGerman country mansion, with rare excursions into the great worldbeyond the park gates, with her religious observances, her books, herneedlework, her plants and flowers, and her share in the management ofthe castle. 

These domestic tastes she has preserved, and the saying, quoted inGermany whenever she is the subject of conversation, that hercharacter and tastes are summed up in the four words _Kaiser, Kinder, Kirche_, and _Küche_--Emperor, children, church, and kitchen--is astrue as it is compendious and alliterative. It is often assumed, especially by men, that a woman who cultivates these tastes cultivatesno other. This is not as true as is often supposed of the Empress, asa journal of her voyage to Jerusalem in 1898, published on her returnto Germany, goes to show. Following the traditions and example of thequeens and empresses who have preceded her, she has always givenliberally of her time and care, as she still does, to the mostmultifarious forms of charity. She has a great and intelligible pridein her clever and energetic husband, while her interest in herchildren is proverbial. She appears to have no ambition to exerciseany influence on politics or to shine as a leader of society. Like theEmperor, she is not without a sense of humour, and is always amused bythe racy Irish stories (in dialect) told her and a little circle ofguests by Dr. Mahaffy, of Trinity College, Dublin, who is a welcomeguest at the palace. 

The offspring of the marriage, it may be here noted, is a family ofseven children--six sons and a daughter--as follows:--

 Crown Prince Frederick William, born 1882 Prince Eitel Frederick " 1883 Prince Adalbert " 1884 Prince August William " 1887 Prince Oscar " 1888 Prince Joachim " 1890 Princess Victoria Louise " 1892

The Crown Prince was born on June 6th at the Marble Palace in Potsdam. He was educated at first privately by tutors, and later at themilitary academy at Plön, not far from Kiel. When eighteen he becameof age and began his active career as an officer in the army. He isnow commander of the First Regiment of Boay Guards ("Death's Head"Hussars) at Langfuhr, near Danzig, with the rank of major. He wasmarried in June, 1905, to Cecilie, Duchess of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, and is the father of four children, all boys. The Crown Princess isone of the cleverest, most popular, and most charming characters inGermany, of the brightest intelligence and the most unaffectedmanners. The leading trait in the Crown Prince's character is his loveof sport, from big-game shooting (on which he has written a book) tolawn tennis. In May last he began to learn golf. He is personallyamiable, has pleasant manners, and is highly popular with all classesof his future subjects. He is credited with ability, but is notbelieved to have inherited the intellectual manysidedness of hisfather. The only part he can be said to have taken in public life asyet is having called the imperial attention to the Maximilian Hardenallegations regarding Count Eulenburg and a court "camarilla, "referred to later, and having, while sitting in a gallery of theReichstag, demonstrated by decidedly marked gestures his disagreementwith the Government's Morocco policy. 

Since his marriage the Emperor has more than once publiclycongratulated himself on his good fortune in having such a consort asthe Empress. The most graceful compliment he paid her was in her ownProvince of Silesia in 1890, when he said:

 "The band which unites me with the Province--that of all the provinces of the Empire which is nearest to my heart--is the jewel which sparkles at my side, Her Majesty the Empress. A native of this country, a model of all the virtues of a German princess, it is her I have to thank that I am in a position joyfully to perform the onerous duties of my office. "

Only the other day at Altona, after thirty years of married life, hereferred to her, again in her home Province and again as she satsmiling beside him, as the

 "first lady of the land, who is always ready to help the needy, to strengthen family ties, to discharge the duties of her sex, and suggest to it new aims. The Empress has bestowed a home life on the House of Hohenzollern such as Queen Louise, alone perhaps, conferred. "

Queen Louise, the famous wife of Frederick William III, died in 1810and is buried in the mausoleum at Charlottenburg, the suburb ofBerlin. She has remained ever since, for the German nation, the typeof womanly perfection. 

III. 

PRE-ACCESSION DAYS

1881-1887

The seven years between the date of his marriage and that of hisaccession were chiefly filled in by the future Emperor with theconscientious discharge of his regimental duties and the preparationof himself, by three or four hours' study daily at the variousMinistries, among them the Foreign Office, where he sat at the feet ofBismarck, for the imperial tasks he would presumably have to undertakelater. 

Emperor William I, now a man of eighty-four, was still on the throne. Born in 1797, he lived with his parents, Frederick William III andQueen Louise, in Koenigsberg and Memel for three years after thebattle of Jena, won the Iron Cross at the age of seventeen in the warwith Napoleon in 1814, took part in the entry of the Allies intoParis, and devoted himself thenceforward, until he became King ofPrussia in 1861, chiefly to the reorganization of the army. For a yearduring the troubled times of 1848 he was forced to take refuge inEngland, from whence he returned to live quietly at Coblenz untilcalled to the Regency of Prussia in 1858. He was the Grand Master ofPrussian Freemasonry. The attempts on his life in Berlin in 1878 bythe anarchists Hödel and Nobiling are still spoken of by eye-witnessesto them. Both attempts were made within a period of three weeks whilethe King was driving down Unter den Linden, and on both occasionsrevolver shots were fired at him. Hödel's attempt failed, but in viewof Socialist agitation, the would-be assassin was beheaded (thepractice still in Prussia) a few weeks later. Pellets from Nobiling'sweapon struck the King in the face and arm, and disabled him from workfor several weeks. The political events of the reign, including theSeven Weeks' War with Austria in 1866, which ended at Sadowa, whereKing William was in chief command, and that with France in 1870, whenhe was present as Commander-in-Chief at Gravelotte and Sedan, arefrequently referred to by Bismarck in his "Gedanke und Erinnerungen, "and to these the reader may be referred. 

The high and amiable character of the old Emperor, as he became after1870, is common knowledge. He was a thoroughgoing Hohenzollern in hisviews of monarchy and his relations to his folk, but he was at thesame time the type of German chivalry, the essence of good nature, thesoul of honour, and the slave of duty. He was extremely fond of hisgrandson, Prince William, and it is clear from the latter's speechessubsequently that the affection was ardently reciprocated. 

Of Emperor William, Bismarck writes in the highest terms, describinghis "kingly courtesy, " his freedom from vanity, his impartialitytowards friend and foe alike; in a word, he says, Emperor William wasthe idea "gentleman" incorporated. On the other hand, Bismarck tellshow the old Emperor all his life long stood in awe of his consort, theEmpress Augusta, Bismarck's great enemy and the clearing-house(_Krystallisationspunkt_), as he describes her, of all the oppositionagainst him; and how the Emperor used to speak of her as "thehot-head" ("_Feuerkopf_")--"a capital name for her, " Bismarck adds, "as she could not bear her authority as Queen to be overborne by thatof anyone else. " The Iron Chancellor, by the way, mentions a curiousfact in connexion with the attempt on Emperor William's life byNobiling. The Chancellor says he had noticed that in the seventies theEmperor's powers had begun to fail, and that he often lost the threadof a conversation, both in hearing and speaking. After the Nobilingattempt this disability, strangely enough, completely disappeared. Thefact was noticed by the Emperor himself, for one day he said jestinglyto Bismarck: "Nobiling knew better than the doctors what I reallyneeded--a good blood-letting. "

Referring to the Empress Frederick at this period, Bismarck writes:

 "With her I could not reckon on the same good-will as I could with her husband (Emperor Frederick). Her natural and inborn sympathy for her native country showed itself from the very beginning in the endeavour to shift the weight of Prussian-German influence on the European grouping of the Powers into the scale of England, which she never ceased to regard as her Fatherland; and, in consciousness of the opposition of interests between the two great Asiatic Powers, England and Russia, to see Germany's power, in case of a breach, used for the benefit of England. "

An incident may be mentioned here which took place at what was to turnout to be the Emperor William's death-bed and refers particularly toour young Prince William. Bismarck was talking to the sick Emperor afew days before the latter's death. The Chancellor spoke about thenecessity of publishing an Order, already drawn up in November of thepreceding year, appointing Prince William regent in case the necessityfor such a measure should occur. The sick Emperor expressed the hopethat Bismarck would stand by his successor. Bismarck promised to do soand the Emperor pressed his hand in token of satisfaction. Then, suddenly, Bismarck relates, the Emperor became delirious and began torave. Prince William was the central figure in his ravings. Heevidently thought his grandson was at his bedside and exclaimed, usingthe familiar _Du_; "_Du_ you must always keep on good terms with theCzar (Alexander III) ... There is no need to quarrel in that quarter. "Thereafter he was silent, and Bismarck left the sick-room. 

The Prince's parents, Crown Prince Frederick and his English consort, had also their Court at the Marmor Palais in Potsdam, and their palacein Berlin, but the life they led was comparatively simple. The CrownPrince and Princess were great travellers and consequently oftenabsent from Germany; and when at home, while the Crown Prince, in hisserious-minded fashion, was absorbed in study, the Crown Princessdivided her time between the practice of the arts and correspondencewith her now grown-up sons and daughters. 

Still, it is clear from the signs of the time that there was a gooddeal of intrigue going on throughout this pre-accession period, or, ifintrigue is too strong a term for it, a good deal of friction, socialand political, in high circles. It was chiefly caused, if the oldChancellor's statements to his sycophantic adorer, Busch, are to becredited, by the interference of the Empress Augusta and herdaughter-in-law, the Crown Princess, in the sphere of politics, theEmpress seeking to influence her husband in favour of the Catholics, whom she had taken under her protection, and the Crown Princesstrying, as we have seen, to influence German policy in favour ofEngland. 

Exactly what part Prince William took in it all is not very clear. Onething we know, that he greatly displeased Bismarck by his constantattendance at the Waldersee _salon_, then a social centre in Berlin. Countess Waldersee, who is still living in Hannover, was the daughterof an American banker named Lee. She married Frederick, Prince ofSchleswig, but he died six months after the wedding. His widowafterwards married Count Waldersee, who was subsequently to commandthe international forces during the Boxer troubles in China. Bismarckdetested Waldersee, perhaps because many people spoke of him as hisprobable successor, and consequently looked with anything but favouron his imperial pupil's visit to the Waldersees. 

The great figure of the time, however, was neither the Emperor nor theCrown Prince nor Prince William, but Prince Bismarck, who, asChancellor for now more than a quarter of a century, had throughoutthat period guided the destinies of Prussia and the German Empire. Emperor William and Crown Prince Frederick and Prince William wereplaying, doubtless, more or less prominent parts on the public stage, but all things of moment gravitated towards Bismarck, whose days werespent, now persuading or convincing the Emperor, now warring with aParliament growing impatient of his dictatorial attitude, nowcountermining the intrigues and opposition of his adversaries at Courtand in the Ministries. He hardly ever went into society, but though hespent his days growling in his den at the Foreign Office when he wasnot immersed in work, he was the great popular figure of Berlin;indeed, it might be said, of all Germany. 

As second lieutenant, Prince William had naturally a good deal tolearn, though, entering life, as we have seen, as a "fine youngrecruit, " having had a "military governor" appointed to his servicewhen he was four, being made an officer at the age of ten, and havingpassed most of his life hitherto in a military society and atmosphere, he had less perhaps to learn than the ordinary young German officer. He went through the usual drills, and doubtless felt, as keenly asdoes the young officer everywhere, their monotonous and seeminglyunnecessary repetitions, but they fulfilled the object in view andgave him the well-set-up bearing and martial tread which stilldistinguish him. Living in the old Town Castle of Potsdam, in roomsthat had once been occupied by Frederick the Great, he entered withzest into the task of learning the mechanism of his regiment and atthe same time of the army generally, though it cannot have been asinteresting a task then as now, when science has added so many newbranches to military organization. Both he and his young wife were ashospitable as their not too generous means and occasional cheques fromthe Emperor William would allow, particularly to any Borussian of thePrince's Bonn university days who might be passing through Berlin orPotsdam. The young Prince and Princess took part, as was to beexpected of them, in the festivities and ceremonies of the Emperor'sand Crown Prince's Court, and, when they had nothing more interestingto do, might be seen strolling arm in arm about the streets in Potsdamlooking into the shops as young married people do in every town, andbeing apparently, as the story-books say, as happy as the day is long. 

On the whole, however, during these pre-accession years, only glimpsesof Prince William's character and doings are obtainable, but, thoughmeagre, they are sufficient to suggest that in his case, too, if weextend the saying to cover the entire period of youth, the child wasfather to the man. The chief, almost the only, reliable authoritiesfor the inner history of the time are the memoirs and notes left bythe two Chancellors, Prince Bismarck and Prince Hohenlohe--_enpassant_ let the hope be expressed here that in the interests ofGermany herself another Chancellor, Prince Bernhard Ernst von Bülow, now living in retirement at Rome, will enlighten the world as to thatof the last ten or twelve stirring years, _quorum pars magna fuit_. Both Bismarck and Hohenlohe were excellent judges of character, andhave, described, though with regrettable brevity, the character ofPrince William about this time. Talking to his confidant, Dr. Busch, in June, 1882, Bismarck says of the Prince:

 "He is quite different from the Emperor William, and wishes to take the government into his own hands; he is energetic and determined, not at all disposed to put up with parliamentary co-regents, a regular guardsman; Philopater and Antipater at Potsdam! He is not at all pleased at his father (Crown Prince Frederick) taking up with professors, with Mommsen, Virchow, Forckenbeck. Perhaps he may one day develop into the _rocher de bronze_ of which we stand in need. "

This _rocher de bronze_ is an expression constantly employed bydevoted royalists and imperialists in Germany. It was first used byFrederick William IV, who, in the jargon which in his time passed forthe German language, exclaimed: "_Ich werde meine Souvereinetatstabilizieren wie ein rocher de bronze_. "

Again, about this time Bismarck says:

 "Up to that time (when Prince William was studying at the Ministries) he knew little, and indeed did not trouble himself much about it, but preferred to enjoy himself in the society of young officers and such-like, "

and he goes on to tell how the Prince took--or did not take--to thisMinisterial education. It was proposed that the Under Secretary ofState, Herrfurth, who was reputed to be well informed, particularly instatistics, should instruct him about internal questions. The Princeagreed and invited Herrfurth to lunch, but afterwards told Bismarck hecould not stand him, "with his bristly beard, his dryness andtediousness. " Could Bismarck suggest some one else? The Chancellormentioned Privy Councillor von Brandenstein. The Prince did notobject, had the Baron several times to meals, but paid so littleattention to his explanations that Brandenstein lost patience andbegged for some other employment. Concerning a rendezvous, Bismarckwrites:

 "He (Prince William) has more understanding, more courage and greater independence (than his grandfather), but in his leaning for me he goes too far. He was 'surprised' that I had waited for him, a thing his grandfather was incapable of saying;"

and the Chancellor adds:

 "It is only in trifles and matters of secondary importance that one occasionally has reason to find fault with him, as, for instance, in the form of his State declarations--but that is youthful vivacity which time will correct. Better too much than too little fire. "

Busch relates, under date of April 6, 1888, Bismarck's birthday, howPrince William came to offer his congratulations, and, having done so, invited himself to dinner. The meal over, he made a speech toastingBismarck, in which he said:

 "The Empire is like an army corps that has lost its commander-in-chief in the field, while the officer who is next to him in rank lies severely wounded. At this critical moment forty-six million loyal German hearts turn with solicitude and hope to the standard, and the standard-bearer in whom all their expectations are centred. The standard-bearer is our illustrious Prince, our great Chancellor. Let him lead us. We will follow him. Long may he live!"

Prince Hohenlohe's references to Prince William as Emperor arefrequent and full, but he has little to say about his character asPrince William beyond noting, when there was some talk of the Princedirectly succeeding Emperor William, that he was "too young. " On anoccasion subsequently Prince Hohenlohe amusingly notes that theEmperor shook hands with him until his fingers "nearly cracked. " Thisis still a genial gesture of the Emperor's. 

One document, however, is available to show the spirit of religioustolerance which then animated our young Lutheran Prince, as it hasanimated him, it may be added, ever since. Pius IX had been succeededin the Papacy by the more liberal Leo XIII, and the Kulturkampf hadcome to an end. Prince William, writing to an uncle, CardinalHohenlohe, says:--

 "That this unholy Kulturkampf is at an end is a thing which rejoices me beyond expression. Of late many eminent Catholics, among them Kopp (afterwards Cardinal) have frequently visited me and honoured me with a confidence at once complete and gratifying. I was often so happy as to be able to be the interpreter of their wishes (to the Emperor and Bismarck, presumably) and do them some service. So it has been granted to my youth to co-operate in this work of peace. This has given me great pleasure and happiness. 

 "Give my regards to Galimberti and lay my respects at the feet of the Pope. 

 "Thy devoted nephew, "WILLIAM OF PRUSSIA. "

With his future subjects Prince William was brought into closerelations only in a very limited way. No one, save perhaps Bismarck, seems to have known or suspected his true character and aims. This wasnatural enough, since it is not until a man comes to occupy someinfluential or prominent position that the public begins to take aninterest in him. His father would be Emperor before him, and fatemight have it that he himself would not live to come to the throne. Royal highnesses are not uncommon in a country with such a feudalhistory and so many courts as Germany. The young Prince, moreover, wasnever, to use a phrase of to-day, in the limelight. He was neverinvolved in a notorious scandal. He had not, as his eldest son, thepresent Crown Prince, has, published a book. He was more or lessabsorbed in the army, the early grave of so many dawning talents. Andthere was no newspaper press devoted to chronicling the doings andsayings of the fashionable world of his time. His natural abilitieswould doubtless have secured him reputation and success in any sphereof life, but, as he himself would probably be the first to admit, muchof his fame, and even much of his merit, is due to the splendidopportunities afforded him by his birth and position. 

At the same time it is obvious that if his people at this period hadnot much opportunity of studying the young Prince, he had beenstudying them and their requirements as these latter appeared to him. He had evidently thought much on Germany's conditions and prospectsbefore he came to the throne, and was Empire-building in imaginationlong before he became Emperor. It is not hard to guess the drift ofhis meditations. The success of the Empire depended on the success ofPrussia, and the success of Prussia, ringed in by possibly hostilePowers, on union under a Prussian King whom Germans should swearfealty to and regard as a Heaven-granted leader. From the history ofPrussia he drew the conclusion that force, physical force, wellorganized and equipped, must be the basis of Germany's security. Physical force had made Brandenburg into Prussia, and Prussia into thestill nascent modern German Empire. He knew that France was onlywaiting for the day to come when she would be powerful enough torecover her lost provinces. Russia was friendly, but there was nocertainty she would always be so. Austria was an ally, but many peoplein Austria had not forgotten Sadowa, and in any case her military andnaval forces were far from being efficient. An irresistible army, anda national spirit that would keep it so, were consequently Germany'sfirst essentials. 

Simultaneously a new fact of vital importance for Germany's prosperitypresented itself for consideration--the growth of world-policy intrade, the expansion of commerce through the development caused by newconditions of transport and intercommunication in which other nationswere already engaged. The Prince saw his country's merchants beginningto spread over the earth, and believing in the doctrine that tradefollows the flag, he felt that the flag, with the power and protectionit affords, must be supplied. For this it appeared to him that a navywas as indispensable as was an efficient army for Germany's internalsecurity. All other great countries had fine navies, while to Germanythis complement of Empire was practically wanting. Accordingly he nowtook up the study of naval science and naval construction. 

There was an occasion, however, at this time when the young Princeattracted general attention, if only for a few days. It was when ascolonel of the Body Guard Hussars, he ordered his officers to withdrawfrom a Berlin club in which hazard and high play had ruined some ofthe younger and less wealthy members. The committee of the club usedtheir influence to cause Emperor William to make the new commandercancel his order. The Emperor sent for his grandson and requested itswithdrawal. 

"Majesty, " said the young commander, "permit me a question--am I stillcommander of the regiment?"

"Of course--"

"Well, then, will your Majesty allow me to maintain the order--or elseaccept my resignation?"

"Oh, " said the Emperor, who was in reality pleased with the youngdisciplinarian, "there can be no talk of such a thing. I could notfind so good a commanding officer again in a hurry. "

When the club committee's ambassadors came to the Emperor to learn theresult of his intervention, his answer was, "Very sorry, gentlemen; Idid my best, but the colonel refuses. "

The political situation as regards France was just now highlyprecarious. General Boulanger, whom Gambetta once described as "one ofthe four best officers in France, " had become Minister of War in thede Freycinet Cabinet of 1886. Relying on a supposed superiority of theFrench army, he prepared for a war of revenge against Germany andaimed, with the help of Deroulède and Rochfort, at suppressing theparliamentary _régime_ and establishing himself as dictator. His planswere answered in Germany by the acceptance of Bismarck's Septennatproposals for increasing the army and fixing its budget for sevenyears in advance. The war feeling in France diminished, and though itrevived for a time owing to the arrest of the French frontier policecommissary Schnaebele, it finally died out on that officer's releaseat the particular request of the Czar to Emperor William. Boulanger'ssubsequent history only concerns France. He was sent to a provincialcommand, but returned to Paris, where he was joyously received andelected to Parliament by a large majority. He might, it is believed, ayear or two later, on being elected by the department of the Seine, with Paris at his back, have made a successful _coup d'état_ on thenight of his triumphant election, but his courage at the last momentfailed, and on learning that he was about to be arrested he fled toBrussels, where he committed suicide on the grave of his mistress. 

The time, however, was approaching, the most interesting, and as thesuccession of events have shown, the most momentous for the Empiresince 1870, when Prince William's accession was obviously at hand. During the year 1887 and the early part of 1888 the attention of theworld was fixed, first curiously, then anxiously, then sympatheticallyon the situation in Berlin. Emperor William was an old man just turnedninety; he was fast breaking up and any week his death might beannounced. Hereditarily the Crown Prince Frederick, now fifty-six, should succeed, and a new reign would open which might introducepolitical changes of moment to other countries as well as Germany. Thenew reign was indeed to open, but only to prove one of the shortest inhistory. 

In January, 1887, a Shadow fell on the House of Hohenzollern, theShadow that must one day fall on every living creature. It was noticedthat the Crown Prince was hoarse, had caught a cold, or something ofthe kind. A stay at Ems did him no good, Doctors Tobold and vonBergmann, the leading specialists of the day, were consulted, alaryngoscopic examination followed, the presence of cancer wasstrongly suspected, and an operation was advised. At this juncture, atthe suggestion, it is said, of Queen Victoria, it was decided tosummon the specialist of highest reputation in England, Sir MorellMackenzie, who, having examined the patient, and basing his opinion ona report of Professor Virchow's, declared that the growth was notmalignant. It was now May, and on Mackenzie's advice the patientvisited England, where, accompanied by Prince William, he was presentat the celebration of Queen Victoria's Jubilee. Some months after hisreturn to the Continent were spent with his family in Tirol and Italy, until November found him in San Remo, where a meeting of famoussurgeons from Vienna, Berlin, and Frankfort-on-Main finally diagnosedthe existence of cancer, and Mackenzie coincided with the judgment. 

The old Emperor died on March 9th. He had taken cold on March 3rd, andon the 7th a chronic ailment of the kidneys from which he sufferedbecame worse, he could not sleep, his strength began to ebb, and itwas clear the end was near. On the 6th, however, he was able to speakfor a few minutes with Prince William, with Bismarck, and with hisonly daughter, the Grand Duchess of Baden, who had arrived post-hastethe night before to be present at the death-bed. The Grand Duchess, asthe Emperor spoke, besought him not to tire himself by talking. "Ihave no time to be tired, " he murmured, in a flicker of the sense ofduty which had been a lifelong feature of his character, and a fewhours later he passed quietly away. The funeral, headed by PrinceWilliam and the Knights of the Black Eagle, took place on the 20th. The new Emperor Frederick, who had hurried from San Remo on receivingnews of the Emperor's condition, was too ill to join it, but stoodbehind a closed window of his palace and saluted as the coffin wentby. 

The incidents of the Emperor Frederick's ascent of the throne, theamnesty and liberal-minded proclamations to his people, and inparticular the heroic resignation with which he bore his fate, areevents of common knowledge. One of them was the so-called Battenbergaffair. Queen Victoria desired a marriage between Princess Victoria, the present Emperor's sister, then aged twenty-two, and PrinceAlexander of Battenberg, at that time Prince of Bulgaria, so as tosecure him against Russia by an alliance with the imperial house ofGermany. Prince Bismarck objected on the ground that the marriagewould show Germany in an unfriendly light at St. Petersburg, and mightsubject a Prussian princess to the risk of expulsion from Sofia. Another account is that the Chancellor feared an increase of Englishinfluence at the German Court with the Prince of Bulgaria as itschannel. In any case, the result of the Chancellor's opposition was toplace the sick Emperor in a delicate and painful situation. It wasended by his yielding to the Chancellor's representations, and themarriage did not come off. 

Meanwhile, the Emperor's malady was making fatal progress. The Shadowwas growing darker and more formidable. A season of patiently-bornesuffering followed, until Death in his terrific majesty appeared andanother Emperor occupied the throne. 

IV. 

"VON GOTTES GNADEN"

Prince William is now German Emperor and King of Prussia. Beforeobserving him as trustee and manager of his magnificent inheritance apause may be made to investigate the true meaning of a much-discussedphrase which, while suggesting nothing to the Englishman though hewill find it stamped in the words "Dei gratia" on every shilling piecethat passes through his hands, is the bed-rock and foundation of theEmperor's system of rule and the key to his nature and conduct. 

Government in Germany is dynastic, not, as in England and America, parliamentary or democratic. The King of Prussia possesses hiscrown--such is the theory of the people as well as of the dynasty--bythe grace of God, not by the consent of the people. The same may besaid of the German Emperor, who fills his office as King of Prussia. To the Anglo-Saxon foreigner the dynasty in Germany, and particularlyin Prussia, appears a sort of fetish, the worship of which begins inthe public schools with lessons on the heroic deeds of theHohenzollerns, and with the Emperor, as high priest, constantlycalling on his people to worship with him. This view of the kinglysuccession may seem Oriental, but it is not surprising when onereflects that the Hohenzollern dynasty is over a thousand years oldand during that time has ruled successively in part of SouthernGermany, in Brandenburg, in Prussia, until at last, imperially, in allGermany. Moreover, it has ruled wisely on the whole; in the course ofcenturies it has brought a poor and disunited people, living on a soilto a great extent barren and sandy, to a pitch of power and prosperitywhich is exciting the envy and apprehension of other nations. 

In England government passed centuries ago from the dynasty to thepeople, and there are people in England to-day who could not name thedynasty that occupies the English throne. Such ignorance in Germany ishardly conceivable. In Prussia government has always been the appanageof the Hohenzollerns, and the Emperor is resolved that, supported bythe army, it shall continue to be their appanage in the Empire. Government means guidance, and no one is more conscious of the factthan the Emperor, for he is trying to guide his people all the time. Frederick William IV once said to the Diet: "You are here to representrights, the rights of your class and, at the same time, the rights ofthe throne: to represent opinion is not your task. " This relation ofgovernment and people has become modified of recent years to a veryobvious degree, but constitutionally not a step has been taken in thedirection of popular, that is to say parliamentary, rule. 

England and Germany are both constitutional monarchies, but both themonarch and the Constitution in Germany are different from the monarchand the Constitution in England. The British Constitution is a growthof centuries, not, like the German Constitution, the creation of aday. The British Constitution is unwritten, if it is stamped, as Marysaid the word "Calais" would be found stamped on her heart afterdeath, on the heart and brain of every Englishman. The GermanConstitution is a written document in seventy-eight chapters, notfifty years old, and on which, compared with the British Constitution, the ink is not yet dry. In England to the people the Constitution isthe real monarch: in Germany the monarchy is to the people what theBritish Constitution is to the Englishman; and while in England themonarch is the first counsellor to the Constitution, in Germany theConstitution is the first counsellor to the monarch. 

The consequence in England is representative government, with apolitical career for every ordinary citizen; the consequence inGermany is constitutional monarchy, properly so-called, with apolitical career for no common citizen. Neither system is perfect, butboth, apparently, give admirable national results. And yet, of course, an Englishman cannot help thinking that if Herr Bebel were madeMinister to-morrow, Social Democracy would cease to exist. 

The people acquiesce in the Hohenzollern view, not indeed with perfectand entire unanimity, for the small Progressive party demand aparliamentary form of government, if not on the exact model of thatestablished in England. The Social Democrats, evidently, would have nogovernment at all. Many English people suppose that Germans generallymust desire parliamentary rule and would help them to get it, formultitudes of English people are firmly persuaded that it is England'smission to extend to other peoples the institutions which have suitedher so well, without sufficiently considering how different are theircircumstances, geographical position, history, traditions, andnational character. A very similar mistake is made in Germany bymultitudes of Germans, who believe it is Germany's mission to imposeher culture, her views of man and life, on the rest of the world. 

The Prussian view of monarchy, expressed in the words "von GottesGnaden" ("By the Grace of God"), is a political conception, which, under its customary English translation, "by Divine Right, " has oftenbeen ridiculed by English writers. Lord Macaulay, it will beremembered, in his "History of England, " asserts that the doctrinefirst emerged into notice when James the Sixth of Scotland ascendedthe English throne. "It was gravely maintained, " writes Macaulay, "that the Supreme Being regarded hereditary monarchy, as opposed to other systems of government, with peculiar favour; that the rule of succession in order of primogeniture was a divine institution anterior to the Christian, and even to the Mosaic, dispensation; that no human power, not even that of the whole legislature, no length of adverse possession, though it extended to ten centuries, could deprive the legitimate prince of his rights; that his authority was necessarily always despotic; that the laws by which, in England and other countries, the prerogative was limited, were to be regarded merely as concessions which the sovereign had freely made and might at his pleasure resume; and that any treaty into which a king might enter with his people was merely a declaration of his present intention, and not a contract of which the performance could be demanded. "

The statement exactly expresses the ideas on the subject attributedabroad to the Emperor. 

The distinguished German historian, Heinrich von Treitschke, writes ofKing Frederick William IV, the predecessor of Emperor William I, asfollows:--

 "He believed in a mysterious enlightenment which is granted 'von Gottes Gnaden' to kings rather than other mortals. All the blessings of peace, which his People could expect under a Christian monarch, should Proceed from the wisdom of the Crown alone; he regarded his high office like a patriarch of the Old Testament and held the kingship as a fatherly power established by God Himself for the education of the people. Whatever happened in the State he connected with the person of the monarch. If only his age and its royal awakener had understood each other better! He had, however, in his strangely complicated process of development, constructed such extraordinary ideals that though he might sometimes agree in words with his contemporaries he never did as to the things, and spoke a different language from his people. Even General Gerlach, his good friend and servant, used to say: 'The ways of the King are wonderful;' and the not less loyal Bunsen wrote about a complaint of the monarch that 'no one understands me, no one agrees with me, ' the commentary--'When one understood him, how could one agree with him?'"

It was this king, be it parenthetically remarked, who said, when hispeople were clamouring for a Constitution, in 1847: "Now and neverwill I admit that a written paper, like a second Providence, forceitself between our God in Heaven and this land"--and a few monthslater had to sign the document his people demanded. 

Von Treitschke, writing on the last birthday of Emperor William I, thus spoke of the doctrine:

 "A generation ago an attempt was made by a theologizing State theory to inculcate the doctrine of a power of the throne, divine, released from all earthly obligations. This mystery of the Jacobins never found entrance into the clear common sense of our people. "

Prince Bismarck's view of the doctrine was explained in a speech hemade to the Prussian Diet in 1847. He was speaking on "Prussia as aChristian State. " "For me, " he said, "the words 'von Gottes Gnaden, ' which Christian rulers join to their names, are no empty phrase, but I see in them the recognition that the princes desire to wield the sceptre which God has assigned them according to the will of God on earth. As God's will I can, however, only recognize what is revealed in the Christian gospels, and I believe I am in my right when I call that State a Christian one which has taken as its task the realization, the putting into operation, of the Christian doctrine.... Assuming generally that the State has a religious foundation, in my opinion this foundation can only be Christianity. Take away this religious foundation from the State and we retain nothing of the State but a chance aggregation of rights, a kind of bulwark against the war of all against all, which the old philosophers spoke of. "

On the second occasion, thirty years later, the Chancellor's theme was"Obedience to God and the King. "

"I refer, " he said, "to the wrong interpretation of a sentence which in itself is right--namely, that one must obey God rather than man. The previous speaker must know me long enough to be aware that I subscribe to the entire correctness of this sentence, and that I believe I obey God when I serve the King under the device 'With God for King and Country. ' Now he (the previous speaker) has separated the component parts of the device, for he sees God separated from King and Fatherland. I cannot follow him on this road. I believe I serve my God when I serve my King in the protection of the commonwealth whose monarch 'von Gottes Gnaden' he is, and on whom the emancipation from alien spiritual influence and the independence of his people from Romish pressure have been laid by God as a duty in which I serve the King. The previous speaker would certainly admit in private that we do not believe in the divinity of a State idol, though he seems to assert here that we believe in it. "

In these passages, it may be remarked, Bismarck avoids anunconditional endorsement of the Hohenzollern doctrine of divine"right" or even divine appointment. Indeed all he does is to expresshis belief in the sincerity of rulers who declare their desire to rulein accordance with the will of God as it appears in Holy Scripture. Inaddition to his dislike of a "Christianity above the State, " the factthat he did not subscribe to the doctrine of divine right, as thesewords are interpreted in England, is shown by another speech in whichhe said, "The essence of the constitutional monarchy under which welive is the co-operation of the monarchical will and the convictionsof the people. " But what, one is tempted to ask, if will andconvictions differ?

In recent times, Dr. Paul Liman, in an excellent character sketch ofthe Emperor, devotes his first chapter to the subject, thusrecognizing the important place it occupies in the Emperor'smentality. Dr. Liman, like all German writers who have dealt with thetopic, animadverts on the Hohenzollern obsession by the theory andattributes it chiefly to the romantic side of the Emperor's naturewhich was strongly influenced in youth by the "wonderful events" of1870, by the national outburst of thanks to God at the time, and bythe return from victorious war of his father, his grandfather, andother heroes, as they must have appeared to him, like Bismarck, Moltke, and Roon. 

It is worth noting that Prince von Bülow, during the ten years of hisChancellorship, made no parliamentary or other specific and publicallusion to the doctrine. 

Before, however, attempting to offer a somewhat different explanationof the Emperor's attitude in the matter from those just cited, let ussee what statements he has himself made publicly about it and how thedoctrine has been interpreted by his contemporaries. He made noreference to it in his declarations to the army, the navy, and thepeople when he ascended the throne. His first allusion to it was inMarch, 1890, at the annual meeting of the Brandenburg provincial Dietat the Kaiserhof Hotel in Berlin, and then the allusion was notexplicit. "I see, " said the Emperor, "in the folk and land which have descended to me a talent entrusted to me by God, which it is my task to increase, and I intend with all my power so to administer this talent that I hope to be able to add much to it. Those who are willing to help me I heartily welcome whoever they may be: those who oppose me in this task I will crush. "

His next allusion, at Bremen in April of the same year, when he waslaying the foundation-stone of a statue to his grandfather, KingWilliam, a few months subsequent to Bismarck's retirement, was moreexplicit, yet not completely so. 

"It is a tradition of our House, " so ran his speech, "that we, the Hohenzollerns, regard ourselves as appointed by God to govern and to lead the people, whom it is given us to rule, for their well-being and the advancement of their material and intellectual interests. "

The next reference, and the only one in which a divine "right" to rulein Prussia is formally claimed, occurs four years later atKoenigsberg, the ancient crowning-place of Prussian kings. Here hesaid:--

 "The successor (namely himself) of him who _of his own right_ was sovereign prince in Prussia will follow the same path as his great ancestor; as formerly the first King (of Prussia, Frederick I. ) said, 'My crown is born with me, ' and as his greater son (the Great Elector) gave his authority the stability of a rock of bronze, so I too, like my imperial grandfather, represent the kingship 'von Gottes Gnaden. '"

At Coblenz in 1897, in reference to the first Emperor William'slabours for the army and people:--

 "He (Emperor William) left Coblenz to ascend the throne as the selected instrument of the Lord he always regarded himself to be. For us all, and above all for us princes, he raised once more aloft and lent lustrous beams to a jewel which we should hold high and holy--that is the kingship von Gottes Gnaden, the kingship with its onerous duties, its never-ending, ever-continuing trouble and labour, with its fearful responsibility to the Creator alone, from which no human being, no minister, no parliament, no people can release the prince. "

Here, too, if the words "responsibility to the Creator alone" be takenin their ordinary English sense, the allusion to a divine right may beconstrued, though it is observable that the word "right" is notactually employed. 

In Berlin, when unveiling a monument to the Great Elector, the Emperorwas filled with the same idea of the God-given mission of theHohenzollerns. After briefly sketching the deeds of the Elector--howhe came young to the throne to find crops down-trodden, villages burntto the ground, a starved and fallen people, persecuted on every side, his country the arena for barbarous robber-bands who had spread warand devastation throughout Germany for thirty years; how, with"invincible reliance on God" and an iron will, he swept the pieces ofthe land together, raised trade and commerce, agriculture andindustry, in for that period an incredibly short time; how he broughtinto existence a new army entirely devoted to him; how, in fine, guided by the hope of founding a great northern Empire, which wouldbring the German peoples together, he became an authority in Europeand laid the corner-stone of the present Empire--after sketching allthis, the Emperor continues:

 "How is this wonderful success of the house of Hohenzollern to be explained? Solely in this way, that every prince of the House is conscious from the beginning that he is only an earthly vicegerent, who must give an account of his labour to a higher King and Master, and show that he has been a faithful executor of the high commands laid upon him. "

One finds exactly the same idea expressed three months later whentalking to his "Men of Brandenburg. " "You know well, " he remindedthem, "that I regard my whole position and my task as laid on me by Heaven, and that I am appointed by a Higher Power to whom I must later render an account. Accordingly I can assure you that not a morning or evening passes without a prayer for my people and a special thought for my Mark Brandenburg. "

To the Anglo-Saxon understanding, of course, the theory of divineright has long appeared untenable, obsolete, and, as Macaulay says, absurd. Many people to-day would go farther and argue that there is nosuch thing as a divine right at all, since "rights" are a purely humanidea, possibly a purely legal one. But it is at least doubtful thatthe Emperor uses the expression "von Gottes Gnaden" in a sense exactlycoterminous with that of "divine right" as used by Lord Macaulay andlater Anglo-Saxon writers and speakers. The latter, when dealing withthings German, not unfrequently fall into the error of mistranslationand are thus at times responsible for national misunderstandings. TheItalian saying, "_traduttore, tradittore_, " is the expression of afact too seldom recognized, especially by those whose business it isto interpret, so to speak, one people to another. Language is asmysterious and elusive a thing as aught connected with humanity, aslove, for example, or music; and it may be asserted with some degreeof confidence that among every people there are ideas current, and inall departments--in law, society, art--which it is impossible exactlyto translate into the speech of other nations. The words used may bethe same, but the connotation, all the words imply and suggest, is, perhaps in very important respects, different, and requires aparaphrase, longer or shorter, to explain them. Take the word "false"in English and "falsch" in German. They look alike, yet while theEnglish "false" carries with it a moral reproach, the German word, where the context does not explicitly prove otherwise, means simply"incorrect, " "erroneous, " without the moral reproach added. Accordingly, when a German Chancellor asserts that the statement of anEnglish Minister is "falsch" he does not necessarily mean anythingoffensive, but only that the English Minister is mistaken. 

From this point of view one may regard the statements of the Emperorconcerning his kingly office. He has recently begun to use theexpression "German Emperor von Gottes Gnaden, " a thing done by none ofhis imperial predecessors, and certainly a very curious extension of adoctrine which traditionally only applies to wearers of the crown ofPrussia. But if he does, it may, it is here suggested, be consideredfurther evidence that he employs the terms "von Gottes Gnaden" in asense other than that of "divine right" as conceived by theAnglo-Saxon. The German "Gnade" means "favour, " "grace, " "mercy, ""pity, " or "blessing, " and is at times used in direct contrast withthe word "Recht, " which means "justice" as well as "right. " The point, indeed, need hardly be elaborated, and the Emperor's own explanationof the revelation of God to mankind, with its special reference to hisgrandfather which we shall find later in the confession of faith toAdmiral Hollmann, is highly significant of the sense in which heregards himself and every ruling Hohenzollern as selected for theduties of Prussian kingship. It is the work of the kingship he isdivinely appointed to do of which he is always thinking, not the legalright to the kingship _vis à vis_ his people he is mistakenly supposedto claim. He regards himself as a trustee, not as the owner of theproperty. And is not such a spirit a proper and praiseworthy one? In asense we Christians, if in a position of responsibility, believe thatwe are all divinely appointed to the work each of us has to do:instruments of God, who shapes our ends, rough-hew them how we may. The Emperor finely says of the Almighty: "He breathed into man Hisbreath, that is a portion of Himself, a soul. " Reason is what chieflydistinguishes man from the brute, though there are those who hold thatreason is but a higher form of brutish instinct, which again has itsdegree among the brutes; but, assuming that reason is of divineorigin, enabling us to receive, by one means or another, the dictatesof the Almighty, it seems clear that there must be channels throughwhich these dictates become known to us. 

This conveyance, this making plain is, as many people, and the Emperoramong them, believe, performed by God through the agency of those whommankind agree to call "great. " For the last nineteen centuries a largepart of civilized mankind is at one in the belief that Christ was suchan agency, while millions again agree to call the agency Buddha, Mahomet, Confucius, or Zoroaster. In the creed of Islam Christ, as aprophet, comes fifth from Adam. In America there are thousands whobelieve, or did believe, in the agency of a Mrs. Eddy or a Dr. Dowie. And if this is so in matters of religion, itself only a form of thereasoning soul, why should it not be the same in morals or philosophy, art or science, government or administration: why should we not allaccept, as many still do, the sayings and writings of the Hebrewprophets (as does the Emperor), of Plato and Aristotle, of Bacon andHobbes, of Milton and Shakespeare and Goethe, of Kepler and Galileo, or Charlemagne and Napoleon, as divinely intended to convey and makeplain to us the dictates of Heaven until such time as yet greatersouls shall instruct us afresh and still more fully?

It may be that the Emperor thinks in some such way; his speeches andedicts at least suggest it. Certainly, as already mentioned, he did onone occasion, when speaking of his kingship, employ the word "right"as descriptive of the nature of his appointment by God. But that wasearly in his reign, and at no time since has he insisted on aHeaven-granted right to rule. It was, no doubt, different with some ofhis absolute predecessors, but it was not the view of Frederick theGreat, who declared himself "the first servant of the State. "Moreover, it is hardly conceivable that the Emperor, who is acquaintedwith the facts of history and is a man of practical common sensebesides, does not know that the doctrine of "divine right" has longbeen rejected by people of intelligence in every civilized country, including his own. 

If he really believes in divine right in the Stuart sense he mustthink that the conditions of Germany are so different from those ofthe rest of civilized mankind, and his own people so little advancedin knowledge and political science, that a doctrine absurd anddangerous to the peace of enlightened commonwealths is applicable as abasis of rule in his own. It seems a more plausible view, that theEmperor considers the expression "von Gottes Gnaden" an academicformula of government, or what is still more likely, as a moral andreligious, not a legal, dogma, which yet expresses one of the leadingand most admirable features of his policy as a ruler. If it is not so, he is inconsistent with himself, since he has repeatedly declaredhimself bound by the Constitution in accordance with which hisgrandfather and father and he himself have hitherto ruled. At presentthe doctrine of divine "right" is regarded by Germans no less than byEnglishmen as dead and buried, and mention of it in Germany is usuallygreeted with a smile. Even the notion of appointment by divine"grace, " while considered a harmless and praiseworthy article of faithwith the Emperor, is no longer regarded as a living principle ofgovernment. 

V. 

THE ACCESSION

1888-1890

With his accession began for the Emperor a period of extraordinaryactivity which has continued practically undiminished to the presentday. During that time he has been the most prominent man and monarchof his generation. From the domestic point of view his life perhapshas not been marked by many notable events, but from the point of viewof politics and international relations it has been the history of hisreign and to no small extent the history of the world. 

When a German Emperor ascends the throne there is no great outburst ofnational rejoicing, no great series of popular ceremonials. There isno brilliant procession as in England, no impressive coronation likethat of an English monarch in Westminster Abbey, no State visit of themonarch to the Houses of Parliament. In Germany Parliament goes to theKing, not the King to Parliament. 

On the same day that the Emperor began his reign he addressedproclamations to the army and navy. The addresses to the people andthe Parliament were to come a few days later. In the proclamation tothe army he said:

 "I and the army were born for each other. Let us remain indissolubly so connected, come peace or storm, as God may will. You will now take the oath of fidelity and obedience to me, and I swear always to remember that the eyes of my ancestors are bent on me from the other world, and that one day I shall have to give an account touching the fame and the honour of the army. "

His address to the navy was in the same vein. 

 "We have only just put off mourning for my unforgettable grandfather, Kaiser William I, and already we have had to lower the flag for my beloved father, who took such an interest in the growth and progress of the navy. A time of earnest and sincere sorrow, however, strengthens the mind and heart of man, and so let us, keeping at heart the example of my grandfather and father, look with confidence to the future. I have learned to appreciate the high sense of honour and of duty which lives in the navy, and know that every man is ready faithfully to stake his life for the honour of the German flag, be it where it may. Accordingly I can, in this serious hour, feel fully assured that we shall stand strongly and steadily together in good or bad days, in storm or sunshine, always mindful of the Fatherland and always ready to shed our heart's blood for the honour of the flag. "

To his people he promised that he would be a

 "just and mild prince, observant of piety and religion, a protector of peace, a promoter of the country's prosperity, a helper to the poor and needy, a faithful guardian of the right. "

To the Parliament a week later he announced that he meant to walk inthe footsteps of his grandfather, particularly in regard to theworking classes, to acquire the confidence of the federated princes, the affection of the people, and the friendly recognition of foreigncountries. He said that in his opinion the

 "most important duties of the German Emperor lay in the domain of the military and political security of the nation externally, and internally in the supervision of the carrying out of imperial laws. "

The highest of these laws, he explained, was the Imperial Constitutionand "to preserve and protect the Constitution, and in especial therights it gives to the legislative bodies, to every German, but alsoto the Emperor and the federated states, " he considered "among themost honourable duties of the Emperor. "

While the order of these addresses is different to what it would be inEngland, it entirely accords with the spirit of the Prussian monarchyand the political system of the German people. Settled in the heart ofEurope, the nation rests on the army, and it is hardly too much to saythat, from the Emperor's point of view, possibly also from the popularGerman point of view, the interests of the army must be consideredbefore the interests of the rest of the population. An Englishmonarch, who issued his first address to the British navy, would be asjustified in doing so by the real necessities of Great Britain as aGerman Emperor who first addresses the German army is justified by thereal necessities of Germany; for the British navy is as vital to theBritish as the German army is to the German nation. In England, however, the monarch's respect for the people and Parliament takesprecedence of his respect for the army, not _vice versa_ as inGermany. 

In a speech from the throne to the Prussian Diet the Emperor took theConstitutional Oath: "I swear to hold firmly and unbrokenly to theConstitution of the Kingdom and to rule in agreement with it and thelaws ... So help me God!" and went on to proclaim the continuance inPrussia and the Empire of his grandfather's and father's policy andwork. He said at the same time, while undertaking not to make thePeople uneasy by trying to extend Crown rights, that he would takecare that the constitutional rights of the Crown were respected andused, and that he meant to hand them over unimpaired to his successor. He concluded by saying that he would always bear in mind the words ofFrederick the Great, who described himself as the "first servant ofthe State. "

At Frankfurt-on-the-Oder, a few months later, he declared, whenunveiling a monument to his uncle, Prince Frederick Karl, a hero ofthe Franco-Prussian War, that he meant never to surrender a stone ofthe acquisitions made in the war and

 "believed he voiced the feeling of the entire army in saying that Germany, rather than do so, would suffer its eighteen army corps and its whole population of 42 millions to perish on the field of battle. "

At this period of his career the Emperor was, first and foremost, athoroughgoing Hohenzollern. Doubtless he is so still, if he talks lessabout the dynasty. He admired Frederick the Great, then as now, and inthe first place as military commander, but the ancestor with whom heeven more sympathized, and sympathizes, was the Great Elector. "Theancestor, " he said himself, "for whom I have the most liking (_Schwärmen_, a hardly translatable German verb, is the word he used) and who always shone before me as an example in my youth, was the Great Elector, the man who loved his country with all his heart and strength, and unrestingly devoted himself to rescuing the Mark Brandenburg out of its deep distress and made it a strong and united whole. "

What particularly attracted the Emperor in the history of the Electorwas the fact that he was the first Hohenzollern who saw the importanceof promoting trade and industry, building a navy, and acquiringcolonies. As yet, however, the Emperor had only clear and fairlydefinite ideas about the need for a navy. The world-policy may havebeen in embryo in his mind, but it was not born. 

The imaginative side of the Emperor's character at this period is wellillustrated in a speech he made in 1890 to his favourite "Men of theMark. " He was talking of his travels, to which allusion had been madeby a previous speaker. 

"My travels, " said the Emperor, "have not only had the object of making myself acquainted with foreign countries and institutions, or to create friendly relations with neighbouring monarchs, but these journeys, which have been the subject of much misunderstanding, had for me the great value that, withdrawn from the heat of party faction, I could review our domestic conditions from a distance and submit them to calm consideration. Any one who, standing on a ship's bridge far out at sea, with only God's starry heaven above him, communes with himself, will not fail to appreciate the worth of such a journey. For many of my fellow-countrymen I would wish that they might live through such an hour, in which one can make up an account as to what he has attempted and what achieved. Then would he be cured of exaggerated self-estimation, and that we all need. "

Having discharged the duty of addressing his own subjects, theEmperor's next care, after a stay at Kiel where a German Emperor andKing now for the first time in history appeared in the uniform of anadmiral, was personally to announce his accession at the courts of hisfellow-European sovereigns. We find him, accordingly, paying visits toAlexander II in St. Petersburg, to King Oscar II in Stockholm (wherehe received a telegram announcing the birth of his fifth son), toChristian IX in Copenhagen, to Kaiser Franz Joseph in Vienna and toKing Humbert in Rome. To both the last-mentioned he presented himselfin the additional capacity of Triplice ally. 

In August of the year following his accession he paid his first visitas Emperor to England. It was a very different thing, one may imagine, from the earliest recorded visit of a German Emperor to the EnglishCourt. That was in 1416, when the Emperor Sigismund (1411-1437)arrived there and was received by Henry V. Henry postponed the openingof Parliament specially on his account, made him a Knight of theGarter, and signed with him at Canterbury an offensive and defensivealliance against France. How poor the German Empire and the GermanEmperor were at that epoch may be judged from the fact that on his wayhome Sigismund had to pawn the costly gifts he had received inEngland. 

On the present occasion a grand naval review of over a hundredwarships, with crews totalling 25, 000 men, was held in honour of theEmperor at Osborne. This was followed, a few days afterwards, by aparade of the troops at Aldershot under the command of General SirEvelyn Wood. On this occasion, after expressing his admiration for theBritish troops, the Emperor concluded: "At Malplaquet and Waterloo, Prussian and British blood flowed in the prosecution of a commonenterprise. " In a little speech after the review the Emperor spoke ofthe English navy as "the finest in the world. " The impression made bythe Emperor on Sir Evelyn has been recorded by that general. "TheEmperor is extremely wide-awake, " he writes to a friend, "with adecided, straightforward manner. He is a good rider. His quick andvery intelligent spirit seizes every detail at a glance, and hepossesses a wonderful memory. " The Emperor was now nominated anhonorary Admiral of the British navy and as a return compliment madeQueen Victoria honorary "Chef" of his own First Dragoon Guards. At thenaval review a journalist asked an English naval officer what wouldhappen if the Emperor, in command of a German fleet, should meet aBritish fleet in time of war between England and Germany?--"Would theBritish fleet have to salute the Emperor?" "Certainly, " replied thenaval officer; "it would fire 100 guns at him. "

Next year the Emperor was again in England, this time to be present atthe Cowes regatta, which he took part in regularly during the foursucceeding years, noting, doubtless, all that might prove useful forthe development of the Kiel yachting "week, " the success of which hehad then, as always since, particularly at heart. He was received byQueen Victoria with the simple and homely words, "Welcome, William!"

A State visit to the City of London followed, when he was accompaniedby the Empress, and was entertained to a luncheon given by the CityFathers in the Guildhall. The entertainment, which took place on July10, 1891, was remarkable for a speech delivered by the Emperor inEnglish, in which, besides declaring his intention of maintaining the"historical friendship" between England and Germany, he proclaimedthat his great object "above all" was the preservation of peace, "since peace alone can inspire that confidence which is requisite fora healthy development of science, art, and commerce. " On the sameoccasion he expressed his feeling of "being at home" in England--"thisdelightful country"--and spoke of the "same blood which flows alike inthe veins of Germans and English. " Shortly afterwards he attended areview of volunteers at Wimbledon, and, as he said, was "agreeablyastonished at the spectacle of so many citizen-soldiers in a countrythat had no conscription. "

The Emperor returned from England to receive the visit of his chiefTriplice ally, the Emperor Franz Joseph, and to discuss with himdoubtless the European situation. Bismarck has been pictured assitting at the European chessboard pondering the moves necessary torGermany to win the game of which the great prize was the hegemony ofEurope. The chief opposing Pieces, whose aid or neutrality wasdesirable, were for long France, Russia, Austria, and Italy; but in1883, with the conclusion of the Triple Alliance, Austria and Italyneeded less to be considered, and the only two really importantopposing pieces left were France and Russia. Still, Germany, throughher allies of the Triplice, might be dragged into war, andconsequently the doings of Austria and Italy, both in relation to oneanother and to France and Russia were, as they now are, of greatimportance to her. 

At the time of the accession, the chessboard of our metaphor wasmainly occupied with Franco-German relations and with Russian designson Constantinople, the Dardanelles, and the Black Sea. The danger toGermany of war with France, which had arisen out of the Boulanger andSchnaebele incidents, had died down, but not altogether ceased. Hohenlohe tells us how at this time, in conversation with the Emperor, the latter ventured the forecast: "Boulanger is sure to succeed. Iprophesy that as Kaiser Ernest he will pay a visit to Berlin. " He waswrong, we know, as so many prophets are. 

Russian designs on Turkey had had to reckon with the opposition ofEngland and Austria. As regards these designs, Bismarck says:

 "Germany's policy should be one of reserve. Germany would act very foolishly if in Oriental questions, without having special interests, she took a side before the other Powers, who were more nearly interested: she would therefore do well to refrain from making her move as long as possible, and thus, besides, gain the benefit of longer peace. "

The Chancellor, however, admitted that against the advantages of apolicy of reserve had to be set the disadvantage of Germany's positionin the centre of Europe with its frontiers exposed to the attacks of acoalition. "From this situation, " said the Chancellor, "it resultsthat Germany is perhaps the only Great Power in Europe which is nottempted to attain its ends by victorious war. "

"Our interest, " he goes on, "is to maintain peace, whereas our continental neighbours without exception have wishes, either secret or officially admitted, which can only be fulfilled through war. Consequently, German policy must be to prevent war or confine it as much as possible: to keep in the background while the European game of cards is going on: and not by loss of patience or concession at the cost of the country, or vanity, or provocation from friends, allow ourselves to be driven from the waiting attitude: otherwise--_plectuntur Achivi!_--third parties will rejoice. "

That was the Bismarckian policy twenty-five years ago, and though neweconomic conditions have had great influence in modifying it since, particularly as it regards the East, it is practically Germany'spolicy now. 

In his first speech from the throne to the Reichstag the Emperor thusreferred to the Triple Alliance:

 "Our Alliance with Austria-Hungary is publicly known. I hold to the same with German fidelity, not merely because it has been concluded, but because I see in this defensive union a foundation for the balance of power in Europe and a legacy of German history, the importance of which is recognized by the whole of the German people, while it accords with European international law as undeniably in force up to 1866. Similar historical relations and similar national exigences of the time bind us to Italy. Both Germany and Italy desire to prolong the blessings of peace that they may pursue in tranquillity the consolidation of their newly acquired unity, the betterment of their national institutions, and the increase of their prosperity. "

In a speech a few months later he declared that the Alliance had noother purpose than to strengthen the peaceful relations of Germany toother foreign Powers. His next public reference to it was in May, 1900, when Kaiser Franz Joseph visited Berlin on the occasion of thecoming of age of the German Crown Prince. "Truly, " exclaimed theEmperor, in a vein of some exaggeration, "this Alliance is not alone an agreement in the eyes of the monarchs, but the longer it has existed, the deeper has it taken root in the convictions of the peoples, and the moment that the hearts of the peoples beat in unison nothing can tear them asunder. Common interests, common feelings, joy and sorrow shared together, unite our three nations for now twenty years, and although often enough misunderstandings and sarcasm and criticisms have been poured out on them, the three peoples have succeeded in maintaining peace hitherto, and are regarded by the whole world as its champions. "

The history of the Triplice may be shortly related here as, along withhis navy, it is regarded by the Emperor as the chief factor in thepreservation of the world's peace, and is, in fact, as has been said, the foundation of his foreign policy. It arose from Bismarck's desireto be independent of Russia and from his dread of a Europeancoalition--for example, that of France, Austria, and Russia--againstthe German Empire. "We had, " Bismarck writes, "carried on successful war against two of the European Great Powers (Austria and France), and it became advisable to withdraw at least one of them from the temptation to revenge which lay in the prospect an alliance with others offered. It could not be France, as any one who knew the history and temperament of the two peoples could see, nor England owing to her dislike of permanent alliances, nor Italy as her support alone was insufficient against an anti-German coalition; so that the choice lay between Austria-Hungary and Russia. "

For many reasons Bismarck would have preferred the Russian alliance, among others the traditional dynastic friendship between the twocountries and the fact that no natural political or religious causesof conflict existed between them; while a union with Austria was lessreliable, owing to the changeable nature of her public opinion, theheterogeneousness of her Magyar, Slav, and Catholic populations, andthe loss of influence by the German element with the governing body. On the other hand, however, an alliance with Austria would be nothingnew, internationally, as such a connection theoretically arose fromthe former connection of Germany and Austria in the Holy Roman Empire. While weighing the matter, a threatening letter from Czar Alexander IIto William I, in which he called on Germany to support his Balkanpolicy, and said that if he refused peace could not last between theirtwo countries, decided Bismarck in favour of Austria. The chiefopponent of the new Alliance was William I, who was moved by personalchivalric feelings towards his nephew, Czar Alexander; but, disregarding this, because confident of eventually persuading hisimperial master, Bismarck went to Gastein and there settled with theAustrian Minister, Count Andrassy, the principles of the Alliance. Italy came into the Alliance in 1883 as the immediate result of Franceobtaining a protectorate in Tunis, in return, partly, for heracquiescence in the English acquisition of Cyprus. The protectoratearoused general indignation and fear in Italy, and though it meant alarge expenditure on naval and military armament, on May 20, 1882, shejoined the Dual Alliance for five years, and thus turned it into theTriplice. 

The Triple Alliance rests on three treaties: one between Germany andAustria-Hungary, one between Germany and Italy, and one betweenAustria-Hungary and Italy. While by the first Germany andAustria-Hungary bind themselves to combine in case of an attack oneither by Russia, whether as original foe or as ally, and to observe"at least" benevolent neutrality in case of attack from any otherquarter, by the second Germany and Italy bind themselves to mutualsupport in case of an attack on either by France. The third, betweenAustria-Hungary and Italy, binds the signatories to benevolentneutrality in case Austria-Hungary is attacked by Russia, or Italy byFrance. 

That there are weak points in the Triple Alliance is obvious. IfAustria-Hungary were a purely homogeneous country like France orRussia, Germany and Austria-Hungary, even without Italy, could facewith confidence an attack from either or both their powerfulneighbours. But Austria-Hungary is not homogeneous. A large proportionof her population is anti-German, or at least non-German, and Italy isalways subject to be tempted by an opportunity of obtaining some ofAustria-Hungary's Adriatic possessions. Moreover, a large party iseven now to be found in Austria-Hungary which desires revenge for thehumiliation of her defeat by Germany in 1866. 

The relations of Germany to Russia have always been rather those offriendship between the monarchs of the two countries than offriendship between the two peoples; and it is easy to understand thatthe fear of revolution, Socialism, or "government of the people, bythe people, for the people, " to use Lincoln's celebrated phrase, atall times forms a strong and active bond of sympathy between themonarchs. In the case of Russia there is also always to be consideredthe obstinate, or as the Emperor would call it knightly, spirit inwhich his grandfather, King William I, regarded his obligation tomaintain friendship with the Czar, and which for a long time made himhostile to the idea of alliance with Austria instead of alliance withRussia. The feeling, it is highly probable, is strong, if not equallystrong, in the mind of the Emperor to-day, if only out of respect forthe memory of his ancestor. There is not, to use a popular expression, much love lost between the two peoples, not only because of racialdifferences between Teuton and Slav, but because of the differences inreligion and in degree of civilization. There are not a few Germanswho assert that Germany's next war will be with Russia, and that fromthe dominions of the Czar will be obtained the fresh territory Germanyneeds for her constantly expanding population. 

The Czar returned the Emperor's accession visit in Berlin in October, 1889, and it was on this occasion that the first sign of troublebetween the Emperor and the old Chancellor showed itself. When theEmperor first proposed to make his round of visits of accession toforeign sovereigns, Bismarck agreed except as regarded Russia andEngland, objecting that visits to these countries would have analternatively bad effect in each. The Emperor, however, as has beennoted, went to Russia. During the return visit in Berlin, Bismarck hadan interview with the Czar which resulted in the final adjustment ofRusso-German relations, but at its close the Czar said, "Yes, Ibelieve you and have confidence in you, but are you sure you willremain in office?" Bismarck looked surprised, and said, "Certainly, Majesty; I am quite certain I shall remain in office all my life"--anodd thing, one may remark, for a man to say, who must have beenfamiliar with the saying, "Put not your trust in princes. "

When the Czar was going away, both the Emperor and Bismarckaccompanied him to the station, and on their return the Emperor gavethe old Chancellor a seat in his carriage. The talk concerned thevisit just over, and the Emperor again announced his intention ofspending some time in Russia the following year. Bismarck now advisedagainst the project on the ground that it would arouse hostility inAustria, and because "it was not suitable considering the Czar'sdisposition towards the Emperor. "

"What disposition? What do you mean? How do you know?" questioned theEmperor quickly. 

"From confidential letters I am in the habit of receiving from St. Petersburg, in addition to official reports, " replied the Chancellor. 

The Emperor expressed a wish to see the letters, but Bismarck gave anevasive answer. The result was a temporary coolness between Emperorand Chancellor. 

From a memorandum of Prince Hohenlohe's we get a glimpse of one of thepolitical currents and anti-currents just now running high. PrinceHohenlohe writes under date, June 27, 1888, when the Emperor washardly a fortnight on the throne:--

 "Last evening at 8 left Berlin with Thaden after supping with Victor and Franz (son and nephew) in the Kaiserhof Hotel. Paid several visits during the day. I found Friedberg somewhat depressed. He is no longer the big man he was in the Emperor Frederick's time, when everybody courted him. He knows that the Emperor does not favour Jews. Then I visited the new chief of the Cabinet (civil), Lucanus, a courtly, polished, obliging man, who looks more like an elegant Austrian privy councillor. Wilmoski inspires me with more confidence. At 5 to Bleichroeder's (Bleichroeder was the great Jew banker). We spoke, or rather he spoke first, about the political situation. He is satisfied, and says Bismarck is too. Only the Emperor must take care to keep out of the hands of the Orthodox. People in the country wouldn't stand that. (He is right there, comments Hohenlohe. ) Waldersee and his followers, he said, was another danger. Waldersee was a foe of Bismarck's and thought himself fit for anything and everything. Who knows but that these gentlemen wouldn't begin the old game and say to the Emperor, 'You are simply nothing but a doll. Bismarck is the real ruler. ' On the old Emperor this would have made no impression, but the young one would be more sensitive. Bismarck, therefore, wanted Waldersee's banishment, and would, if he could, send him to Strasburg (where Hohenlohe was Statthalter) as commanding general. Perhaps he was only aiming at making me (Hohenlohe) sick of my post and so get rid of Waldersee, his enemy, when I cleared out. Bleichroeder said Bismarck only introduced the compulsory pass system to show the Emperor that he too could act sharply against the French, and so as to take the wind out of the sails of the military party. Bismarck was thinking above all about seating his son Herbert firmly in the saddle (Herbert was Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs). That is the sole motive of his action and thought. There was therefore no prospect of matters in the Rhineland improving. As to Russia, Bleichroeder expected some occurrence, something out of the way (_exotisches_) by which Russia might be won, either the withdrawal of troops from the frontier or a meeting of Emperors. The Emperor, Bismarck said, would not begin a war. If it came, however, it would not be unwelcome to him. "

Prince Hohenlohe also tells of a visit he paid in the month of theaccession to the widowed Empress Frederick. "She is much bowed down, "he said, "very harassed-looking, and I feel sure that all this recent time, all the last year in fact, she has been displaying an artificial good-humour, for now I find her in deep distress. At first she could not speak for weeping. We spoke of the Emperor Frederick's last days, then she recovered herself a little and complained of the wickedness and meanness of men, by which she meant to allude to certain people.... Herbert Bismarck had had the impudence to tell the Prince of Wales (later Edward VII) that an Emperor who could not talk and discuss things should not be allowed to reign, and so on. The Prince of Wales, the Empress said, told Herbert that if it were not that he valued good relations between England and Germany, he would have thrown him out of the door.... Waldersee was a false, unprincipled wretch, who would think nothing of ruining his country if he could only satisfy his own personal ambition. "

Prince Hohenlohe finally called on the Prince of Wales, who "spokeprudently, but showed his disgust at the roughness of the Bismarcks, and could not understand their policy of irritating France. "

The particular question concerning France that was agitating Germanyat the time of the accession was the state of affairs inAlsace-Lorraine, and particularly Bismarck's measure requiring Frenchcitizens entering the provinces to provide themselves with a pass fromthe German Ambassador in Paris. The amiable and conciliatoryStatthalter, Prince Hohenlohe, had to make a reluctant journey toBerlin in connexion with this question. There was another questionalso weighing on his mind--the question whether or not he should havea sentry guard before his official residence in Strasburg. Themilitary authorities, whose rivalry with the civil authoritieseverywhere in Germany for influence and power still continues, wantedto have the sentries abolished, but the Prince eventually had his way. He showed Bismarck that they were necessary for his reputation withthe population, which had already begun to think less of his influenceas Statthalter owing to his one day at a review having incautiouslyand gallantly taken a back seat in his carriage in favour of some ladyguests. 

In normal times the composers of speeches from the throne areaccustomed to describe the relations between their own and foreigncountries as "friendly. " When the relations are not friendly, yet notthe opposite, they are usually registered on the political barometeras "correct. " The attitude on both sides is formal, rigorously polite, reserved; such as would become a pair of people who had once been atfeud and after their quarrel had been fought out agreed, if only forthe sake of appearances, to show no outward animosity, but on theother hand not give an inch of way. The position of France and Germanyis "correct"; it has never been friendly since 1870; and it must bemany a long year before it can be friendly again. Apart from thedifference between the Latin and Teutonic temperaments, apart from thelegacy of hate left in Germany against France by the sufferings andhumiliations the great Napoleon caused her, apart from the fact thatone people is republican and the other monarchical, there is alwaysone thing that will prevent reconciliation--the loss by France of thefair provinces Alsace and Lorraine. It is of no use for Germany toremind France that up to the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 thisterritory belonged to Germany, or rather to what then was known bythat name. It was useless as well as ungracious for Bismarck to tellFrance to seek compensation in Africa for what she had lost in Europe. Like Rachel mourning for her children, France will not be comforted;and now, as from the heavy hour in which she lost the provinces, shegrieves over the memory of them and nurses the hope, still mingledwith hate, of one glorious day regaining them. There are sanguinespirits who assert that the old feeling is dying out, and the GermanGovernment studiously encourages that view. It may be so; time ishaving its obliterating effects; and in externals at least theGermanization of the provinces is slowly making progress. Still thewound is deep, and there seems no prospect of its healing. 

Several suggestions have been made with a view to an arrangement thatmight leave France without reason, or with less reason, for constantmeditation on revenge One of them is the neutralization ofAlsace-Lorraine on the model of Belgium, while another is thedistribution of the territory, so that while Alsace is divided betweenBaden and Bavaria, Lorraine becomes a part of Prussia A third woulddivide the provinces between the two nations. An illustration of theyet prevailing feeling is found in the fact that large Alsatian firmsinvariably use French in their correspondence with Berlin firms, andalmost as invariably refer to the "customs-arrangement" with Germanyin 1871. They cannot bring themselves to use the word "annexation. "

Yet of late years--to anticipate somewhat the course ofevents--Germany has made two important concessions to Alsace-Lorraine. The first was the abrogation of the so-called "Dictator-Paragraph, "which was part of the law for administering the new provinces afterthe war of 1870. Under the paragraph the Lieutenant-Governor(Oberpresident) of the Reichsland, as the newly incorporated territoryis now officially known, was empowered in case of need to take commandof the military forces and proclaim a state of siege. When announcingthe abrogation of the Paragraph in the Reichstag in 1902, Chancellorvon Bülow gave a résumé of the relations of the provinces to theEmpire since 1870. He stated that immediately after the war thepopulation were not disposed to incorporation in the Empire, as theythought the new state of things would only be temporary and thatFrance would soon reconquer the provinces. This state of feeling, theChancellor explained, naturally reacted on the Government, whichaccordingly laid down the principle that the claims of the provincesto equal political rights with other parts of the Empire could only berecognized step by step, as the Government was satisfied that thepopulation conformed to the new order of things. 

The second important concession to the Provinces was made onlyrecently, when the provincial committee was replaced by a popularlyelected Diet and the Provinces were granted three seats in the FederalCouncil. There is a proviso that in case of equality in the Councilmeetings the votes shall not be allowed to turn the scale in favour ofPrussia. The limitation is a concession to the susceptibilities of theother Federal states. 

Germany's relations with Great Britain at the time of the accessionwere unclouded. Mr. Gladstone had been defeated on his Home Ruleproposals and Lord Salisbury was back in power. A lull had occurred inBritish relations with the Transvaal. All nations, including Germany, were beginning to turn their attention to the Orient with a view tothe acquisition in Asia of "spheres of influence and spheres ofinterest, " but as yet English and German interests had not comeanywhere into conflict. 

The Emperor's great internal foe and the object of his special enmityis the Social Democracy, and practically from the day of his accessionhe has waged war with it. His attitude towards the Socialists requiresno long description, since it logically results from his traditionalconception of Prussian monarchy and from the revolutionary characterof Social Democratic aims. While a young man he paid little or noattention to the movement, and probably regarded it as the "passingphenomenon" he subsequently declared it to be. In 1884 the number ofSocial Democratic voters was something over half a million, and thenumber of Social Democratic members returned to the Reichstag 25: in1890, two years after the accession, the figures were a million and ahalf and 35 respectively. 

The Emperor's denunciation of Social Democrats has always beenunmeasured. "A crew undeserving the name of Germans, " a "plague thatmust be extirpated, " "traitors, " "people without a country and enemiesto religion, " "foes to the Empire and the country"--such were a few ofthe expressions he then and during the next few years publicly appliedto three millions of his subjects. To-day, it may be added, the numberof Social Democrats in Germany is well over four millions. 

In 1889, in reply to a deputation of three coal miners'representatives, the Emperor said:

 "As regards your demands, I will have them carefully investigated (a phrase, by the way, not unknown in England) by my Government, and let you know the result through the usual official channels. Should, however, offences against public peace and order occur, should a connexion between your movement and Social Democratic circles be demonstrated, I would not be in a position to weigh your wishes with my royal goodwill, since for me every Social Democrat is the same thing as a foe to the Empire and the Fatherland. Accordingly, if I see that Social Democratic tendencies mix with the movement and lead to unlawful opposition, I will intervene with all my powers--and they are great. "

And a month later:

 "That the Radical agitation of the Social Democracy has turned so many heads and hearts is due to the fact that in schools, high and low, too little is taught about the cruel deeds of the French Revolution and too little about the heroic deeds of the War of Liberation, which was (with the help of English bayonets, be it parenthetically remarked) the salvation of the Fatherland. "

In 1892, to anticipate by a year or two, in reply to a guest who hadobserved that Social Democrats were not decreasing in numbers, theEmperor remarked:

 "The moment the Social Democracy feels itself in possession of power it will not hesitate for an instant to attack the Burghertum (middle classes) very energetically. No exhibition of general benevolence is of any use against these people--here only religious feeling, founded on decided faith, can have any influence. "

The Emperor, referring to the murder of a manufacturer in Mulhausen, said: "Another victim to the revolutionary movement kept alive by theSocialists. If only our people would act like men!"

And yet it is obvious, looking at it from the standpoint of to-day, that an admirably organized movement with four million parliamentaryvoters in an electorate of fourteen millions, with no members in anImperial Parliament of 397 with representatives, more or lessnumerous, on almost every municipal board of any importance in theEmpire, with the power of disturbing at any moment the relationsbetween capital and labour, upon which the prosperity, security, andcomfort of the whole population depend, and in intimate relations withthe Socialists of all other countries, cannot be merely ignored ordisposed of by scornful and sarcastic speeches, by official anathema, or even by close police supervision. There must be something behind itall which ought to be susceptible of explanation. 

Before, however, attempting to conjecture what the something is, itwill be advisable, familiar to many though the facts must be, torecapitulate, as briefly as possible, the history of the movement. Oldas the story is, it is necessary to have some knowledge of it, forSocial Democracy is the great, perhaps the only, domestic politicalthorn in the Emperor's side. 

It is a truism to say that the "social question, " the question howbest to organize society, is as old as society itself. Great thinkersall down the ages, from Plato to Sir Thomas More, from More to JeanJacques Rousseau, from Rousseau to Saint Simon, Fourier, Louis Blanc, Lassalle, and Karl Marx, have devoted their attention to it. TheFrench Revolutionists tried to solve it, and the revolutionarymovement of 1848 took up the problem in its turn. 

German Social Democracy may be referred for its source to theteachings of Louis Blanc, who formed in 1840 a workmen's society inParis. Blanc held, as the Social Democrats hold, that capitalism wasthe cause of all social evil, and that the workman was powerlessagainst it. He therefore proposed the establishment of workmen'ssocieties for purposes of production, and the grant of the necessarycapital at a low rate of interest by the State. The doctrine was takenup in Germany with fiery enthusiasm by Ferdinand Lassalle, who, inMay, 1863, founded the General German Workmen's Society for a"peaceful, lawful agitation" in favour of universal suffrage as afirst means to the desired end. Universal suffrage was granted by theNorth German Confederation in 1867, and in 1873 Lassalle's adherentsnumbered 60, 000. 

Meanwhile, Karl Marx and his disciple, Frederic Engels, had beenpropagating their theories, and in 1848 the former published hisfamous work on the ideal social state. At first Marx was a partizan ofrevolutionary methods, but he subsequently recanted this view andproclaimed that the Socialistic aim in future should be the"strengthening of the economic and political power of the workman sothat the expropriation of private property could be obtained bylegislation. " The Marxian doctrine was adopted in Germany by WilhelmLiebknecht and August Bebel, who, at Eisenach in 1869, founded theAssociation of Social Democratic Workmen, to which the present Germanparty owes its name. The Eisenach programme declared "the economicdependence of the workmen on the monopolists of the tools of labourthe foundation of servitude and social evil, " and demanded "theeconomic emancipation of the working classes. " An attempt to get theLassalle society to join the Eisenacher society on an internationalbasis failed for the time, but the two associations finally coalescedat the Gotha Congress of 1875. 

The attempt on the life of William I in 1878 by the anarchist Nobilinghad an important effect on the fortunes of the party and the characterof its programme. The Socialist Laws were passed and the police begana campaign against the Socialists, of which the mildest features werethe dissolution of societies, the searching of houses, the expulsionof suspected persons, and the interdiction of Socialist newspapers andperiodicals. 

For the next few years the party held its annual congresses inSwitzerland or Denmark, but as the Socialist Laws ceased to haveeffect after three years, and were not then renewed, the party resumedits congresses in Germany. The Congress at Erfurt in 1891 resulted inthe issue of a new programme rejecting the Lassalle plan for theestablishment of workmen's societies for productive purposes andsubstituting for it the transfer of all capitalistic private propertyengaged in the means of production, such as lands, mines, rawmaterial, tools, machinery, and means of transport, to the State. Theterm used in the programme is "state, " not "society, " but the State isin fact nothing but the society armed with coercive powers. 

Other objects are universal suffrage for both sexes over twenty, electoral reform, two-year parliaments, direct legislation "throughthe people, " some form of parliamentary government, autonomy of thepeople in Empire, State, Province, and Parish, conscription, nationalmilitia instead of standing army, international arbitration, abolitionof State religion, free and compulsory education, abolition of capitalpunishment, free burial, free medical assistance, free legal adviceand advocacy, progressive succession duties, inheritance tax, abolition of indirect taxation and customs, parliamentary decisions asto peace and war, and undenominationalism in schools. 

Especially for the working classes are intended the following:National and international protective legislation for workmen on thebasis of a normal eight hours day, prohibition of child labour underfourteen years, prohibition of night work save rendered necessary bythe nature of the work or the welfare of society, superintendence oflabour and its relations by a Ministry of Labour, thorough workshophygiene, equality of status between the agricultural labourer, servantclass, and the artisan, right of association, and State insurance, asto which the working class should have an authoritative voice. 

The programme contains nothing as to the practical consequences of theprovisions it contains, but Herr Bebel, in his book on "Woman andSocial Democracy, " gives some examples. One is that the working timewill be alike for men and women, another that domestic life will belimited to the cohabitation of man and woman, for children are to bebrought up by society, and a third that cooking and washing will bethe care of central public kitchens and washhouses. Meanwhile, allthese years, it may be noted, Herr Bebel and his millions of followershave been living exactly like everybody else. 

The student of working-class conditions in Germany is unlikely tothink clearly unless he distinguishes between such terms as SocialDemocracy, Socialism, Trade Unionism, and Labour party. SocialDemocracy is a species of Socialism. All Social Democrats areSocialists, but not all Socialists Social Democrats. The latter, as anenrolled political party, paying annual subscriptions and lookingforward to the future state as conceived by Marx, and now by Bebel, number something under a million; the remaining three millions whovoted for Social Democratic candidates at the last general electionmay have included men who believe in Social Democratic ideals, but thevast majority of them, unless one does grave injustice to their commonsense, voted for such candidates owing to dissatisfaction with thepolicy of the Government and present conditions generally--the highcost of living, the pressure of taxation, the severity of classdistinctions, and like grievances, real or imaginary. These people areSocialists in the English or international sense of the word, notSocial Democrats strictly speaking; and with these people the Emperoris most angry because he knows they form the element most capable ofdangerous expansion. 

Again, though the vast majority of German Socialists in the broadersense are Trade Unionists, not all Trade Unionists are Socialists. Trade Unionism--the organization of labour against capital--isrepresented in Germany by two main bodies; the free or SocialistUnions containing about two million working men, and the "Christian"or loyal "National" Unions, which are anti-Social Democrat andanti-Socialist. These have a membership of about 300, 000. TheHirsch-Duncker Unions, with 100, 000 members, are Liberal, but alsoloyal and anti-Socialist. In labour conflicts, naturally, asdistinguished from politics, all workmen of the particular branch inconflict work together, whether they are Socialist or not. It needonly be added that there is no so-called "Labour party" in the GermanParliaments. The Social Democratic party in the Reichstag representslabour interests generally, and promote them much more insistently andsuccessfully than they do the Utopia of their dreams. 

But enough has been said to show the comprehensive and revolutionarynature of Social Democratic doctrine. The only other feature thatrequires mention in connexion with the movement is the desire on thepart of a section of the party for a revision of its programme. Theparty of revision is usually identified with the names of Heinrich vonVollmar, who first suggested it, and Eduard Bernstein, who is infavour of trying to realize that portion of the programme which dealswith the social needs of the existing generation, the demands of thepresent day, and would leave to posterity the attainment of the finalgoal. The views of the Revisionists differ also from those of theRadicals in respect of two other main questions which divide theparty, that of voting budgets and that of going to court. TheRevisionists are willing to do both, and the Radicals to do neither. Adecisive split in the party is annually looked for, but hitherto, whencongress-day came, the Revisionists, for the sake of peace and unityin the party, have refrained from pushing their views to extremes. Onemight suppose that professors of the tenets of Social Democracy wouldget into trouble with the police, but they avoid arrest andimprisonment by taking care to avoid attacking property or the family, advocating a republic, or introducing religious questions into theirdiscussions. 

In dealing with the growth of Social Democracy in Germany thephilosophic historian would doubtless refer to the French Revolution, or go still farther back to the Reformation, as the starting-point ofevery great change in the views of civilized mankind during the lastfour and a half centuries; but it is with more recent times thesepages are chiefly concerned and consequently with causes nowoperative. The main specific cause is the change from agriculture toindustry, and with it the growth of what is generally spoken of as"industrialism. " Industrialism means the assemblage of large masses ofintelligent men forming a community of their own, with its specialconditions and the wants and wishes arising from them. This is themost fertile field for Socialism, for a new organization of society. In Germany Socialistic ideas kept growing with the increase ofindustrialism, and came to a head with the attempts by Hödel andNobiling on the life of the Emperor William. The anti-Socialist laws, passed for a definite period, followed, but they were not renewed; theEmperor and his Government pressed on instead with a great andfar-reaching social policy, and Socialism, in the form of SocialDemocracy, freed from restraint, took a new lease of life. 

Another cause of as general, but less ponderable, a nature is theremnant of the feudal spirit and feudal manners which lingers in theattitude of the German governing and official classes towards the restof the population. The most objectionable features of the feudalsystem have passed away, the cruel and exclusive rights and privilegeswhich only men in ignorant personal servitude to an all-powerfulmaster could permanently endure; but traces of the system still existin the official attitude towards the public and in the tone of theofficial communications issued by the administrative servicesgenerally. Attitude and tone may be referred in part to thetraditional character of the Prussian monarchy, which regards thepeople as a flock of sheep, or as a "talent, " as the Emperor hascalled it, entrusted to its care and management by Heaven; but it isalso due in part to the systematization of public life--and largely ofprivate life--which at times makes the foreigner inclined to thinkGermany at once the most Socialistic and at the same time the mosttyrannically ruled country in the world. Everything in Germany must bedone systematically, and the system must be the result of development. But there is no use in having a system unless it is enforced--otherwiseit remains, like Social Democracy, a theory. Compulsion, therefore, is necessary, and the Government provides it through its officialmachinery and its police. The systematization has enormous publicadvantages, but it is difficult for the Anglo-Saxon, jealous of hisindividual right to direct his public life through his ownrepresentatives and his private life according to his own judgment, to accommodate himself to a system which seems to him unduly tointerfere with both right and judgment. 

Perhaps it is the manner in which, under the name of authority, compulsion is exercised by subordinate officialdom and in especial bythe police, as much as the compulsion itself, which irritates inGermany. Every profession, business, trade, and occupation, down tothat of selling matches and newspapers in the streets, is meticulouslyregulated; and while there is nothing to object to in this, whatstrikes the Anglo-Saxon as objectionable is that the regulations areenforced with the manners and in the tone of a drill-sergeant. Theofficial in Germany, he finds, is not the servant of the public. Thereis a story current in England of a Duke of Norfolk, whenPostmaster-General, going into a district post-office and asking for apenny stamp. The clerk was dilatory, and the Duke remonstrated. "Whoare you, I should like to know?" asked the clerk impertinently, "thatyou are laying down the law. " "I am the public, " replied the Dukesimply, at the same time showing the clerk his card. An EnglishForeign Secretary once told a deputation that the Ministry was"waiting for instructions from their employers--the people. " InGermany it is the opposite; the official is the master and the publichis dutiful servant. In Germany the official expects marked deferencefrom the public: the post-office clerk is "Mr. Official, " the guardianof the law "Mr. Policeman" (with your hat off). The Anglo-Saxon ratherexpects the deference to be on the other side, and has a sordidsubconsciousness that he pays the official for his services. Perhapsthe Social Democrat has something of the same feeling. 

One of the chief consequences of industrialism in Germany is that thepeople of the country are migrating to the towns. To the countrybumpkin the city is an Eldorado and a lordly pleasure-house. In truth, he is much better off in it than in the stagnant life of the country. In the city he sees comfort on every hand, with possibilities ofenjoyment of every kind, and if he does not soon get a share of thegood things going he grows discontented and turns Socialist. In thecity, too, he learns to think and compare, he perceives thedistinction of classes and notices that certain classes have open tothem careers from which he is excluded. Then there is the apparentlyinevitable antagonism between labour and capital, between the employerand employed, which drives the worker to Social Democracy, as offeringthe prospect of his becoming his own master and enjoying the wholefruits of his labour. He may not know Matthew Arnold's "Sick King inBokhara, " but he would endorse Arnold's lines:--

 "And these all, for a lord Eat not the fruit of their own hands; Which is the heaviest of all plagues To that man's mind, who understands. "

But whatever its causes, Social Democracy is one of the most curiousand anomalous societies extant. In a country which worships order, itcalls for absolute disorder. A revolutionary movement, it anxiouslyavoids revolution. It is a magnificent organization for no apparentpractical, direct, or immediate purpose. Proclaiming the protection ofthe law and enjoying the blessing of efficient government, it yetrefuses to vote the budget to pay for them. It supports a largeparliamentary party without any clear or consistent parliamentarypolicy in internal or external affairs, unless to be "agin theGovernment" is a policy. And lastly, if some of its economic demandsare justifiable, and have in several respects been satisfied by modernlegislation, its fundamental doctrine, the basis of the entireedifice, is a wild hallucination, sickening to common sense, andcompletely out of harmony with the progressive economic development ofall nations, including its own. 

In conclusion, it may be added that the social side of the SocialDemocracy is perhaps too often unrecognized or ignored by the foreignobserver. Life for the poorer classes in Germany is apt to be moremonotonous and dull than for the poorer classes of any country whichnature has blessed with more fertility, more sunshine, more diversityof hill and dale, and where people are more mutually sociable andaccommodating. Social Democracy offers something by way of remedy tothis: a field of interest in which the workers can organize and makeprocessions and public demonstrations and can talk and theorize anddispute, and in which the woman can share the interest with the man;or a club, a social club with the largest membership in the worldexcept freemasonry. 

We must return, however, to the Emperor. During this period, inDecember, 1890, he, like every one else with his own ideas oneducation as well as on art and religion, delivered his views onpopular instruction. At this time--he was then thirty--he calledtogether forty-five of the ablest educational experts of the countryand addressed them on the subject of high-school education. HisMinister of Education, Dr. Von Grossler, had drawn up a programme offourteen points for discussion, and the Emperor added to these a fewothers he wished to have considered. 

German high-school education, be it remarked, is a different thingfrom English public-school education, and ought rather to be spoken ofas German information than as German education. We have seen that thespirit of the German university differs largely from that of theEnglish university, in that it is not concerned with the formation ofcharacter or the inculcation of manners. The same may be said of theGerman gymnasium, or high school, the institution from which theGerman youth, as a rule, goes to college. No teaching institution, English or German, be it further said on our own account, makes anyserious attempt to teach what will prepare youth for intercourse withthe extremely complicated world of to-day, to give him, to take butone example, the faintest notion of contract, which, if he possessedit, would save him from many a foolish undertaking and protect himfrom many a business betrayal, Far from it. All the disagreeable, andmany of the painful incidents of his subsequent life, all equallyavoidable if knowledge regarding them had been instilled into him inhis early years, he must buy with money and suffering and disgust inafter-years. 

But the Emperor is waiting to be heard. His entire speech need not bequoted, but only its chief contentions. In introducing his remarks heclaimed to speak with knowledge as having himself sat on apublic-school bench at Cassel. 

The Social Democracy being to the Emperor what King Charles's head wasto Mr. Dick, it is not surprising to find almost his first statementbeing to the effect that if boys had been properly taught up to then, there would be no Social Democracy. Up to 1870, he said, the greatsubject of instruction for youth was the necessity for German unity. Unity had been achieved, the Empire was now founded, and there thematter rested. "Now, " said the Emperor, "we must recognize that theschool is for the purpose of teaching how the Empire is to bemaintained. I see nothing of such teaching, and I ought to know, for Iam at the head of the Empire, and all such questions come under myobservation. What, " he continues, "is lacking in the education of our youth? The chief fault is that since 1870 the philologists have sat in the high schools as _beati possidentes_ and laid chief stress upon the knowledge to be acquired and not on the formation of character and the demands of the present time. Emphasis has been put on the ability to know, not on the ability to do--the pupil is expected to know, that is the main thing, and whether what he knows is suitable for the conduct of life or not is considered a secondary matter. I am told the school has only to do with the gymnastics of the mind, and that a young man, well trained in these gymnastics, is equipped for the needs of life. This is all wrong and can't go on. "

Then the Empire-builder speaks--what is wanted above all is a nationalbasis. 

 "We must make German the foundation for the gymnasium: we must produce patriotic young Germans, not young Greeks and Romans. We must depart from the centuries-old basis, from the old monastic education of the Middle Ages, when Latin was the main thing and a tincture of Greek besides. That is no longer the standard. German must be the standard. The German exercise must be the pivot on which all things turn. When in the exit examination (_Abiturientenexamen_) a student hands in a German essay, one can judge from it what are the mental acquirements of the young man and decide whether he is fit for anything or not. Of course people will object--the Latin exercise is very important, very good for instructing students in other languages, and so on. Yes, gentlemen, I have been through the mill. How do we get this Latin exercise? I have often seen a young man get, say 4-1/2 marks, for his German exercise--'satisfactory, ' it was considered--and 2 for his Latin exercise. The youngster deserved punishment instead of praise, because it is clear he did not write his Latin exercise in a proper way; and of all the Latin exercises we wrote there was not one in a dozen which was done without cribbing. These exercises were marked 'good, ' but when we wrote an essay on 'Minna von Barnhelm' (one of Lessing's dramas) we got hardly 'satisfactory. ' So I say, away with the Latin exercise, it only harms us, and robs us of time we might give to German. "

The Emperor goes on to recommend the study of the nation's history, geography, and literature ("Der Sage, " poetry, he calls it). 

 "Let us begin at home, " he says; "when we have learned enough at home, we can go to the museums. But above all we must know our German history. In my time the Grand Elector was a very foggy personage, the Seven Years' War was quite outside consideration, and history ended with the close of the last century, the French Revolution. The War of Liberation, the most important for the young citizen, was not taught thoroughly, and I only learned to know it, thank God, through the very interesting lectures of Dr. Hinzpeter. This, however, is the _punctum saliens_. Why are our young men misled? Why do we find so many unclear, confused world-improvers? Why is our government so cavilled at and criticized, and so often told to look at foreign nations? Because the young men do not know how our conditions have developed, and that the roots of the development lie in the period of the French Revolution. Consequently, I am convinced that if they understood the transition period from the Revolution to the nineteenth century in its fundamental features, they would have a far better understanding of the questions of to-day than they now have. At the universities they can supplement their school knowledge. "

The Emperor then turned to other points. It was "absolutely necessary"to reduce the hours of work. When he was at school, he said, allGerman parents were crying out against the evil, and the Governmentset on foot an inquiry. He and his brother (Henry) had every morningto hand a memorandum to the head master showing how many hours it hadtaken them to prepare the lessons for the day. In the Emperor's caseit took, "honestly, " from 5-1/2 to 7 hours' home study. To this was tobe added 6 hours in school and 2 hours for eating meals--"How much ofthe day, " the Emperor asks, "was left? If I, " he said, "hadn't beenable to ride to and from school I wouldn't have known what the worldeven looked like. " The result of this, he continued, was an

 "over-production of educated people, more than the nation wanted and more than was tolerable for the sufferers themselves. Hence the class Bismarck called the abiturienten-proletariat, all the so-called hunger candidates, especially the Mr. Journalists, who are often broken-down scholars and a danger to us. This surplus, far too large as it is, is like an irrigation field that cannot soak up any more water, and it must be got rid of. "

Another matter touched on by the Emperor was a reduction in the amountto be learned, so that more time might be had for the formation ofcharacter. This cannot be done now, he remarks, in a class containingthirty youngsters, who have such a huge amount of subjects to master. The teacher, too, the Emperor said, must learn that his work is notover when he has delivered his lecture. "It isn't a matter ofknowledge, " he concludes "but a matter of educating the young peoplefor the practical affairs of life. "

The Emperor lastly dealt with the subject of shortsightedness. "I amlooking for soldiers, " he said. 

 "We need a strong and healthy generation, which will also serve the Fatherland as intellectual leaders and officials. This mass of shortsightedness is no use, since a man who can't use his eyes--how can he do anything later?"

and he went on to mention the extraordinary facts that in some of theprimary classes of German schools as many as 74 per cent, wereshortsighted, and that in his class at Cassel, of the twenty-onepupils, eighteen wore spectacles, while two of them could not see thedesk before them without their glasses. 

The Englishman in Germany often attributes German shortsightedness tothe Gothic character of German print. It is more probable that thelong hours of study spent poring over books without fresh-airexercise, judiciously interposed, is responsible for it. 

It has been said that every one, like the Emperor, has his own theoryof education, but there is one passage in the Emperor's speech withwhich almost all men will agree--that, namely, in which he urges thatknowledge is not the only--perhaps not the chief--thing, but thatyoung people must be educated for the practical affairs of life. Unfortunately, as to how we are successfully to do this, the Emperoris silent; and it may be that there is no certain or exact way. Onecould, of course--but we are concerned with the Emperor. 

The difference of opinion between the Emperor and Bismarck regardingthe Emperor's visit to Russia seems to have left no permanent ill-willin the Emperor's mind, for on returning in October, 1889, from visitsto Athens, where he attended the wedding of his sister Sophie with theHeir-Apparent of Greece, Prince Constantine (now King Constantine), and Constantinople, where he was allowed to inspect the Sultan'sseraglio, he sent a letter to the Chancellor praying God to grant thatthe latter's "faithful and experienced counsel might for many yearsassist him in his difficult and responsible office. " In January, 1890, however, the question of renewing the Socialist Laws, which wouldexpire shortly, came up for settlement. A council of Ministers, underthe Emperor's presidency, was called to decide it. When the councilmet, Bismarck was greatly surprised by a proposal of the Emperor toissue edicts developing the principles laid down by his grandfatherfor working-class reform instead of renewing the Socialist Laws. TheReichstag took the Emperor's view and voted against the renewal of theLaws. It only now remained to give effect to the Emperor's edicts. They were considered at a further council of Ministers, at which theEmperor exhorted them to "leave the Social Democracy to me, I canmanage them alone. " The Ministers agreed, and Bismarck was in aminority of one. This, however, was only the beginning of the end. Bismarck decided to continue in office until he had carried throughParliament a new military Bill, which was to come before it in May orJune. Meanwhile fresh matters of controversy between the Emperor andthe Chancellor arose regarding the grant of imperial audiences toMinisters other than the Chancellor. Bismarck insisted that theChancellor alone had the right to be received by the Emperor for thediscussion of State affairs. 

The quarrel was accentuated by a lively scene which occurred betweenthe Emperor and the Chancellor about this period in connexion with avisit the leader of the Catholic Centre party had paid the Chancellor, and on March 17th the Emperor sent his chief Adjutant, General vonHahnke, to say he awaited the Chancellor's resignation. Bismarckreplied that to resign at this juncture would be an act of desertion;the Emperor could dismiss him. At the same time the Chancellorsummoned a meeting of Ministers for the afternoon, but while they werediscussing the situation a message was brought from the Emperortelling them he did not require their advice in such a matter and thathe had made up his mind about the Chancellor. The messenger on thesame occasion expressed to Bismarck the Emperor's surprise at nothaving received a formal resignation. Bismarck's reply was that itwould require some days to prepare such a document, as it was the lastofficial statement of a "Minister who had played a meritorious part inthe history of Prussia and Germany, and history should know why he hadbeen dismissed. " Three days later, on March 20th, an hour or two afterthe formal resignation reached the palace, the Emperor's lettergranting the Chancellor's request for his release, naming him Duke ofLauenburg and announcing the appointment of General von Caprivi as hissuccessor, was put into the old Chancellor's hands. 

VI. 

THE COURT OF THE EMPEROR

While the ex-Chancellor is bitterly meditating on the unreliabilityand ingratitude of princes, yet having in his heart, as the recordsclearly show, the loyal sentiments of a Cardinal Wolsey towards hisroyal master, even though that master had cast him off, we may beallowed to pause awhile in order to give some account of the Court ofwhich the Emperor now became the centre and pivot. 

Human imagination, in its worship of force as the source of ability toachieve the ends of ambition and desire, very early conceived thecourts of kings as fairylands of power, wealth, luxury, andmagnificence--in a word, of happiness. The same imagination representsthe Almighty, whose true nature no one knows, as a monarch in thebright court of heaven, and his great antagonist, Satan, who standsfor the king of evil, is enthroned by it amid the shades of hell. Thefiction that courts are a species of earthly paradise is still kept upfor the entertainment of children; while the adult, whom the annals ofall countries has made familiar with a long record of monarchs, bad aswell as good, is disposed to regard them as beneficial or otherwise toa country according to the character and conduct of the occupant ofthe throne, and to believe that they are at least as liable to produceexamples of vice and hypocrisy as of virtue and honesty. 

The court of the German Emperor in this connexion need not fearcomparison with any court described in history. True, courts all overthe world have improved wonderfully of recent years. Their monarchsare more enlightened, they are frequented by a very different type ofman and woman from the courts of former times, their morale andworking are more closely scrutinized and more generally subjected tocriticism, and they are occupied with a more public and less selfishorder of considerations. The Court of the Emperor is, so far as can beknown to a lynx-eyed and not always charitably thinking public, singularly free from the vices and failings the atmosphere of formercourts was wont to foster. There is at all times, no doubt, thecompetition of politicians for influence and power acting and reactingon the Court and its frequenters, but of scandal at the Court ofBerlin there has been none that could be fairly said to involve theEmperor or his family. Dame Gossip, of course, busied herself with theEmperor in his youth, but whatever truth she then uttered--and it isprobably extremely little--on this head, there is no question thatfrom the day he mounted the throne his Court and that of the Empresshas been a model for all institutions of the kind. 

The life of courts, the personages who play leading parts in them, their wealth and luxury, and the currents of social, amorous, andpolitical intrigue which are supposed to course through them have inall countries and in all ages strongly appealed to writers, fancifuland serious. Perhaps one-third of the prose and poetic literature ofevery country deals, directly or indirectly, with the subject, anddetermines in no small degree the character of its rising generations. The great architects of romance, depicting for us life in high places, and often nobly idealizing it, or working the facts of history intothe web of their imaginings and thus pleasantly combining fact withfiction, aim at elevating, not at debasing, the mind of the reader. Asecond valuable source of information on the topic are the memoirs ofthose who have set down their observations and recorded experiencesmade in the courts to which they had access. Among this class, however, are to be found unscrupulous as well as conscientiousauthors, the former obviously cherishing some personal grievance or asobviously actuated by malice, while the latter are usually moved by anhonest desire to tell the world things that are important for it toknow, and at the same time, it is not ill-natured to suspect, enhancetheir own reputation with their contemporaries or with posterity. Themultitudinous tribe of anecdote inventors and retailers must also betaken into account. In our own day there is still another source ofinformation, which, agreeably or odiously according to the temperamentof the reader, keeps us in touch with courts and what goes onthere--the periodical press; while afar off in the future one canimagine the historian bent over his desk, surrounded by books andknee-deep in newspapers, selecting and weighing events, studyingcharacters, developing personalities, and passing what he hopes may bea final judgment on the court and period he is considering. 

For a study of the Emperor's life, as it passes in his Court, a largenumber of works are available, but not many that can be described asauthoritative or reliable. Among the latter, however, may be placedMoritz Busch's "Bismarck: Some Secret Pages of His History, " threevolumes that make Busch almost as interesting to the reader as hissubject; Bismarck's own "Gedanke und Erinnerungen, " which is chieflyof a political nature; and the "Memorabilia of Prince ChlodwigHohenlohe-Schillingsfürst, " who was for several years Statthalter ofAlsace-Lorraine and subsequently became Imperial Chancellor insuccession to General von Caprivi. These works, with the collectionsof the Emperor's speeches and the speeches and interviews ofChancellor Prince von Bülow, may be ranked in the category of seriousand authentic contributions to the Court history of the period theycover. Then there are several German descriptions of the Court, reliable enough in their way which is a dull one, to those who are notimpassioned monarchists or hide-bound bureaucrats. In the category ofworks by unscrupulous writers that entitled "The Private Lives ofWilliam II and His Consort, " by a lady-in-waiting to the Empress from1888 to 1898, easily takes first place. Certainly it gives a livelyand often entertaining insight into the domestic life of the palace, but it is so clearly informed by spite that it is impossible todistinguish what is true in it from what is false or misrepresented. Finally, for the closer study of individual events and the impressionsthey made at the time of their happening, the daily press can beconsulted. For the Bismarck period the biography of Hans Blum is ofexceptional value. 

What may be termed the anecdotic literature of the Court isparticularly rich and trivial, and this is only to be expected in acountry where the monarchy and its representative are so forcibly andconstantly brought home to the people's consciousness. Yet it has itsuses, and is referred to, though sparingly, in the present work. "TheEmperor as Father of a Family, " "The Emperor and His Daughter'sUniform, " "The Amiable Grandfather, " "The Emperor as Husband, " "TheEmperor as Card Player, " "How the Emperor's Family is Photographed, ""What does the Emperor's Kitchen Look Like, " "Adieu, Auguste"("Auguste" is the Empress), "The English Lord and the Emperor'sCigarettes, " "When My Wife Makes You a Sandwich, " "What the EmperorReads, " "The Emperor's Handwriting, " "Can the Emperor Vote?" (theanswer is, opinions differ), "Washing Day at the Emperor's, " "TheEmperor and the Empress at Tennis, " "Emperor and Auto, " are the sortof matters dealt with. Literature of this kind is beyond questionintensely interesting to vast numbers of people, but helps very littletowards understanding a singularly complex human being placed in ahigh and extraordinarily responsible position. 

Strictly speaking, there is no Imperial Court in Germany, since theKing of Prussia, in accordance with the Imperial Constitution, alwayssucceeds to the imperial throne, and therefore officially the Court isthat of the King of Prussia only. The distinction is emphasized by thefact that the Court is independent of the Empire as regards itsadministration and finance. It is a state within a state, an _imperiumin imperio_. In all that pertains to it the Emperor is absolute rulerand his executive is a special Ministry. At the same time it is almostneedless to add that the Court of Berlin is practically that of theEmpire. It is this character, apart from Prussia's size andimportance, that distinguishes it from other courts in Germany andreduces them to comparative insignificance in foreign, though by nomeans in German, consideration. 

The Court of the Empire and Prussia--and the same thing may be said ofthe various other courts in Germany--engages popular interest andattention to a much larger extent than is the case in England. Thefact is almost wholly due to the nature of the monarchy and of itsrelations to the people. In England a great portion of the popularattention is concentrated on Parliament and the fortunes of its twogreat political parties. The attention given to the Court and itsdoings is not of the same general and permanent character, but isintermittent according to the occasion. The Englishman feels deep andabiding popular interest at all times in Parliament, whether insession or not, because it represents the people and is, in fact, andfor hundreds of years has been, the Government. 

The reverse may fairly be said to be the case in Germany. In Germanypopular attention has been from early times concentrated on themonarch, his personality, sayings and doings, since in his hands laygovernment power and patronage. Monarchy of a more or less absolutecharacter was accepted by the people, not only in Germany but all overthe Continent, as the normal and desirable, perhaps the inevitable, state of things; and it is only since the French Revolution thatparliaments after the English pattern, that is by two chambers electedby popular vote, yet in many important respects widely differing fromit, were demanded by the people or finally established. Up tocomparatively recent times the monarch in Prussia was an absoluteruler. Frederick William IV, after the events of 1848, was compelledto grant Prussia a Constitution which explicitly defined therespective rights of the Crown and the people in the sphere ofpolitics; and the Imperial Constitution, drawn up on the formation ofthe modern Empire, did the same thing as regards the Emperor and thepeople of the Empire; but neither Constitution altered the nature ofthe monarchy in the direction of giving governing power to the people. Both secured the people legislative, but not governing power. Government in the Empire and Prussia remains, as of old, an appanage, so to speak, of the Court, and the fact of course tends to concentrateattention on the Court. 

It has been said that the Court is a state within a state, an_imperium in imperio_. In this state, within Prussia or within theEmpire, it is the same thing for our purpose, there are two maindepartments, that of the Lord Chamberlain (_Oberstkammeramt_) and thatof the Master of the Household (_Ministerium des Königlichen Hauses_). The first deals with all questions of court etiquette, courtceremonial, court mourning, precedence, superintendence of the courtsof the Emperor's sons and near relatives, and of all Prussian courtoffices. The second deals with the personal affairs of the Emperor andhis sons, the domestic administration of the palace, the management ofthe Crown estates and castles, and is the tribunal that decides allHohenzollern differences and disputes that are not subject to theordinary legal tribunals. Connected with this Ministry are theHerald's office and the Court Archives office. The chief Courtofficials include, beside the Lord Chamberlain and the Master of theHousehold, a Chief Court Marshal. The Master of the Household is alsoChief Master of Ceremonies, with a Deputy Master of Ceremonies who isalso Introducer of Ambassadors, two Court Marshals, a Captain of thePalace Guards, a Court Chaplain, Court Physician, an Intendant incharge of the royal theatres, a Master of the Horse who has charge ofthe royal stables, a House Marshal, and a Master of the Kitchen. Allthese officials are princes (_Fürst_) or counts (_Graf_), with thetitle Highness (_Durchlaucht_) or Excellency. 

Court officials also include the various nobles in charge of the royalpalaces, castles, and hunting lodges at Potsdam, Charlottenburg, Breslau, Stettin, Marienburg, Posen, Letzlingen, Hohkönigsberg, Homberg von der Höhe, Springe, Hubertusstock, Rominten, Korfu (the"Achilleion"), Wiesbaden, Koenigsberg, etc. , to the number of thirtyor more. The Empress has her own Court officials, including a Mistressof the Robes and Ladies of the Bedchamber, also with the title ofExcellency, the Ladies being chosen from the most aristocraticfamilies of Germany. The Empress has her own Master of the Household, physician, treasurer, and so on. Similarly with the households of theCrown Prince, other royal princes and the Emperor's near relatives. 

Every order the Emperor gives that is not of a purely domestic kindpasses through one of his three cabinets--the Civil Cabinet, theMilitary Cabinet, or the Marine Cabinet. The cost of the first, withits chief, who receives £1, 000 a year, and half a dozen subordinateofficials on salaries of £200 to £350, is budgeted at about £10, 000 ayear. The Military Cabinet is a much larger establishment, havingseveral departments and a staff of half a hundred councillors andclerks. The Naval Cabinet, on the other hand, is composed of onlythree upper officials and five clerks. The Emperor's "civil list" isreturned in the Budget as £860, 000 roughly. His entire annual revenuedoes not exceed £1, 000, 000. Out of this he has to pay the expenses ofhis married sons' households and make large contributions to publiccharities. He was left, however, a very considerable sum of money bythe Emperor William. The Crown Prince, as such, receives a grant of£20, 000 a year, chiefly derived from the royal domain of Oels inSilesia. Like all fathers of large families, the Emperor has been morethan once heard to complain that he finds it difficult to make bothends meet. 

The Emperor's staff of adjutants are exceptionally useful andimportant people. At their head is the chief of the Emperor's MilitaryCabinet. Not less important are the members of the Emperor's MarineCabinet, consisting of admirals, vice-admirals, and wing-admirals. Thepersonal adjutants divide the day and night service between them, sothat there may always be three adjutants at the Emperor's immediatedisposal. The adjutant announces Ministers or other visitors to theEmperor, telegraphs to say that His Majesty has an hour or an hour anda half at his disposal at such-and-such a time, or intimates that anaudience of half an hour can be given in the train between two givenpoints. They act as living memorandum books, knock at the Emperor'sdoor to announce that it is time for him to go to this or thatappointment, remind him that a congratulatory telegram on some one'sseventieth birthday or other jubilee has to be sent, or perhapswhispers that Her Majesty the Empress wishes to see him. All theEmperor's correspondence passes through their hands. They accompanythe Emperor on his journeys and voyages, and when thus employed areusually invited to his table. The Emperor reads of some new book andtells an adjutant to order it, and the latter does so by communicatingwith the Civil Cabinet. 

Court society in Berlin includes the German "higher" and "lower"nobility, with the exception of the so-called Fronde, who proudlyabsent themselves from it; the Ministers; the diplomatic corps; Courtofficials; and such members of the burghertum, or middle class, ashold offices which entitle them to attend court. The wives, however, of those in the last category are not "court-capable" on this account, nor is the middle class generally, nor even members of the Imperial orPrussian Parliaments as such. Members of Parliament are invited to theCourt's seasonal festivities, but as a rule only members of theConservative parties or other supporters of the Government. Thenobility, as in England, is hereditary or only nominated for life, andthe hereditary nobility is divided into an upper and lower class. Tothe former belongs members of houses that were ruling when the modernEmpire was established, and, while excluding the Emperor, who standsabove them, includes sovereign houses and mediatized houses. Some ofthe ancient privileges of the nobility, such as exemption fromtaxation, and the right to certain high offices, have been abolished, but in practice the nobility still occupy the most important chargesin the administration and in the army. The privileges of themediatized princes consist of exemption from conscription, theenjoyment of the Principle called "equality of birth, " which preventsthe burgher wife of a noble acquiring her husband's rank, and theright to have their own "house law" for the regulation of familydisputes and family affairs generally. No increase to the highnobility of Germany can accrue as no addition will ever be made to theonce sovereign and mediatized families. With the exception of thesehouses the rest of the German nobility, hereditary and non-hereditary, is accounted as belonging to the lower nobility. That part of theGerman aristocracy who refuse to go to court, and are accordinglycalled by the name Fronde, first given to the opponents of CardinalMazarin, in the reign of Louis XIV, consist chiefly of a few oldfamilies of Prussian Poland, Hannover (the Guelphs), Brunswick, Nassau, Hessen, and other annexed German territories, and of somegreat Catholic houses in Bavaria and the Rhineland. Their dislike isdirected not so much against the Empire as against Prussia. TheKulturkampf had the effect of setting a small number of ancientPrussian ultramontane families against the Government. 

Not much that is complimentary can be said of the German aristocracyas a whole. "Serenissimus" is to-day as frequently the subject ofbitter, if often humorous, caricature in the comic press as ever hewas. A few of the class, like Prince Fürstenberg, Prince Hohenlohe, Count Henkel-Donnersmarck and some others engage successfully incommerce; many are practical farmers and have done a good deal foragriculture; several are deputies to Parliament; but on the whole theforeigner gets the impression that the class as such contributes but asmall percentage of what it might and should in the way of brains, industry, or example to the welfare and the progress of the Empire. 

It is difficult to communicate an impression of the Court, whether atthe Schloss in Berlin or the New Palace in Potsdam, and at the sametime avoid the dry and dusty descriptions of the guide-books. If thereader is not in Berlin, let him imagine the fragment of a mediævaltown, situated on a river and fronted by a bridge; and on the bank ofthe river a dark, square, massive and weather-stained pile of fourstories, with barred windows on the ground floor as defence against apossibly angry populace, and a sentry-box at each of its two loftywrought-iron gates. It may be, as Baedeker informs us it is, a"handsome example of the German renaissance, " but to the foreigner itcan as equally suggest a large and grimy barracks as thefive-hundred-years-old palace of a long line of kings and emperors. And yet, to any one acquainted with the blood-stained annals ofPrussian history, who knows something of the massive stone buildingsabout it and of the people who have inhabited them, who strollsthrough its interior divided into sombre squares, each with its coldand bare parade-ground, who reflects on the relations between king andpeople, closely identified by their historical associations, yetsundered by the feudal spirit which still keeps the Crown at adistance from the crowd, above all to the German versed in hiscountry's story--how eloquently it speaks!

When one thinks of the Court of Berlin one should not forget that theNew Palace, the Emperor's residence at Potsdam, sixteen miles distantfrom the capital, is as much, and as important, a part of it as theroyal palace in Berlin itself. The Emperor divides his time betweenthem, the former, when he is not travelling, being his more permanentresidence, and the latter only claiming his presence during the winterseason and for periods of a day or so at other parts of the year, whenoccasion requires it. It is only during the six or eight weeks of thewinter season that the Empress and her daughter, Princess VictoriaLouise (now Duchess of Brunswick), go into residence at the Berlinroyal palace. There is a railway between Potsdam and Berlin, but sincethe introduction of the motor-car the Emperor almost always uses thatmeans of conveyance for the half-hour's run between his Berlin andPotsdam palaces. 

The other section of the Court, if Potsdam may be so described, ishardly less rich in memories than the old palace by the Spree. Indeedit is richer from the cosmopolitan point of view, for though Frederickthe Great was born in the Berlin Schloss and spent some of his timethere, it was at Potsdam that, when not campaigning, he may be said tohave lived and died. To this day, for the foreigner, his personalitystill pervades the place, and that of the Emperor sinks, comparatively, into the background. The tourist who has pored over hisBaedeker will learn that Potsdam has 53, 000 inhabitants and is"charmingly situated"--it depends on your temperament what the charmis, and to guide-book framers all tourists have the sametemperament--on an island in the Havel "which here expands into aseries of lakes bounded by wooded hills. " He will learn that the oldtown-palace, which few visitors give a thought to, was built by theGreat Elector, that Frederick the Great lived here in "richlydecorated apartments with sumptuous furniture and noteworthy picturesby Pater, Lancret, and Pesne"; that it contains a cabinet in which thedining-table could be let up and down by means of a trap-door, and"where the King occasionally dined with friends without risk of beingoverheard by his attendants"; that the present Emperor, then PrinceWilliam, lived here with his young wife when he was still only alieutenant. He will drive to the New Palace--now old, for it was builtby Frederick the Great in 1769, during the Seven Years' War, at a costof nearly half a million sterling--and gaze with interest at thesummer residence of the Emperor. If he is an American he may think ofhis multi-millionaire fellow-citizen, Cornelius Vanderbilt, who, whendriving up to call on his erstwhile imperial schoolfellow and friend, was nearly shot at by a sentry for whom the name Vanderbilt was no"Open Sesame. " He will see before him a main building, seven hundredfeet in length, three stories high, with the central portionsurmounted by a dome, its chief façade looking towards a park. Thewhole, of course--for Baedeker is talking--forms an "imposing pile, "with "mediocre sculptures, but the effect of the weathered sandstonefigures against the red brick is very pleasing. " Here the Emperor'sfather, Frederick III, was born, lived as Crown Prince, reigned forninety-nine days, and died. Here, too, are more "apartments ofFrederick the Great, " with pictures by Rubens, including an "Adorationof the Magi, " a good example of Watteau and a portrait of Voltairedrawn by Frederick's own hand. In the north wing are situated thepresent Emperor's suite of chambers, where distinguished men of allcountries have discussed almost every conceivable topic, political, social, religious, martial, artistic, financial, and commercial, withone of the most interesting talkers of his time. No bloody tragedy hasdefiled the palace, as did the murder of Lord Darnley at Holyrood, that of the Duke of Guise (Sir Walter Scott's "Le Balafré") thechateau of Blois, the execution of the Bourbon Duc d'Enghien thepalace of Vincennes, or the murder of the boy princes the Tower ofLondon. But bloodless tragedy, and exquisite comedy, and farce too, have doubtless had their hour within the walls. One such incident ofthe politico-tragic kind was that which passed only two years agobetween the Emperor and his Imperial Chancellor, when Prince von Bülowwent as deputy from the Federal Council, the Parliament, and thepeople to pray the Emperor to exercise more caution in his public, orsemi-public statements; and the historian may possibly find another, and not without its touch of comedy, in the reception by the Emperorof the Chinese prince, who headed the "mission of atonement" for themurder of the Emperor's Minister in Pekin during the Boxer troubles. 

From the New Palace our foreigner will probably drive to the MarblePalace, which (for Baedeker is ever at one's elbow with the facts) hewill mark was built in 1796 by Frederick William II, who died here, was completed in 1845 by Frederick William IV, and was the residenceof the present Emperor at the time of his accession. 

But while our foreigner has been hurrying from one palace to another, with his mind in a fog of historical and topographical confusion--ifhe is an American, half-hoping, half-expecting to meet the Emperor orEmpress and secure a bow from one or other, or--why not?--one ofWilliam's well-known vigorous _poignées de main_, there is always onethought predominant in his mind--Sans Souci. That is the real objectof his quest, the main attraction that has brought him, allunconscious of it, to Berlin, and not the laudable, but whollymistaken efforts of the "Society for the Promotion of TouristTraffic, " which seeks to lure the moneyed and reluctant foreigner tothe German capital. Our foreigner enters the Park of Sans Souci andhis spirit is at rest. Now he knows where he really is--not in thewonderful new German Empire, not in modern Berlin with its splendidand to him unspeaking streets, its garish "night-life, " itsfaultily-faultless municipal propriety, not in Potsdam, "the truecradle of the Prussian army, " as Baedeker, deviating for an instantinto metaphor, describes it, but simply in Sans Souci. He is now nolonger in the twentieth century, but the eighteenth--one hundred andfifty years ago or more--in Frederick's day, the period of pigtails, of giant grenadiers in the old-time blue and red coats, the high andfantastic shako made of metal and tapering to a point, ofthree-cornered hats resting on powdered wigs, of yellow top-boots, andexhaling the general air of ruffianly geniality characteristic of themanners and soldiers of the age. 

As our foreigner advances through the park, where, as he is told, theEmperor makes a promenade each Christmas Eve distributing ten-markpieces (spiteful chroniclers make it three marks) to all and sundrypoor, he will notice the fountain "the water of which rises to aheight of 130 feet, " with its twelve figures by French artists of theeighteenth century, and ascend the broad terraced flight of marblesteps up which the present Crown Prince is credited with once urginghis trembling steed--leading to the Mecca of his imagination, thepalace Sans Souci itself. The building is only one story high, notlarge, reminding one somewhat of the Trianon at Versailles, thoughlacking the Trianon's finished lightness and elegance, yet with itssemicircular colonnade distinctly French, and impressive by itselevated situation. The chief, the enduring, the magical impression, however, begins to form as our foreigner commences his pilgrimagethrough the rooms in which Frederick passed most of his later years. As he pauses in the Voltaire Chamber he imagines the two greatfigures, seated in stiff-backed chairs at a little table on whichstand, perhaps, a pair of cut Venetian wine-glasses and a tall bottleof old Rheinish--the great man of thought and the great man of action, the two great atheists and freethinkers of Europe, with their earnest, sharply featured faces, and their wigs bobbing at each other, discussing the events and tendencies of their time. And how they musthave talked--no wonder Frederick, though the idol of his subjects, withdrew for such discourse from the society of the day, with itstwaddle of the tea-cups and its parade-ground platitudes. 

As in our own time, there was then no lack of stimulating topics. Theinfluence of the old Catholicism and the old feudalism was rapidlydiminishing, the night of superstition was passing, and the age ofreason, that was to culminate with such tremendous and horrible forcein the French Revolution, was beginning to dawn. The encyclopaedists, with Diderot and d'Alembert in the van, were holding council inFrance, mobilizing the intellects of the time, and, like Bacon, takingall knowledge for their province, for a fierce attack on the oldphilosophy, the old statecraft, the old art, and the old religion. Aresuch topics and such men to deal with them to be found to-day, or haveall the great problems of humanity and its intellect been started, studied, and resolved? And are motor-cars, aeroplanes, dances, Dreadnoughts, millinery, rag-time reviews, auction bridge, the riseand fall of stocks, and the last extraordinary round of golf, all thatis left for the present generation to discuss?

However, the guardian of the palace has moved on, the other members ofthe party are getting bored, and our foreigner follows the guardian'slead. Thus conducted, he passes through half a dozen rooms, each amuseum of historical associations--the dining-room with its roundtable made famous by Menzel's picture (now in the Berlin NationalGallery) in which Frederick and his guests are seen seated, but inwhich it is difficult if not impossible to be certain which is thehost; the concert-room with the clock which Frederick was in the habitof winding up, and which "is said to have stopped at the precisemoment of his death, 2. 20 a. M. , August 17th, 1786"; the death-chamberwith its eloquent and pathetic statue, Magnussen's "Last Moments ofFrederick the Great"; the library and picture gallery. Strangelyenough, Baedeker has no mention of a female subject portrayed in theconcert-room in all sorts of attitudes and in all sorts and no sort ofcostume. Yet every one has heard of La Barberini, the only woman, thechroniclers (and Voltaire among them) assure us, Frederick ever loved. She was no woman of birth or wit like the Pompadour, Récamier orStaël, but of merely ordinary understanding and the wife of asubordinate official of the Court. She charmed Frederick, however, andmay have loved him. If so, let us remember that the morals of thosedays were not those of ours, and not grudge the lonely King hisenjoyment of her beauty and amiability. 

One thing only remains for our foreigner to see--the coffin ofFrederick in the old Garrison Church. It lies in a small chamberbehind the pulpit and looks more like the strong box of a miser thanthe last resting-place of a great king. For such a man it seems poorand mean, but probably Frederick himself did not wish for better. Hemust have known that his real monument would be his reputation withposterity. In fact the chroniclers agree, and the noble statue ofMagnussen confirms the impression, that at the close of his stormylife he was glad finally to be at rest anywhere. "_Quand je serailà_, " he was wont to say, pointing to where his dogs were buried inthe palace park, "_je serai sans souci_. "

In every court there is a disposition on the part of courtiers toagree with everything the monarch says, to flatter him as dexterouslyas they can, to minister to princely vanity, if vanity there be, to"crawl on their bellies, " in the choice language of hostile courtcritics, or "wag their tails" and double up their bodies at every bow;show, in short, in different ways, often all unconsciously, thepresence of a servile and self-interested mind. The disposition is notto be found in courts alone. It is one of the commonest and mostmalignant qualities of humanity, and can any day and at any hour beobserved in action in any Ministry of State, any mercantile office, any great warehouse, any public institution, in every scene, in fact, where one or many men are dependent for their living on the favour orcaprice of another. On the other hand, let it not be forgotten thatthis innate tendency of human nature is at times replaced by anotherwhich has frequently the same outward manifestations, but is not thesame feeling, the sentiment, namely, of embarrassment arising from thefear of being servile, and the equally frequent embarrassment arisingfrom that principle which is always at work in the mind, theassociation of ideas, which in the case of a monarch presents him tothe ordinary mortal as embodying ideas of grandeur, power, might, andintellect to which the latter is unaccustomed. Education, economicchanges, and the art of manners have done much to conceal, if noteradicate, human proneness to servility, and the Byzantinism of thetime of Caligula and Nero, of Tiberius, Constantine, or Nikiphoros, ofthe Stuarts and the Bourbons, has long been modified into respect foroneself as well as for the person one addresses. There are, however, still traces of the old evil in the German atmosphere, and in especiala tendency among officials of all grades to be humble and submissiveto those above them and haughty and domineering to those below them. The tendency is perhaps not confined to Germany, but it seems, to theinhabitant of countries where bureaucracy is not a powerful caste, topenetrate German society and ordinary life to a greater degree--yetnot to a great degree--than in more democratic societies. 

The Emperor naturally knows nothing of such a thing, for there is noone superior to him in the Empire in point of rank, and he is much toomodern, too well educated, and of too kindly and liberal a nature toencourage or permit Byzantinism towards him on the part of others. Indeed Byzantinism was never a Hohenzollern failing. In his able workon German civilization Professor Richard tells of some Silesianpeasants who knelt down when presenting a petition to FrederickWilliam I, and were promptly told to get up, as "such an attitude wasunworthy of a human being. " Only on one occasion in the reign has anaction of the Emperor's afforded ground for the suspicion that he wasfor a moment filled with the spirit of the Byzantine emperors--namely, when he demanded the "kotow" from the Chinese Prince Tschun, who ledthe "mission of atonement" to Germany. This, however, was not reallythe result of a Byzantine character or spirit, but of the excusableanger of a man whose innocent representative had been treacherouslykilled. 

Of affinity with the idea of Byzantinism is that as frequentlyoccurring idea in German court and ordinary life conveyed by the word"reaction. " Here again we have one of those qualities to be foundamong mankind everywhere and always: the instinct opposed to change, even to those changes for the good we call progress, the dispositionthat made Horace deride the _laudator temporis acti se puero_ of hisday, the feeling of the man who laments the passing of the "good oldtimes" and the military veteran who assures us that "the country, sir, is going to the dogs. " In political life such men are usually to befound professing conservatism, owners of land, dearer to them oftenthan life itself, which they fear political change will damage ordiminish. In Germany the Conservative forces are the old agrarianaristocracy, the military nobility, and the official hierarchy, whomake a worship of tradition, hold for the most part the tenets oforthodox Protestantism, dread the growing influence of industrialism, and are members of the Landlords' Association: types of a dyingfeudalism, disposed to believe nothing advantageous to the communityif it conflicts with any privilege of their class. Under the name ofJunker, the Conservative landowners of the region of Prussia east ofthe Elbe, they have become everywhere a byword for pride, selfishness, in a word--reaction. They and men of their kidney are to bedistinguished from the German "people" in the English sense, and holdthemselves vastly superior to the burghertum, the vast middle class. They dislike the "academic freedom" of the university professor, wouldlimit the liberty of the press and restrain the right of publicmeeting, and increase rather than curtail the powers of the police. Onthe other hand, if they are a powerful drag on the Emperor's Liberaltendencies--Liberal, that is, in the Prussian sense--towards acomprehensive and well-organized social policy, they are at leastreliable supporters of his Government for the military and navalbudgets, since they believe as whole-heartedly in the rule of force asthe Emperor himself. The German Conservative would infinitely prefer areturn to absolute government to the introduction of parliamentarygovernment. At the same time it should not be supposed that theEmperor or his Chancellor, or even his Court, are reactionary in thesense or measure in which the Socialist papers are wont to assert. Itis doubtful if nowadays the Emperor would venture to be reactionary inany despotic way. Given that his monarchy and the spirit that informsit are secure, that Caesar gets all that is due to Caesar, and that heand his Government are left the direction of foreign policy, he isquite willing that the people should legislate for themselves, enjoyall the rights that belong to them under the _Rechtsstaat_ establishedby Frederick the Great, and, in short, enjoy life as best they can. 

VII. 

"DROPPING THE PILOT"

Heinrich von Treitschke, the German historian, writing to a friend, speaks of the dismissal of Prince Bismarck as "an indelible stain onPrussian history and a tragic stroke of fate the like of which theworld has never seen since the days of Themistocles. "

Opinions may differ as to the indelibility of the stain--which must betaken as a reflection on the conduct of the Emperor; and parallelsmight perhaps be found, at least by students of English history, inthe dismissal of Cardinal Wolsey by Henry VIII, or that of the elderPitt by George III. But there may well be general agreement as to thetragic nature of the fall, for it was a struggle between a strongpersonality and the unknown, but irresistible, laws of fate. 

The historic quarrel between the Emperor and his Chancellor was notmerely the inevitable clash between two dispositions fundamentallydifferent, but between--to adapt the expression of a modern poet--"anage that was dying and one that was coming to birth. " Old Prussia wasgiving place to New Germany. The atmosphere of war had changed to anatmosphere of peace. The standards of education and comfort wererising fast. The old German idealism was being pushed aside bymaterialism and commercialism, and the thoughts of the nation wereturning from problems of philosophy and art to problems of practicalscience and experiment. Thought was to be followed by action. Mankind, after conversing with the ancients for centuries, now began toconverse with one another. The desire for national expansion, if itcould not be gratified by conquest, was to be satisfied by the spreadof German influence, power, activity, and enterprise in all parts ofthe world. Such a collision of the ages is tragedy on the largestscale, for nothing can be more tragic--more inevitable orinexorable--than the march of Progress. 

The natures of the two men were, in important respects, fundamentallydifferent. Bismarck's nature was prosaic, primitive, unscrupulous, domineering: a type which in an English schoolboy would be describedas a bully, with the modification that while the bully in an Englishschool is always depicted as a coward at heart (a supposition, however, by no means always borne out in after-life), Bismarck had thecourage of a bull-dog. Moreover, Bismarck was a Conservative, astatesman of expediency. The Emperor is a man of principle; and asexpediency, in a world of change, is a note of Conservatism, so, inthe same world, is principle the _leit-motiv_ of Liberalism. To callthe Emperor a man of principle may appear to be at variance withgeneral opinion as founded on exceptional occurrences, but these donot supply sufficient material for a fair judgment, and there are manyacts of his reign which show him to be Liberal in disposition. 

Not, it need hardly be said, Liberal in the English political sense. Liberalism in England--the two-party country--usually means a strongdesire to vote against a Conservative on the assumption that theConservative is nearly always completely wrong and never completelyright. As will be seen later, there is no political Liberalism in theEnglish sense in Germany. The Emperor's Liberalism shows itself in hissympathy with his people in their desire for improvement as a societyof which he is the head, selected by God and only restricted by aconstitutional compact solemnly sworn to by the contracting parties. Proofs of this sympathy might be adduced--his determination to carrythrough his grandfather's social policy against Bismarck's wish, however hostile he was and is to Social Democracy; his steadfast peacepolicy, however nearly he has brought his country to war; hisencouragement of the arts among the lower classes, however limited hisviews on art may be; his friendly intercourse with people of allnationalities and occupations. 

The characters also of the two men were different. Bismarck's was theresult of civilian training; the Emperor's of military training. Bismarck had small regard for manners, and would have scoffed hadanyone told him "manners makyth man"; the Emperor is courtesy itself, as every one who meets him testifies. Bismarck was fond of eating anddrinking, with the appetite of a horse and the thirst of a drayman, until he was nearly eighty, and smoked strong cigars from morning tonight--a very pleasant thing, of course, if you can stand it. TheEmperor has never cared particularly for what are called the pleasuresof the table, is fond of apples and one or two simple German dishes, and has never been what in Germany is called a "chain-smoker. "Bismarck appears not to have had the faintest interest in art; theEmperor, while of late disclaiming in all art company his lack ofexpert knowledge, has always found delight in art's most classicalforms. 

Yet the two men had some deeply marked traits of character in common. The Emperor, as was Bismarck, is Prussian, that is to say mediaeval, to the core, notwithstanding that he had an English mother andlived in early childhood under English influences. He has alwaysexhibited, as Bismarck always did, the genuine qualities of thePrussian--self-confidence, tenacity of purpose, absolute trust in hisown ideals and intolerance of those of other people, impatience ofrivalry, selfishness for the advantage of Prussia as against otherGerman States, as strong as that for the newly born Empire againstother countries. Finally, the Emperor is convinced, as Bismarck wasconvinced, that in the first and last resort, a society, a people, anation, is based on force and by force alone can prosper, or even beheld together. Neither Bismarck nor the Emperor could ever sympathizewith those who look to a time when one strong and sensible policemanwill be of more value to a community than a thousand unproductivesoldiers. 

Long before he became Imperial Chancellor Bismarck had done masterlyand important work for the country. In 1862 he began his career byfilling the post of interim Minister President of Prussia at a timewhen the present Emperor was still an infant. It was on taking up theposition that he made the celebrated statement that "great questionscannot be decided by speeches and majority-votes, but must be resolvedby blood and iron. " Born in April, 1815, two months before the battleof Waterloo, at Schoenhausen, in the Prussian Province of Saxony, notfar from Magdeburg, he studied at the universities of Gottingen andBerlin and passed two steps of the official ladder--Auscultator andReferendar--which may be translated respectively protocolist andjunior counsel. His parliamentary career began in 1846, two yearsbefore the second French Revolution. At that time Prussia was anabsolute monarchy, without a Constitution or a Parliament. There wasno conscription, that foundation-stone of Prussian power and of themodern German Empire. Then came the agitated days of 1848, thesanguinary "March Days" in Berlin. Frederick William IV was on thethrone, and in 1847 permitted the calling of a Parliament, theforerunner of the present Reichstag; but only to represent the"rights, " not the "opinions, " of the people. "No piece of paper, "cried the King, "shall come, like a second Providence, between God inheaven and this land!" That, too, was Bismarck's sentiment, courageously expressed by him when the Diet was debating the idea ofintroducing the English parliamentary system, and proved by him incharacter and conduct until the day of his death. He would have made asplendid Jacobite!

The three "March Days, " the 18th, 19th, and 20th of March, 1848, formone of the few occasions in Prussian or German history on which Crownand people came into direct and serious conflict. According to Germanaccounts of the episode the outbreak of the revolution in France wasfollowed by a large influx into Berlin of Poles and Frenchmen, whoinstigated the populace to violence. Collisions with the policeoccurred, and on March 15th barricades began to be erected. Traffic inthe streets was only possible with the aid of the military. The Kingwas in despair, not so much, the accounts say, at the danger he was inof losing his throne as at the shedding of the blood of his folk, andissued a proclamation promising to grant all desirable reforms, abolishing the censorship of the press, and summoning the Diet todiscuss the terms of a Constitution. The citizens, however, continuedto build barricades, made their way into the courtyards of the palace, and demanded the withdrawal of the troops. The King ordered thecourtyards to be cleared, the palace guard advanced, and, either byaccident or design, the guns of two grenadiers went off. No one washit, but cries of "Treason!" and "Murder!" were raised. Within an houra score of barricades were set up in various parts of the town andmanned by a medley of workmen, university students, artists, and evenmen of the Landwehr, or military reserve. 

At this time there were about 14, 000 troops at the King's disposal, and with these the authorities proceeded against the mob. A series ofscattered engagements between mob and military began. They lasted foreight hours, until at midnight General von Prittwitz, who was incommand of the troops, was able to report to the King that therevolution was subdued. 

Next morning, however, the 19th, numerous deputations of citizenspresented themselves at the palace, and assuring the King that it wasthe only means of preventing the further effusion of blood, renewedthe request for the withdrawal of the troops. The King consented, notwithstanding the opposition of Prince, afterwards Emperor, William, and the troops were drawn off to Potsdam. The citizens thereuponappointed a National Guard, which took charge of the palace, and inthe evening a vast crowd appeared beneath the King's windows bearingthe corpses of those who had fallen at the barricades during the twopreceding days. The dead bodies were laid in rows in the palacecourtyard, and the King was invited out to see them. He could not butobey, and bowed to the crowd as he stood bareheaded before the bodies. 

It is clear from the occurrences in Berlin in 1848 that while thePrussian idea of monarchy is deeply rooted in the German mind, thepossibility of a sudden change in public sentiment and a radicalalteration of the relations between Crown and people are never at anytime to be wholly disregarded. Hence it is that the Emperor and hisGovernment are so insistent on the doctrine of Heaven-grantedsovereignty, so ready to support more or less autocratic monarchies inother parts of the world, and so sensitive to popular movements likeAnarchism and Nihilism in Russia, or the always-smouldering Polishagitation and the propaganda of the Social Democracy in Germany. WhenKing Frederick William IV said to his assembled generals at Potsdam aweek after the "March Days, " "Never have I felt more free or moresecure than when under the protection of my burghers, " his words weredrowned in the buzz of murmurs and the angry clanking of swords. TheEmperor to-day might, or might not, endorse the words of his ancestor. Most probably he would not; for, judging by his speeches, his care forthe army, the military state with which he surrounds himself, and hishabitual appearance in uniform, he, though in truth far more a civilmonarch than the War Lord foreign writers delight in painting him, isevidently determined to rely only on his soldiers for everyeventuality at home as well as abroad. 

Perhaps the best German authorities on Bismarck's falling-out with theyoung Emperor are the statements regarding it to be found in thememoranda supplied at the time by Prince Bismarck himself to Dr. Moritz Busch; the Memoirs of Prince Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst, subsequently Imperial Chancellor; and the monograph on Bismarck by Dr. Hans Blum, one of the Chancellor's confidants. The memoranda suppliedto Busch make regrettably few references to the subject, beyond givingthe terms of the official resignation and some scanty addenda thereto;but enough is said generally by Busch concerning Bismarck'sconversations to show that the Chancellor was deeply mortified by hisdismissal. Bismarck indeed expressly denies this in a conversationalstatement quoted by an able Bismarckian writer of our own time, Dr. Paul Liman; but in view of subsequent events and statements the denialcan hardly be taken as sincere. The passage referred to is asfollows:--

 "I bear no grudge against my young master, who is fiery and lively. He wishes to make all men happy, and that is very natural at his age. I, for my part, believe perhaps less in this possibility, and have told him so too. It is very natural that a mentor like myself does not please him, and that he therefore rejects my advice. An old carthorse and a young courser go ill in harness together. Only politics are not so easy as a chemical combination: they deal with human beings. I wish certainly that his experiments may succeed, and am not in the least angry with him. I stand towards him like a father whom a son has grieved; the father may suffer thereby, but all the same he says to himself, 'He is a fine young fellow. ' When I was young I followed my King everywhere: now that I am old I can no longer accompany my master when he travels so far. Accordingly it is unavoidable that counsellors who remained closer to him should win his confidence at my expense. He is very easily influenced when one puts before him ideas which he supposes will happily affect the condition of the people, and he can hardly wait to put them into operation. The Kaiser will achieve reputation at once: I have my own to watch over, to defend. I have sacrificed myself for renown and will not place it in jeopardy. "

Prince Hohenlohe's Memoirs are much more valuable in respect ofpositive information, and especially in supplying an account of theincident taken from the lips of the Emperor himself. The Prince waswithout his great predecessor's ability, but was much more amiable andsincere. He was, moreover, a friend of both the parties concerned, andhe impartially jotted down events at the time they occurred. Lastly, if he was a courtier at heart, he was that not wholly unknown thing, an honest one. Dr. Hans Blum is obviously a partisan of the greatChancellor's, but he may also be referred to for a fairly connectedaccount of the fall and the events that succeeded it up to the time ofBismarck's death on July 30, 1898. 

Apart from the differences in the ages and temperaments of the Emperorand the Chancellor, there were differences in their views as tocertain measures of policy. There was a difference of opinion as toGerman policy regarding Russia. Friendship with that country had beenthe policy of both Emperor William I and Bismarck, and the latter hadeffected a reinsurance treaty with Russia, stipulating for Russianneutrality in case of a war between Germany and France, notwithstanding the subsistence of the Triple Alliance betweenGermany, Austria, and Italy. The reinsurance treaty, which had beenmade for a period of three years, was now about to expire, and whileBismarck desired its renewal, the Emperor, in a spirit of loyalty toAustria, was against the renewal, and the treaty was not renewed. Thiswas the "new course" as it regarded Russia. The difference with regardto the anti-Socialist Laws has been referred to in our chapter on theaccession. 

The Royal Order of September, 1852, which has been mentioned asleading immediately to the resignation, regulated intercourse betweenthe Prussian Ministers and the Crown, its chief provision being thatonly the Minister President, and not individual Ministers, should haveaudience of the Emperor regarding matters of home and foreign policy. The Emperor desired the abrogation of the Order, for he wished toconsult with the Ministers individually. The text of Bismarck'sofficial resignation, after describing the origin of the Order, continues:

 "If each individual Minister can receive commands from his Sovereign without previous arrangement with his colleagues, a coherent policy, for which some one is to be responsible, is an impossibility. It would be impossible for any of the Ministers, and especially for the Minister President, to bear the constitutional responsibility for the Cabinet as a whole. Such a provision as that contained in the Order of 1852 could be dispensed with under the absolute monarchy and could also be dispensed with to-day if we returned to absolutism without ministerial responsibility. But according to the constitutional arrangements now legally in force the control of the Cabinet by a President under the Order of 1852 is indispensable. "

The Emperor replied to Prince Bismarck's resignation in acommunication which the reader, according to his disposition, willregard as an effusion of the heart, immensely creditable to itscomposer, a model of an official reply as demanded by circumstances, astriking example of the art of throwing dust in the public eye, or anequally striking contribution to the literature of excusablehypocrisy. It was as follows:--

 "MY DEAR PRINCE, --With deep emotion I learn from your request of the 18th instant that you have decided to retire from the offices which you have filled for long years with incomparable success. I had hoped not to have been compelled to entertain the thought of separation during our lives. While, however, in full consciousness of the important consequences of your retirement, I am forced to accustom myself to the thought. I do so, it is true, with a heavy heart, but in the strong confidence that the grant of your request will contribute as much as possible to the protection and preservation for as long as possible of a life and strength of unreplaceable value to the Fatherland. 

 "The grounds you offer for your resignation convince me that any further attempt to induce you to reconsider your determination would have no prospect of success. I acquiesce, therefore, in your wish by hereby graciously releasing you from your offices as Imperial Chancellor, President of my State Ministry, and Minister of Foreign Affairs, and trust that your counsels and energy, your loyalty and devotion, will not be wanting to me and the country in the future also. 

 "I have considered it as one of the most valued privileges in my life that at the commencement of my reign I had you at my side as my first counsellor. What you have done and achieved for Prussia and Germany, what you have done for my House, my ancestors, and me, will remain to me and the German people in grateful and imperishable memory. But also in foreign countries your wise and energetic peace policy, which I, too, in the future also, as a result of sincere conviction, decide to take as the guiding line of my conduct, will be always gloriously recognized. It is not in my power to requite your services as they deserve. I must rest satisfied with assuring you of my own and the country's ineffaceable thanks. As a sign of this thanks I confer on you the rank of a Duke of Lauenburg. I will also send you a life-sized picture of myself. 

 "God bless you, my dear Prince, and grant you still many years of an old age undisturbed and blessed with the consciousness of duty faithfully done. 

 "In this disposition I remain to you and yours in the future also your sincere, obliged, and grateful Emperor and King, "WILLIAM I. R. "

The Emperor has never, so far as is publicly known, issued, or causedto be issued, an official account of the episode and its _péripéties_, but the story he poured, evidently out of a full heart, into the earsof Prince Hohenlohe, then Statthalter of Alsace-Lorraine, during amidnight drive from the railway station at Hagenau to the huntinglodge at Sufflenheim, is an historical document of practicallyofficial authenticity. It appears as follows in the Prince'sMemoirs:--

"STRASBURG, 26 _April_, 1890. 

 "On the evening of the 23rd, nine o'clock, I drove with Thaden and Moritz to Hagenau, there to await the arrival of the Emperor. We spent the evening with circle-officer Klemm. I went to bed at eleven o'clock in the guest-room, and slept until half-past twelve. Moritz and Thaden drove to the station with a view to changing their clothes in the train. At one o'clock I was again at the station, when the Emperor punctually arrived. I presented the gentlemen to him, and turned over General Hahnke to Baron Charpentier and Lieutenant Cramer, for them to conduct him to the hunting ground. Our journey lasted about an hour, during which the Emperor related without a pause the whole story of his quarrel with Bismarck. According to this the coolness had already begun in December. The Emperor then demanded that something should be done about the Working Class Question. The Chancellor was against doing anything. The Emperor held the view that if the Government did not take the initiative, the Reichstag, _i. E_. The Socialists, Centre and Progressives, would take the matter in hand, and then the Government would lag behind. The Chancellor wanted to lay the anti-Socialist Bill with the expulsion paragraph again before the Reichstag, dissolving the chamber if it did not accept the Bill, and then, if it came to disturbances, to take energetic measures. The Emperor objected, saying that if his grandfather, after a long and glorious reign, were forced to repress disturbances no one would think ill of him. It was different in his case, who had as yet accomplished nothing. People would reproach him with beginning his reign by shooting down his subjects. He was ready to act, but he wished to do it with a good conscience after endeavouring to redress the well-founded grievances of the workmen, or at least after doing everything to meet their justifiable claims. 

 "The Emperor therefore demanded at a ministerial conference the submission of ministerial edicts which should contain what subsequently they in fact did contain. Bismarck would not hear of it. The Emperor then laid the question before the Council of State, and eventually obtained the edicts in spite of Bismarck's opposition. Bismarck, however, secretly continued his opposition, and tried to persuade Switzerland to persevere with its idea of an International Labour Conference. The attempt was rendered nugatory by the loyal attitude of the Swiss Minister in Berlin, Roth. At the very same time Bismarck was trying to influence the diplomatists against the conference. 

 "The relations between the Emperor and Bismarck, already shaken by these dissensions, were still further embittered by the question of the Cabinet Order of 1852. Bismarck had often advised the Emperor to summon the Ministers to him. This the Emperor did, and as the intercourse became more frequent Bismarck took it ill, was jealous, and dragged out the Order of 1852 so as to keep Ministers from the Emperor. The Emperor resisted and acquired the abrogation of the Cabinet Order. Bismarck at first agreed, but gave no further sign in the matter. The Emperor now demanded either that the recission of the Order should be laid before him, or that Bismarck should resign--a demand which the Emperor communicated to Bismarck through General von Hahnke. The Chancellor delayed, but at length gave in the resignation on March 18th. It should be added that already, at the beginning of February, Bismarck had told the Emperor that he would retire. Afterwards, however, he declared that he had thought the position over and would remain--a thing not agreeable to the Emperor, though he made no remonstrance until the affair of the Cabinet Order came in addition. The visit of Windthorst to the Chancellor also gave rise to unpleasantness, though it was not the deciding factor. In any case the last three weeks were filled with disagreeable conversations between the Emperor and the Chancellor. It was, as the Emperor expressed it, a 'devil of a time, ' and the question was, as the Emperor himself said, whether the dynasty Bismarck or the dynasty Hohenzollern should reign. The Emperor spoke very angrily, too, about the article in the _Hamburg News_. In foreign policy Bismarck, according to the Emperor, went his own way, and kept back from the Emperor much of what he did. 'Yes, ' he said, 'Bismarck had it conveyed to St. Petersburg that I wanted to adopt an anti-Russian policy. But for that, ' the Emperor added, 'he had no proofs. '

 "This conversation, " concludes Prince Hohenlohe, "between the Emperor and myself was told partly on the way to the lodge and partly on the way back. Between came the shooting; but there was no sport, as the Emperor took his stand in the dark under a tree on which was a cock that did not 'call. '"

The following further extracts from the Hohenlohe Memoirs are givenrather with the object of showing the state of the political andsocial atmosphere in which the quarrel took place than as throwing anyfresh light on its course. In June of the preceding year (1889) occursan entry which registers the first signs of the coming storm. PrinceHohenlohe is telling of a visit he made in June to the Grand Duke ofBaden, whom he found irritated by Bismarck's proposal, made inconnection with the arrest of a Prussian police officer by the Swiss, to close the frontier against the canton Aargau. The Grand Duke, thePrince relates, quoted Herbert Bismarck as saying he "could notunderstand his father any longer and that people were beginning tobelieve he was not right in his head. "

The next entry in the Journal is dated Strasburg, August 24th. Itconcerns another meeting with the Grand Duke, who now told him thatBismarck had changed his views and that these oscillations had puzzledthe Emperor and at the same time heightened his self-consciousness;moreover, that the Emperor noticed that things were being kept backfrom him and was becoming suspicious. There had already been acollision between the Emperor and the Chancellor and the latter mighthave to go. What then? Probably the Emperor thought of conductingforeign policy himself--but that, added the Grand Duke, would be verydangerous. 

The feeling at Court regarding Bismarck's fall is shown by a passagein the Memoirs about this time. It runs:

 "At 1. 30 p. M. Dinner (at the palace) at which I sat between Stosch and Kameke. The former told me much about his own quarrel with Bismarck, and was as gay as a snow-king that he can now speak freely and that the great man is no longer to be feared. This comfortable sentiment is obvious here on all sides. "

The anecdote still current in Berlin, that Bismarck actually threw aninkstand at the Emperor's head is reduced to its proper proportions bythe following entry:

 "The Grand Duke of Baden, with whom I was yesterday, knows a good deal about the recent crisis. He says the cause of the breach between the Emperor and Chancellor was a question of power, and that all other differences of opinion about social legislation and other things were only secondary. The chief ground was the Cabinet Order of 1852, which Bismarck pressed on the attention of the Ministers without the Emperor's knowledge, and so hindered them from going to make their reports to the Emperor. The Emperor wanted the Order rescinded, while Bismarck was against it. Nor had the conversation with Windthorst led to the breach. A talk between the Emperor and Bismarck about this conversation is said to have been so tempestuous that the Emperor subsequently said when describing it, 'He (Bismarck) all but threw the inkstand at me. '" To Hohenlohe Bismarck said, as Hohenlohe remarked that the resignation had surprised him, "Me also, " and that three weeks before he did not think things would end as they had. Bismarck added: "However, it was to be expected, for the Emperor is now quite determined to rule alone. "

Finally the Prince's Journal has the following:

 "Two things struck me in these last three days: one that no one has any time and every one is in a greater hurry than before; and secondly, that individualities have expanded. Every individual is conscious of himself, while before, under the predominating influence of Prince Bismarck, individualities shrank and were kept down. Now they are all swollen like sponges placed in water. That has its advantages, but also its dangers. The single-minded will is lacking. "

The period between the great Chancellor's fall and his death nineyears later was marked by so many incidents as to make it almost as_mouvementé_ as the period of the fall itself. He retired toFriedrichsruh, all the more immediately as the new Chancellor, Generalvon Caprivi, showed such indecent haste in taking possession of theofficial residence that a portion of Bismarck's furniture was brokenand rendered useless. That Bismarck retired with the angry feelings ofa Coriolanus in his heart, or, as Anglo-Saxon slang would have it, ofa "bear with a sore head, " became evident only a few weeks later. Hewas visited by the inevitable interviewer, and chose the _HamburgNews_ as the medium of communicating to the world his opinion of thenew _régime_ and the men who were conducting it; and made use of thatpaper with such instant vigour and acerbity that little more than twomonths from his retirement elapsed before the new Chancellor thoughtit advisable to issue instructions to Germany's diplomaticrepresentatives warning them carefully to distinguish between the"present sentiments and views of the Duke of Lauenburg and those ofthe erstwhile Prince Bismarck, " and to pay no serious attention to theformer. Bismarck replied in the _Hamburg News_ that he would not allowhis mouth to be closed, and set about proving that he meant what hesaid. Nothing the men of the "new course" could do met with hisapproval. The first thing he fell foul of was the Anglo-Germanagreement of July 1, 1890, which gave Germany Heligoland in exchangefor Zanzibar, deploring the badness of the bargain for Germany, andevidently not foreseeing the importance that island's position, commanding the approaches to the mouths of the Elbe and the Weser, wasafterwards to possess. Besides the friendliness with England, thedetachment of Germany from Russia in favour of Austria, also a featureof the "new course, " did not please him as tending to drive Russiainto the arms of France. 

His prescience, however, in this respect was demonstrated when a yearlater the Czar saluted a French squadron in the harbour of Cronstadtto the strains of the "Marseillaise" and signed a secret agreementthat was alluded to four years later by the French Premier, M. Ribot, in the French Chamber of Deputies, who spoke of Russia as "our ally, "and was publicly announced in 1897, on the occasion of President FelixFaure's visit to St. Petersburg, by the Czar's now famous employmentof the words "_deux nations amies et alliées_. "

The ex-Chancellor was as little satisfied with the new tariff treatiesentered into by General Caprivi with Austria, Italy, Belgium, andother countries, which the Emperor, wiser, as events have shown, thanhis former Minister, characterized on their passage by Parliament asthe country's "salvation" (_eine rettende Tat_). The ex-Chancellor'scaustic but mistaken criticism was punished by the calculated neglectof the Berlin authorities to invite him to the ceremonies attendingthe celebration of the ninetieth birthday of his old comrade, Generalvon Moltke, in October, 1890, and that of his funeral in the followingApril: still more publicly punished in connexion with the marriage ofhis son Herbert. 

The wedding of the latter to Countess Marguerite Hoyos was to takeplace in Vienna on June 21, 1892, and on the 18th Prince Bismarckstarted with his family to attend it. The journey was a species oftriumphal progress to Vienna, but it was to end in disappointment andchagrin. As the result of representations from Germany, made doubtlesswith the Emperor's assent, if not at his suggestion, Bismarck was meton his arrival with the news that the German Ambassador, Prince Reuss, and the Embassy staff had orders to absent themselves from thewedding, that the widow of the Crown Prince Rudolph, who had accepteda card of invitation to it, had suddenly left Vienna, and that theEmperor Franz Joseph would not receive him. The German action wasexplained by the publication two months later of the edict, stigmatized by Bismarck as an "Urias Letter, " in which Caprivi warnedforeign Governments against attaching any importance to the utterancesof the Duke of Lauenburg. The Bismarckian and anti-Bismarckian stormcame up afresh in Germany. Bismarck was reproached by the Governmentas "injuring monarchical feeling, " and by his enemies as a traitor tohis country; while the angry statesman published a statementexpressing the opinion that

 "the control of private social intercourse abroad, and the influencing of dinner invitations, were not tasks for which high officers of State were selected nor public money for the payment of diplomatic representatives voted":

doubting, at the same time, "if the foreign archives of any othercountry than Germany could show a parallel to the incident. "

The storm, notwithstanding, had a good effect, for it brought out inbold relief the immense regard and respect the overwhelming majorityof his countrymen entertained for the chief architect of their Empire;and when Bismarck fell ill at Kissingen in 1893 the Emperor, subordinating his political animosities to the chivalrous instincts ofhis nature, telegraphed his sorrow to the patient and offered to lendhim one of the royal castles for the purpose of his convalescence. Bismarck declined, but not ungratefully, and the way to areconciliation was opened. Next year, 1894, Bismarck suffered frominfluenza, and when this time the Emperor sent an adjutant toFriedrichsruh to express his regret, invited him to attend thefestivities on the forthcoming royal birthday, and sent along with theinvitation a flask of Steinberger Cabinet from the imperial cellar incharacteristic German proof of the sincerity of his feelings, thecountry was delighted. Bismarck accepted the invitation and doubtlessdrank the Steinberger; and the visit to Berlin followed in due time. 

The reconciliation was completed amid sympathetic popular rejoicing. The Emperor sent his brother, Prince Henry, to bring the ex-Chancellorfrom the railway station to the palace, where the Emperor himself, surrounded by a brilliant staff, stood to welcome the guest. Bismarckspent the day at the palace with the Royal Family and was taken backto the railway station in the evening by the Emperor. A few days laterthe Emperor returned the visit at Friedrichsruh. 

The quiet of the ex-Chancellor's last years was once unpleasantlyaffected by the Reichstag in 1895, at the instance of hisparliamentary enemies, rejecting, to its everlasting discredit, aproposal for an official vote of congratulation to the ex-Chancelloron his eightieth birthday; but against this unpleasantness may be sethis gratification at the receipt of a telegram from the Emperorexpressing his "deepest indignation" at the rejection. 

Prince Bismarck died on July 30th, 1898, and was laid to rest atFriedrichsruh in the presence of the Emperor and Empress, while theworld paused for a moment in its occupations to discuss withsympathetic admiration the dead man's personality and career. Bismarck's spirit is still abroad in Germany, and the popular memoryof him is as fresh now as though he died but yesterday. It is morethan probable, much rather is it certain, that all trace of irritationwith the proud old Chancellor has long faded from the Emperor's mind:indeed at no time does there seem to have been sentiments of personalor permanent rancour on one side or the other. The episode, in short, was an inevitable collision of ages, temperaments, and times, regrettable no doubt as a possibly harmful example of politicaldiscord among the leaders of the nation, but--with due respect for thejudgment of so capable an historian as von Treitschke--leaving no"indelible stain" either on the pages of German history or on thereputations of Bismarck or the Emperor. 

VIII. 

SPACIOUS TIMES

1891-1899

A great English poet sings of the "spacious days" of Queen Elizabeth. From the German standpoint the decade from the fall of Bismarck to theend of the century may not inaptly be described as the spacious daysof William II and the modern German Empire. To the Englishman theactual territorial acquisitions of Germany during the period must seemcomparatively insignificant, but, taken in connection with theEmperor's speeches, the building of the German navy, the Caprivicommercial treaties, the growth of friendly relations and of trade andintercourse with America, North and South, they mean the opening of anew era in the history of the Empire--the era of Weltpolitik. 

Heligoland was obtained in exchange for Zanzibar in 1890, and is nowregarded by Germans much as Gibraltar or Malta is regarded byEnglishmen. The first Kiel regatta, due solely to the initiative ofthe Emperor, and starting the development of sport in all fields whichis a feature of modern German progress, ethical and physical, was heldin 1894. The Caprivi commercial treaties were concluded within theperiod. The Kiel Canal, connecting the Baltic and North Sea, andgiving the German fleet access to all the open waters of the earth, was opened in 1895. In 1896 the Kruger telegram testified to imperialinterest in South African developments. The Hamburg-Amerika Line nowsent a specially fast mail and passenger steamer across the Atlantic. The district of Kiautschau was leased from China in 1898, securingGermany a foothold and naval base in the Far East. In the same yearthe modern Oriental policy of the Empire was inaugurated by theEmperor's visit to Palestine and his declaration in the course of itthat he would be the friend of Turkey and of the three hundredmillions of Mohammedans who recognized the Sultan as their spiritualhead. To this year also belongs the measure, the most important in itsconsequences and significance of the reign hitherto, the passing ofthe First Navy Law. Finally, in 1899 Germany acquired the CarolineIslands by purchase from Spain, and certain Samoan Islands byagreement with England and America. 

Nothing was more natural as a result of the new world-policy than achange in the mental outlook of the people. It inaugurated in Germanyan era somewhat analogous to the era inaugurated in England by thewidening and brightening of the Englishman's horizon under Elizabeth. The analogy may not be closely maintainable throughout, but, generallyspeaking, just as the eyes of Englishmen suddenly saw thepossibilities of expansion disclosed to them by Drake, Raleigh, andFrobisher, so the Emperor's appeals, with the pursuance of Germancolonial policy and the attempt to develop Germany's Africanpossessions, led to an awakening in Germany of a similar, if weaker, kind. To this awakening the building of the German navy contributed;and though it did not appeal to the German imagination as did thedeeds of the old navigators to that of Elizabethan Englishmen, itwidened the national outlook and fired the people with new imperialambitions. Hitherto, moreover, Germany's attention had been confinedalmost solely to trade within continental boundaries: henceforth shewas to do business actively and enterprisingly with all parts of theworld. 

The Emperor's thoughts on the subject were expressed in January, 1896, at a banquet in the Berlin palace given to a miscellaneous company ofleading personalities of the time. The occasion was the celebration ofthe twenty-fifth year of the modern Empire's foundation. He said:

 "The German Empire becomes a world-empire. Everywhere in the farthest parts of the earth live thousands of our fellow-countrymen. German subjects, German knowledge, German industry cross the ocean. The value of German goods on the seas amounts to thousands of millions of marks. On you, gentlemen, devolves the serious duty of helping me to knit firmly this greater German Empire to the Empire at home. "

The expression "greater German Empire" immediately reminded theEnglishman of his own "Greater Britain, " and he concluded that theEmperor was secretly thinking of rivalling him in the extent and valueof his colonial possessions. Possibly he was, and doubtless heardently desired to see Germany owning large and fertile colonies; butit is quite as probable he was thinking of his economic Weltpolitik, and knew as well then as he does now that it must be left to time andthe hour to show whether they fall to her or not. 

In the same order of ideas may be placed, though it is anticipatingsomewhat, the Emperor's utterances at Aix in 1902 and three yearslater at Bremen. At Aix, after describing the failure of Charlemagne'ssuccessors to reconcile the duties of a Holy Roman Emperor with thoseof a German King, he continued:

 "Now another Empire has arisen. The German people has once more an Emperor of its own choice, with the sword on the field of battle has the crown been won, and the imperial flag flutters high in the breeze. But the tasks of the new Empire are different: confined within its borders it has to steel itself anew for the work it has to do, and which it could not achieve in the Middle Ages. We have to live so that the Empire, still young, becomes from year to year stronger in itself, while confidence in it strengthens on all sides. The powerful German army guarantees the peace of Europe. In accord with the German character we confine ourselves externally in order to be unconfined internally. Far stretches our speech over the ocean, far the flight of our science and exploration; no work in the domain of new discovery, no scientific idea but is first tested by us and then adopted by other nations. This is the world-rule the German spirit strives for. "

At Bremen he said:

 "The world-empire I dream of is a new German Empire which shall enjoy on all hands the most absolute confidence as a quiet, peaceable, honest neighbour--not founded by conquest with the sword, but on the mutual confidence of nations aiming at the same end. "

The Emperor's world-policy was referred to more than once about thistime by Chancellor Prince Bülow in the Reichstag. "It is, " he said onone occasion, "Germany's intention and duty to protect the great andever-growing oversea interests which she has acquired through thedevelopment of conditions. " "We recognize, " he continued, "that we have no longer interests only round our own fireside or in the neighbourhood of the church clock, but everywhere where German industry and Germany's commercial spirit have penetrated; and we must foster these interests within the bounds of possibility and good sense. "

"Our world-policy, " he said on another occasion in the same place, "is not a policy of interference, much less a policy of intervention: had it interfered in South Africa (he was alluding to the Boer War) it must have intervened, and intervention implies the use of force. "

On yet another occasion he explained that a prudent world-policy mustgo hand in hand with a sound protective policy for home industry, andthat its basis must be a strong national home policy. 

There is nothing in all this, even supposing Germany's interests atthat time were purposely exaggerated, to which the foreigner couldreasonably object. The foreigner felt perhaps slightly uncomfortablewhen the same statesman, departing for a moment from his usualobjective standpoint, spoke of the German "traversing the world with asword in one hand and a spade and trowel in the other"; but otherwiseno act of Germany's world-policy need have inspired alarm, or needinspire alarm at the present time, in sensible foreign minds. Therapidity of its action probably helped to excite a feeling that itcould not be altogether honest or above-board; but it should beremembered that the new Empire had much leeway to make up in the racewith other nations, and that quick development was rendered necessaryby her commercial treaties, by her protective system, by theunexpected growth of industry and trade, by the continuous increase ofpopulation, the development of the mercantile marine, and the growingconsciousness of national strength. 

And if there is nothing in Germany's development of her world-policyto which the foreigner can reasonably object, there is much in it atwhich he can reasonably rejoice. Competition is good for him, for itputs him on his mettle. A large and prosperous German populationextends his markets and means more business and more profit. The mindsof both Germans and the foreigner become broader, more mutuallysympathetic and appreciative. The elder Pitt warned hisfellow-countrymen against letting France become a maritime, acommercial, or a colonial power. She has become all three, and whatinjury has occurred therefrom to England or any other nation?

Germany's colonial development dates from about the year 1884, theperiod of the "scramble for Africa. " The first step to acquiringGerman colonies for the Empire was taken in 1883, when a merchant ofBremen, Edouard Luderitz, made an agreement with the Hottentots bywhich the bay of Angra Pequena in South-West Africa, with an area offifty thousand square kilometres, was ceded to him. Luderitz appliedto Bismarck for imperial protection. Bismarck inquired of Englandwhether she claimed rights of sovereignty over the bay. Lord Granvillereplied in the negative, but added that he did not consider theseizure of possession by another Power allowable. Indignant at what hecalled a "monstrous claim" on all the land in the world which waswithout a master, Bismarck telegraphed to the German Consul at theCape to "declare officially to the British Government that HerrLuderitz and his acquisitions are under the protection of the Empire. "

The Bremen pioneer was fated to gain no advantage from his enterprise, as he was drowned in the Orange River in 1886. His example as acolonist, however, was followed by three Hanseatic merchants, Woermann, Jansen, and Thormealen, of Hamburg, who acquired land inTogo, a small kingdom to the east of the British Gold Coast, and inthe Cameroons, a large tract in the bend of the Gulf of Guinea, extending to Lake Chad, and applied for German imperial protection. Bismarck sent Consul-General Nachtigall with the gunboat _Moewe_ in1884 to hoist the German flag at various ports. Five days after thishad been done the English gunboat _Flirt_ arrived, but was thus toolate to obtain Togoland and the Cameroons for England. 

Dr. Carl Peters, the German Cecil Rhodes, now arrived at Zanzibar, andon obtaining concessions from the Sultan founded the German EastAfrica Company, with a charter from his Government. German hopes ofgreat colonial expansion began to run high, but they were dashed bythe Anglo-German agreement of June, 1890, delimiting the spheres ofEngland, Germany, and the Sultan of Zanzibar, and stipulating thatGermany should receive Heligoland from England in return for Germanrecognition of English suzerainty in Zanzibar and the possession ofUganda, which had recently been taken for Germany by Dr. Peters. Atthat time Germans thought very little of Heligoland, but there wasthen no Anglo-German tension, and no apprehension of an Englishdescent on the German coast. 

The lease for ninety-nine years of Kiautschau, a small area of aboutfour hundred square miles on the coast of China, was obtained from theChinese in connexion with the murder of two German missionaries in1897 in the Shantung Province, of which Kiautschau forms a part. Herrvon Bülow, then only Foreign Secretary, referred to the transaction inthe Reichstag in words that may be quoted, as they describe Germanforeign policy in the Far East. "Our cruiser fleet, " he said, "was sent to Kiautschau Bay to exact reparation for the murder of German Catholic missionaries on the one hand, and to obtain greater security for the future against a repetition of such occurrences. The Government, "

he continued, "has nothing but benevolent and friendly designs regarding China, andhas no wish either to offend or provoke her. We are ready in East Asiato recognize the interests of other Great Powers in the certainconfidence that our own interests will be duly respected by them. Inone word--we desire to put no one in the shade, but we too demand ourplace in the sun. In East Asia, as in the West Indies, we shallendeavour, in accordance with the traditions of German policy, withoutunnecessary rigour, but also without weakness, to guard our rights andour interests. "

In mentioning the West Indies the Foreign Secretary was alluding to aquarrel Germany had at this time with the negro republic of Haiti, owing to the arrest and imprisonment of a German subject in thatisland. Kiautschau is administratively under the German Admiralty. 

The Caroline, Marianne, and Palau Islands, including the MarschallIslands and the islands of the Bismarck archipelago, were bought fromSpain this year for twenty-five million pesetas, or about one millionsterling. The islands are valuable in German eyes, not only for theirfertility and capacity for plantation development, but as affordinggood harbourage and coaling stations on the sea-road to China, Japan, and Central America. By the agreement with England and America, whichin this year also put an end to the thorny question of Samoanadministration, Germany acquired the Samoan islands of Upolu andSawaii in the South Sea. 

The ten years we are now concerned with were perhaps the moststrenuous and picturesque of the Emperor's life hitherto. He was nowhis own Chancellor, though that post was nominally occupied by Generalvon Caprivi and Prince Chlodwig Hohenlohe successively. He wasChancellor, too, knowing that not a hundred miles off the old pilot ofthe ship of State was watching, keenly and not too benevolently, hisevery act and word. He was conscious that the eyes of the world werefixed on him, and that every other Government was waiting withinterest and curiosity to learn what sort of rival in statecraft anddiplomacy it would henceforward have to reckon with. Naturally manyplans coursed through his restlessly active brain, but there werealways, one may imagine, two compelling and ever-present thoughts atthe back of them. One of these was a determination to promote themoral and material prosperity of his people so as to make them a modeland thoroughly modern commonwealth; the other, the resolve that asEmperor he would not allow Germany to be overlooked, to be treated asa _quantité négligeable_, in the discussion or decision ofinternational affairs. 

The Chancellorship of General von Caprivi, who had been successivelyMinister of War and Marine, lasted from March, 1890, to October, 1894. He may have been a good commanding general, but he has left noreputation either as a man of marked character or as a statesman ofexceptional ability. Nor was either character or ability much needed. He was, as every one knew, a man of immensely inferior ability to hisgreat predecessor, but every one knew also that the Emperor intendedto be his own Chancellor, pursue his own policy, and takeresponsibility for it. Taking responsibility is, naturally, easier fora Hohenzollern monarch than for most men, since he is responsible tono one but himself. With the appointment of Caprivi the Emperor's"personal regiment" may be said to have begun. 

During General von Caprivi's term of office some measures ofimportance have to be noted, among them the Quinquennat, whichreplaced Bismarck's Septennat and fixed the military budget for fiveyears instead of seven; the reduction of the period of conscriptionfor the infantry from three years to two; and the decision not torenew Bismarck's reinsurance treaty with Russia. 

The chief event, however, with which Chancellor Caprivi's name isusually associated, is the conclusion of commercial treaties betweenGermany and most other continental countries. Other countries hadfollowed Germany's example and adopted a protective system, and with aview to the avoidance of tariff wars, Caprivi, strongly supported, itneed hardly be said, by an Emperor who had just declared that "theworld at the end of the nineteenth century stands under the star ofcommerce, which breaks down the barriers between nations, " began aseries of commercial treaty negotiations. 

The first agreements were made with Germany's allies in the Triplice, Austria and Italy. Treaties with Switzerland and Belgium, Servia andRumania, followed. Russia held aloof for a time, but as a greatgrain-exporting country she too found it advisable to come to terms. With France there was no need of an agreement, since she was bound bythe Treaty of Frankfurt, concluded after the war of 1870, to grantGermany her minimum duties. One of the regrettable results of theEmpire's new commercial policy was an antagonism between agricultureand industry which now declared itself and has remained active to thepresent day. The political cause of Caprivi's fall from power, ifpower it can be called, was the twofold hostility of the Conservativeand Liberal parties in Parliament, that of the Conservatives being dueto the injury supposed to be done to landlord interests by thecommercial treaties, and that of the Liberals by an Education Bill, which, it was alleged, would hand the Prussian school systemcompletely over to the Church. Perhaps the main cause, however, wasthe general unpopularity he incurred by attacking, officially andthrough the press, his predecessor, Bismarck, the idol of the people. 

It was in the Chancellorship of Prince Hohenlohe, which ended in 1900, that the most memorable events of this remarkable decade occurred;but, as was to be expected, and as the Emperor himself must haveexpected, the Prince, now a man of seventy-five, played a verysecondary part with regard to them. The Prince was what the Germanscall a "house-friend" of the Hohenzollern family and related to it. Hewas useful, his contemporaries say, as a brake on the impetuous temperof his imperial master, though he did not, we may be sure, turn himfrom any of the main designs he had at heart. Prince Hohenlohe, incharacter, was good-nature and amiability personified. He was belovedby all classes and parties, and no foreigner can read his Memoirswithout a feeling of friendliness for a Personality so moderate andcalm and simple. A note he makes in one of his diaries amusinglyillustrates the simple side of his character. He is dining with theEmperor, when the Emperor, catching the Prince's eye, which we may besure was on the alert to gather up any of the royal beams that mightcome his way, raises his glass in sign of amity. "I felt so overcome, "notes the Prince, "that I almost spilt the champagne. "

The famous "Kruger telegram" episode occurred during theChancellorship of Prince Hohenlohe. 

For many years the sending of the telegram was cited as a convincingproof of the Emperor's "impulsive" character, and it was not until1909 that the truth of the matter was stated by Chancellor von Bülowin the Reichstag. In March of that year he said:

 "It has been asked, was this telegram an act of personal initiative or an act of State? In this regard let me refer you to your own proceedings. You will remember that the responsibility for the telegram was never repudiated by the directors of our political business at the time. The telegram was an act of State, the result of official consultations; it was in nowise an act of personal initiative on the part of his Majesty the Kaiser. Whoever asserts that it was is ignorant of what preceded it and does his Majesty completely wrong. "

The Emperor's telegram to President Kruger, despatched on January 3, 1896, ran as follows:--

 "I congratulate you most sincerely on having succeeded with your people, and without calling on the help of foreign Powers, by opposing your own force to an armed band which broke into your country to disturb the peace, in restoring quiet and in maintaining the independence of your country against external attack. "

The echoes of this historic message were heard immediately in everycountry, but naturally nowhere more loudly than in England; and thereverberation of them is audible to the present day. In Germany, however, for a day or two, the telegram seems to have surprised noone, was indeed spoken of with approval by deputies in the Reichstag, and seems not to have occurred to any one in the light of a seriousdiplomatic mistake. This state of feeling did not last long, and whenthe English newspapers arrived an entirely new light was thrown on thematter. The _Morning Post_ concluded an article with the words: "It isnot easy to speak calmly of the Kaiser's telegram. The English peoplewill not forget it, and in future will always think of it whenconsidering its foreign policy. " The British Government's comment onthe telegram was to put a flying squadron in commission and issue anofficial statement _urbi et orbi_, calling attention to the Conventionmade with President Kruger in London in 1884, reserving thesupervision of the foreign relations of the Transvaal to the BritishGovernment. 

The Emperor himself appears to have recognized that he and hisadvisers had made a serious blunder, and that a gesture which, it ishighly probable, was partly prompted by the chivalrous side of hischaracter, was certain to be gravely misunderstood. At any rate hispolicy, or that of his Government, changed, and instead of followingup his encouraging words with mediation or intervention, he assumed anattitude of neutrality towards the war which soon after began. Subsequently, in the Reichstag, Chancellor von Bülow described thecourse the German Government pursued immediately before and during thewar; and there seems no reason to discredit his account. The speechwas made apropos of the projected visit of President Kruger to Berlin, when on his tour of despair to the capitals of Europe while the warwas still in progress. He was cheered by boulevard crowds in Paris, itself a thing of no great significance, and was received at theElysée and by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. Delcassé. Thevisitor was very reserved on both occasions, and confined himself tosounding his hosts as to whether or not he could reckon on their goodoffices. 

From Paris he started for Berlin, where he had engaged a large andexpensive first-floor suite of rooms in a fashionable hotel. AtCologne, however, shortly after entering Germany, a telegram fromPotsdam awaited him, announcing the Emperor's refusal to grant himaudience. The imperial telegram consisted of a few words to the effectthat the Emperor was "not in a position" to receive him. Nor in truthwas he. An audience at that moment would have meant war betweenGermany and England. 

As to German policy with regard to the Boer War, Prince Bülowexplained that the German Government deplored the war not only becauseit was between two Christian and white races, that were, moreover, ofthe same Germanic stock, but also because it drew within the evilcircle of its consequences important German economic and politicalinterests. He went on to describe their nature, enumerating under theone head the thousands of German settlers in South Africa, theindustrial establishments and banks they had founded there, the busytrade and the millions sterling of invested capital; while, asregarded the other head, the Government had to take care that the warexercised no injurious influence on German territory in that region. 

The Government, the Chancellor claimed, had done everything consistentwith neutrality and the conservation of German interests to hinder theoutbreak of the war. It had "loyally" warned the two Dutch republicsof the disposition in Europe, and left them in no doubt as to theattitude Germany would adopt if war should come. These communicationswere not made directly, but through the Hague authorities and theConsul-General of the Netherlands in Pretoria. At that time the UnitedStates Government had come forward with a proposal for a submission ofthe quarrel to its arbitration, but the proposal had been rejected byPresident Kruger. 

A little later the President changed his mind, but it was then toolate and war was declared. Once the die was cast, Germany could onlywith propriety have interfered, provided she had reason to believe hermediation would be accepted by both parties: otherwise her conductwould not be mediation, but be regarded, in accordance with diplomaticusage, as intervention with coercive measures in the background. Forsuch a policy Germany had no disposition, for it meant running therisk of a diplomatic defeat on the one hand and of an armed conflictwith England on the other. 

As regards the visit of the President to Berlin and the Emperor'srefusal to receive him, the Chancellor asked would a reception havedone any good either to the President or to Germany, and he answeredhis own question with an emphatic negative. To the President anaudience would have been of no more use than the ovations anddemonstrations he was greeted with in Paris. To Germany a receptionwould have meant a shifting of international relations to thedisadvantage of the country: in other words, would have meant therisk, almost the certainty, of war. "Wars, " said the Chancellor inthis connexion, "are much more easily unchained through elementary popular passions, through the passionate excitation of public opinion, than in the old days through the ambitions of monarchs or through the jealousies of Ministers. "

And he concluded:

 "With regard to England we stand entirely independent of her: we are not a hair's-breadth more dependent on England than England is on us. But we are ready on the basis of mutual consideration and complete equality--about this obvious preliminary condition for a proper relation between two Great Powers we have never left any Power in doubt: I say, we are ready on this basis to live with England in peace, friendship, and harmony. To play the Don Quixote and to lay the lance in rest and attack wherever in the world English windmills are to be found, for that we are not called upon. "

But just then there was little prospect of "peace friendship, andharmony" with England. The world remembers, and unfortunately theEnglish people do not forget, that they had nowhere more bitter andoffensive critics than in Germany. One refined method of opprobriumwas the unprohibited sale in the main streets of Berlin of spittoonsbearing the countenance of the English Colonial Minister, Mr. Chamberlain. A war with England would at that moment have been highlypopular in Germany, but as the Chancellor wisely reminded theParliament, it was the duty of the statesman to protect internationalrelations from disturbance by intrigue or by popular demonstration. 

Finally the Chancellor dealt with a report widely current in Englandand Germany at the time, to the effect that the Emperor's refusal toreceive President Kruger was due to the influence of his uncle, KingEdward. The Chancellor emphatically denied that any pressure of thekind from the English Court, or from any other source, had beenemployed, and ended by saying:

 "To suppose that his Majesty the Kaiser could allow himself to be influenced by family relations shows little understanding of his character, or of his love of country. For his Majesty solely the national standpoint is decisive, and if it were otherwise, and family relations or dynastic considerations determined our foreign policy, I would not remain Minister a day longer. "

A precisely similar and unfounded charge, it will be remembered, wasmade against King Edward VII in 1902, to the effect that it was Courtinfluence, not the deliberate judgment of the Cabinet, that was theefficient cause of the co-operation of the British with the Germanfleet in the demonstration off the coast of Venezuela. 

A recent writer, Dr. Adolf Stein, gives an account of the sending ofthe famous telegram which corroborates that of Prince von Bülow. Thetelegram, according to this version, was a well-considered answer to aquestion from the Transvaal Government put to the German Government amonth before the Raid occurred, and when the Transvaal Government gotthe first inkling of the preparations being made for it. PresidentKruger asked what attitude Germany would adopt in case of a warbetween England and the Boer republics. The answer given to the personwho made the inquiry on behalf of the Transvaal Government was thatPresident Kruger might rest assured of Germany's

 "diplomatic support in so far as it was also Germany's interest that the independence of the Boer States should be maintained, but that for anything beyond this he should not reckon on Germany's assistance or that of any Great Power. "

This answer, Dr. Stein says, was in course of transmission by the postwhen the Raid occurred. 

The Raid was made on January 1st. The event was at once telegraphed toBerlin, where Prince Hohenlohe was Chancellor, with Freiherr Marschallvon Bieberstein, afterwards German Ambassador in Constantinople andLondon, as his Foreign Secretary. According to Dr. Stein, they drew upa telegram to President Kruger, and on the morning of the 3rd laid itbefore the Emperor, who had come early from Potsdam for consultationon the matter. The Chancellor, it should be mentioned, had been atPotsdam the day previous, but at that time the news of the Raid hadnot reached the Emperor. The Emperor, Chancellor, and ForeignSecretary now decided that a telegram congratulating President Krugerfor having repulsed the Raid "without foreign aid" was the bestnon-committal form to adopt. The Emperor, Dr. Stein continues, raisedsome objections, but was over-persuaded by Prince Hohenlohe and vonBieberstein. 

As confirming this version, a little note in Lord Goschen's Biographymay be recalled, in which Lord Goschen confides to a friend a fewweeks before the Raid that the "Germans were taking the Boers undertheir wing, as the Americans had done with the Venezuelans. "

Enough perhaps has been said to show that the sending of the telegramhad nothing to do with the Emperor's "impulsive" character, and itwill only be fair to him to let the notion that it had drop finallyout of contemporary history. As an act of State it was in consonancewith German policy at the time. That policy, if it did not look toacquiring possession of the Transvaal, may very well have looked toenlisting the sympathies and friendship of the Dutch in South Africa, and finding in them and their country a field for German enterpriseand a market for German goods; and there was therefore nothingimpulsive, however mistaken the act may have been as a matter offoreign policy, in the German Government's congratulating PresidentKruger on successful resistance to a private raid. 

We have suggested that the telegram was partly due to a certainelement of chivalry in the Emperor's character. The Emperor was wellacquainted with other forms of government and other social systemsbesides his own, and though a Hohenzollern could put himself in theposition of the chief of the little Boer republic, threatened as hewas with annihilation by a mighty and powerful opponent. Moreover, there is always to be remembered the sympathy of view, particularly ofreligious view, that existed in the two men as regarded their attitudeand duties to their respective "folk. " The President had appealed tothe Emperor for help. The Emperor had had to refuse it, but had wiredthat he would do all he could "diplomatically. " He knew that this wasbut a poor sort of assistance, but it was something, and when the Raidoccurred he gave the diplomatic assistance he had promised by sendinga telegram of congratulation. In any case--_tempi passati_. Foreignpolicy is not concerned with sympathies or antipathies, and the wholeepisode should be ignored, or, better still, forgotten. 

The Kruger telegram, it turned out, was to usher in a long period oftension between two countries of the same race, singularly alike intheir ideals of whatever is sound and praiseworthy in Christiancivilization, and almost equally mutual admirers of the fundamentalfeatures of each other's national character. Unfortunately, along withthese fundamental features of the English and German nationalcharacters, the love of money, the _auri sacra fames_, has to bereckoned with, and in the race of nations for wealth and power thefundamental qualities are apt, for a time, to be overborne and ceaseto act. The rise of the modern German Empire to power and prosperity, and the new world-situation thus created, largely by the Emperor, isat the bottom of Anglo-German tension. As a main contributory cause ofboth the power and the prosperity, was the creation of the German navyat the period of which we write. 

The following is a parable which he who runs may read:--

 In a certain town, with a large and heterogeneous population, there was once a "monster" shop. The firm (there were three partners) had been established for hundreds of years, had thrown out several branches, and by hard work, enterprise, and honesty had acquired a leading position in the trade of the town: so much so, indeed, that as time went on it had also come to do the carriage and delivery of goods for most of the smaller shops, though some of these were large houses themselves and the majority of them in a fair way of business. The smaller shops were naturally a little jealous of the "monster, " and it was the dream of every owner of them to enlarge his premises and become the proprietor of an equally great emporium as the "monster. " One day, therefore, a little cluster of shops, at some distance from the "monster, " suddenly resolved to form a combination, and after settling a dispute with a neighbour in consideration of a sum of money and a fruitful tract of land, issued the prospectus of the new company and began to do business on modern lines. 

 Almost from the very beginning the new company was a great success: its situation was central; the company inspired its members with enterprise and spirit; it was industrious, energetic, and splendidly organized; and at last it began to cut into the trade of the old-established "monster. " Competition might have gone on in the ordinary way had not the new company made a departure in business methods that gradually roused special uneasiness among the members of the "monster" firm. Hitherto the latter had its delivery vans travel all over the town, and so well was this part of its system carried on that the firm acquired all but a monopoly of carrying and delivery. The new company, however, now began to do a little in the same line, whereupon the "monster" took to building a superior type of van much more powerful and imposing, if also much more expensive, than the one previously in use. The new company naturally followed suit, and in a surprisingly short time had built, or had under construction, several vans of an exactly similar kind. The "monster" saw the new departure of their rivals at first with curiosity, then with contempt, then with anxiety, and finally with suspicion and alarm. At the time of writing the alarm appears to have abated, but a good deal of the suspicion remains. The town is the world, the "monster" Great Britain, and the rival company the modern German Empire. 

It would require the Emperor himself properly to tell the story of hiscreation of the modern German navy, and if he has a right to call anypart of his people's property his own, he is justified in speaking, ashe invariably does, of "my navy. " As Prince William, his interest inthe subject may have been originally due, as has been seen, to hispartly English parentage, his frequent visits to England, and the factthat his physical disability threatened to prevent him taking anactive part in the more strenuous duties of the soldier. It is veryprobable that it was in the region that cradled the British navy theidea of a great German navy was conceived by him. We have seen thatthe Emperor, as Prince William, showed his enthusiasm in the matter bydelivering lectures on it in military circles, though it was not hislot, but that of his brother Henry, to be assigned the navy as aprofession. In his Order to the Navy on ascending the throne, he spokeof the "lively and warm interest" that bound him to the navy, shortlyafterwards issued directions for a new marine uniform on the Englishmodel, and caused the introduction into the Lutheran Church service ofa special prayer for the arm. He gave a parliamentary soirée at theNew Palace in Potsdam, and before allowing his Conservative andNational Liberal guests to sit down to supper, made them listen to alecture which occupied two hours, giving particular attention, withthe aid of maps and plans, to the battle of the Yalu between thefleets of China and Japan. He founded the Technical ShipbuildingSociety, and took, and takes, an animated part in its proceedings, suggesting positions for the guns, the disposition of armour, thedimensions of submarines, and a hundred other details. In 1908 hedelivered an after-dinner lecture at the "Villa Achilleion" in Corfuon Nelson and the battle of Trafalgar, based on the writings ofCaptain Mark Kerr of the _Implacable_, at which the situations of theFrench, English, and Spanish fleets were sketched by the imperialhand. To his admiration for the writings of Captain Mahan hispersistence in enlarging the fleet is said largely to be due. He is, of course, assisted by a host of able experts, among whom Admiral vonTirpitz--the ablest German since Bismarck, many Germans say--is themost distinguished; but as he is his own Foreign Minister and ownCommander-in-Chief, he is, in the fullest sense, his own First Lord ofthe Admiralty. 

The Emperor closed one of his naval lectures with an anecdote whichthe papers reported next day as being received with "stormyamusement. " It was about the metacentrum, the centre of gravity inship construction. The Emperor told of his having asked an old sealieutenant to explain to him the metacentrum. "I received the answer, "said the Emperor, "that he did not know very exactly himself--it was asecret. 'All I can say is, ' the old seaman went on, 'that if themetacentrum was in the topmast, the ship would over-turn. '" Thesuccess of a jest, one is told, lies in the ear of the hearer. Possibly something of the "stormy amusement" may have been calledforth by the reflection that the imperial metacentrum had on occasiongot misplaced. 

In addition to the natural and accidental predispositions of theEmperor, certain general considerations, which imposed themselvesirresistibly on all men's attention as the century drew to its close, impelled him to more energetic action. A student of the history ofother countries as well as his own, and a watchful observer of thetendencies of the time, he felt that the young Empire was incompleteas long as it was without a navy corresponding in size and power toits army, the organization of which had been completed. With its armyalone he regarded the Empire as a colossus, no doubt, but a colossusstanding on one leg, and was convinced that if the Empire was to be asuccess it must have a navy at least able to withstand attack by anyof his continental neighbours and potential enemies. 

On ascending the throne the Emperor was naturally most occupied withthe internal situation of his new inheritance, and spent a good dealof his time railing at Social Democracy and the press, explaining thenature of his Heaven-appointed kingship, and rousing his somewhatlethargic people to a sense of their power and possibilities; but hefound a moment in 1891 to write under a photograph he gave theretiring Postmaster-General Stephan:

 "The world, at the end of the nineteenth century, stands under the star of commerce; commerce breaks down the barriers which separate the peoples and creates new relations between the nations. "

Then the idea slumbered in his mind for a few years, while hecontinued to make his own people restless with criticism, perhapsdeserved, of their sluggishness, their pessimism, their party strife, and foreign peoples equally restless with phrases like "_nemo meimpune lacessit_"; until the idea came suddenly to utterance in 1897, when, on seeing the figure of Neptune on a monument to the EmperorWilliam, he broke out: "The trident should be in our grip!" From thistime, and for the next few years, the growth of the navy may be saidto have never long been far from his thoughts. In sending Prince Henryto Kiautschau at the close of 1898 he made the remark that "imperialpower means sea power, and sea power and imperial power are dependenton each other. " Nine months afterwards at Stettin he used a phrasealone sufficient to keep his name alive in history: "Our future lieson the water!"

At Hamburg, in 1899, he laid emphasis on the changes in the worldwhich justify a naval policy one can see now was almost inevitable. 

"A strong German fleet, " he said, "is a thing of which we stand inbitter need. " And he continued:

 "In Hamburg especially one can understand how necessary is a powerful protection for German interests abroad. If we look around us we see how greatly the aspect of the world has altered in recent years. Old-world empires pass away and new ones begin to arise. Nations suddenly appear before the peoples and compete with them, nations of whom a little before the ordinary man had been hardly aware. Products which bring about radical changes in the domain of international relations, as well as in the political economy of the people, and which in old times took hundreds of years to ripen, come to maturity in a few months. The result is that the tasks of our German Empire and people have grown to enormous proportions and demand of me and my Government unusual and great efforts, which can then only be crowned with success when, united and decided, without respect to party, Germans stand behind us. Our people, moreover, must resolve to make some sacrifice. Above all they must put aside their endeavour to seek the excellent through the ever more-sharply contrasted party factions. They must cease to put party above the welfare of the whole. They must put a curb on their ancient and inherited weakness--to subject everything to the most unlicensed criticism; and they must stop at the point where their most vital interests become concerned. For it is precisely these political sins which revenge themselves so deeply on our sea interests and our fleet. Had the strengthening of the fleet not been refused me during the past eight years of my Government, notwithstanding all appeals and warnings--and not without contumely and abuse for my person--how differently could we not have promoted our growing trade and our interests beyond the sea!"

Perhaps; but perhaps, too, it was as well for the peace of the worldthat Germany had no great war fleet during those eight years oftroubled international relations, and that the gentle and adjustinghand of Providence, not the mailed fist of the Emperor, was guidingthe destinies of nations. 

Previous to the opening of the reign a German navy can hardly be saidto have existed. Yet it should not be forgotten that Germany also hasmaritime traditions of no small interest, if of no great importance, to the world. The Great Elector, the ancestor of the Emperor who ruledBrandenburg from 1640 to 1688, was fully conscious of the profit hispeople might acquire by sea commerce, and the little navy of high-seafrigates which he built stood manfully, and often successfully, up tothe more powerful navies of Sweden and Spain. This fleet was known, too, far away from Brandenburg, for the records tell how the Pope andthe Maltese Knights and Louis XIV willingly admitted it to theirharbours. 

But there was lacking what until lately has always hemmed Germanprogress--money; and the commercially-minded Dutch, a peoplethemselves with many German characteristics, kept the Germans from thesea. Then came Frederick the Great, who ruled from 1740 to 1786, andthose Germans who are fond of claiming Shakespeare for their own willalso tell you that the plan drawn up by Frederick for Pitt's sevenyears' struggle with France--that plan so unfortunately imitatedafterwards by the Emperor in his correspondence with Queen Victoriaduring the Boer War--was the foundation-stone of British navalsupremacy! Frederick, too, saw the advantage of possessing a fleet, but he had his hands full with France and Russia, and reluctantly hadto decline the offer of the French naval hero, Labourdonnais, to buildhim a battle-fleet. At this period, and in the Great Elector's time, Emden was the Plymouth of Prussia. When Frederick died, there followedthat time of which Germans themselves are ashamed--the hole-and-cornertime, the time when the parochial spirit was abroad and no Germanburgher saw beyond the village church and the village pump; theBiedermeier time (that comic figure of the German _Punch_), the timeof genuine German philistinism, when the people were lapped in anidyllic repose and were content, as many are to-day, with the smallestand simplest pleasures. 

This spirit continued until the early quarter of the nineteenthcentury, when Professor Frederick List roused the attention of hiscountrymen, and notably that of Bismarck, to the necessity of anindependent national existence and a national economic policy. In 1836a committee recommended naval coast protection, but it was not until1848, when Denmark blockaded the German coast, that anything was doneto provide for it. In that year the National Assembly of delegatesfrom various German Diets, which met at Frankfort, voted for themarine a million sterling to be levied on the German States, but onlyone-half of the money could be collected. Still, three steam frigates, one large and six small steam corvettes, and two sailing corvetteswere got together, but in 1852, owing to the poverty of the States, two of the ships were sold to Prussia for £60, 000 and the restdisposed of by auction at less than a fourth of their value. Theofficers and men were disbanded with a year's pay. 

To this humiliating state of things Bismarck refers in his "Gedankenund Erinnerungen. " "The German fleet, " he writes, "and Kiel harbour as a foundation for its institution, were from 1848 on one of the most burning thoughts at whose fire German aspirations for unity were accustomed to warm themselves and to concentrate. Meanwhile, however, the hatred of my parliamentary opponents was stronger than the interest for a German fleet, and it seemed to me that the Progressive party at that time preferred to see the newly-acquired rights of Prussia to Kiel, and the prospect of a maritime future founded on its possession, rather in the hands of the auctioneer, Hannibal Fischer, than in those of a Bismarck Ministry. "

From this on naval development in Prussia was slow; there was nointerest for a marine either among the governing classes or thepeople; but it was not wholly neglected, for Wilhelmshaven wasacquired from the Duchy of Oldenburg, a small fleet was sent to theOrient with a view to obtaining commercial treaties and concessions, and a sum of £320, 000 was devoted annually to naval requirements. During the Danish War of 1864 a fleet of three screw corvettes, twopaddle steamers, and a few gunboats was considered sufficient toprotect the coasts and make a blockade impossible. 

From 1885 onwards there had been several Navy Proposals, but it was inthat of 1889, a year after the Emperor's accession, that the beginningof Germany's naval policy is to be found. In that Proposal it wasannounced that the Government intended to depart from the previousprinciples of naval policy which had "become antiquated owing to theprogress of science and the character of future naval warfare, as alsoowing to the extension of Germany's oversea relations. " Up to thistime German maritime needs had invariably been postponed to militaryrequirements. The necessity for a fleet was indeed recognized, butonly for purposes of coast defence and the prevention of a blockade ofthe ports on the North Sea and Baltic. To this end no large fleet wasconsidered needful, particularly as the war with France haddemonstrated the futility of coast attack. During that war two smallfleets were sent from Cherbourg to blockade the North Sea and Balticcoasts, but the admirals in charge found the task "impossible" andreturned to France after a few single engagements with divided honourshad occurred. At that time the German people felt entirely secure onthe score of invasion. The numerous espionage incidents of more recenttimes prove that this feeling of security has entirely passed away, and all countries are now armed as though they were to be invadedto-morrow. 

Emperor William I did something, though not much, for the German navy. Moltke was interested in it and proposed an armoured cruiser fleet, but he was thinking chiefly of coast defence. Roon also took up thematter and laid a Navy Bill before the Diet in 1865, but it wasrejected because, in Virchow's words, the Diet thought "theConstitution more important than the development of the army andnavy. " The war of 1866 showed the necessity of a fleet, and this timethe Diet accepted Roon's proposals. Still, however, the object wascoast defence; and when Emperor William I died the navy was relativelyof no consideration. In the ten years between 1881 and 1891 only onearmoured cruiser, the _Oldenburg_, was launched. With the accession ofthe Emperor, however, began a new, and for the Emperor and theEmpire--why not candidly admit it?--a glorious chapter in German navalhistory. 

An incident during the reign which really touched German nationalpride, and was one of the reasons which caused the Emperor toaccelerate the building of a powerful fleet, was the eviction, if theterm is not too strong, of the German admiral, Diedrich, by theAmericans from the harbour of Manila in the course of theSpanish-American War. Admiral Dewey was in command of a blockadingfleet at Manila. The ships of various nationalities, and among themsome German warships, were in the harbour. Various causes ofirritation arose between the Germans and Americans. There was talk ofSpain's being desirous of selling the Philippines to Germany, and theimpression got abroad in America that the Germans were inclined tobehave as if they were already the new masters of the islands. TheGerman warships kept going in and out of the harbour of Millesares, avillage close to Manila, in connexion with the exchange oftime-expired men, using search-lights, the American admiral thought, in an unnecessary way, and doing other acts which he considered mightgive information to blockade-running vessels. 

In accordance with custom, the Germans, had at first suppliedthemselves with permits from the American admiral for crossing theblockade lines, but as time went on the German ships began to crossthe line without them. Admiral Dewey thereupon issued an order thatpermits must be obtained. The German admiral sent his flag-lieutenantto Admiral Dewey to protest, on the ground that warships are exemptfrom blockade regulations. The American admiral's reply was to bringhis fist down on his cabin table and say, "Tell Admiral Diedrich, with my compliments, that he must obtain permits, and that if a German ship breaks the blockade lines without one it spells war, for I shall fire on the first vessel that attempts it. "

The flag officer went back with the message, and Admiral Diedrich tookhis ships, which were greatly inferior in number to those of theAmericans, out of the harbour. 

The German navy, in contrast to the army, is a purely imperialinstitution--an institution, according to the Constitution, "entirelyunder the chief command of the Kaiser, " consequently in no respectadministered or controlled by the federated kingdoms and states. Onespeaks of the "royal" army, but of the "imperial" navy. The Emperor isofficially described as the navy's "Chef, " superintends itsorganization and disposition, with his brother Prince Henry asInspector-General, and appoints its officials and officers. Heexercises his functions through the Marine Cabinet, a creation of hisown, which serves as a connecting link between the Emperor and theAdmiralty. 

The legislative stages of the growth of the German navy have so farbeen five in number. The first Navy Law passed the Reichstag on thirdreading, on March 28, 1898, 212 members voting for it and 139 against, in a Parliament of 397 members. It provided for the building of afleet of seventeen battleships within a certain time, and fixed theage of the ships at twenty-five years. The new ships were divided intoships-of-the-line (a new designation), large armoured cruisers, andsmall armoured cruisers. This fleet, however, was not large enough tohave any influence on sea politics or seaborne trade, and theoccurrences of the Spanish-American War, just now begun and finished, determined the Emperor to make further proposals. A great agitationfor the navy was started throughout the Empire, and on January 25, 1900, Admiral Tirpitz laid the second Navy Bill (a "Novelle, " as it iscalled) before the Reichstag. 

The new measure demanded a doubling of the fleet. The first fleet wasintended chiefly with a view to coast defence, while the new fleet wasto assure "the economic development of Germany, especially of itsworld-commerce. " If the first Navy Bill had excited surprise anduneasiness in England, the sensations roused by the second may beimagined, not altogether because of the increase of German navalpower, but of the power that would result when the new German navy wascombined with the navies of Germany's allies of the Triplice. Thethird Navy Bill was a consequence of the Russo-Japanese War and of thelesson taught by the sea-fight of Tsuschima. It was laid before theReichstag on November 28, 1905, for "a stronger representation of theEmpire abroad. " Its main object was to increase by almost one-half thesize of the battleships, thus following the lead of England, which haddecided on the new and famous "Dreadnought" class of vessel, remarkable for its five revolving armoured turrets (instead of twopreviously) and the number of its heavy guns. Hitherto Englishwarships had had an average tonnage of about 14, 000 tons: the tonnageof the original "Dreadnought" was 18, 300 tons. Notwithstanding theenormous nature of the financial demand (£47, 600, 000 within elevenyears) the Reichstag passed the Bill on May 19, 1905. A torpedo fleetof 144 boats, in 24 divisions, was additionally provided for in thisBill. 

The fourth Navy Bill was brought in in 1908, with the diminution ofthe age of the German battleship from twenty-five to twenty years asits principal aim. As a result the number of new ships to be built by1912 was raised from six to twelve. The fifth and last Navy Bill waspassed last year, 1912, creating a third active squadron as reserve, made up of existing vessels and three new battleships. The German navynow consists of 41 battleships of the line, 12 large armouredcruisers, and 30 small armoured cruisers, the cruisers being forpurposes of reconnaissance; the foreign-service fleet of 8 large and10 small armoured cruisers; and an active reserve fleet of 16battleships, 4 large and 12 small armoured cruisers. 

Like sailors everywhere, the German sailor is a frank and hearty typeof his race, and welcome wherever he goes. The German naval officer isusually of middle-class extraction, while a slightly larger proportionof the officers of the army is taken from the _noblesse_. He is afine, frank, and manly fellow as a rule, and, like the Emperor, perfectly willing to admit that his navy is closely modelled on thatof Great Britain. Moreover, in addition to a thorough knowledge of hisprofession, he is able, in two cases out of three, to converse withuseful fluency in English, French, and in some cases Italian as well. 

The navy, like the army, is recruited by conscription, but activeservice is for three years, as in the German cavalry and artillery, while only two years in the German infantry. Naturally young men of anadventurous turn of mind frequently elect for the navy, as they hopethereby to see something of the world. At the end of their third yearof service they may go back to civil life as reservists or may"capitulate, " that is, continue in active service for another year, and renew their "capitulation" thenceforward from year to year. Theordinary sailor receives (since 1912) the equivalent of 14s. 6d. Incash monthly and 9s. For clothing, but when at sea additional pay of6s. A month. The result of the system of conscription is that about 40per cent. Of the fleet's crews consist of what may be called seasonedsailors, the remainder being three-year conscripts. The officer classis recruited from young men who have passed a certain school standardexamination and enter the navy as cadets. The one-year-volunteersystem (_Einjähriger Dienst_) only partially obtains in the navy, forpurposes, namely, of coast defence and other services on land. Aftertwo years the cadet becomes a midshipman, and with five or six othermiddies serves for a year or so on board ship, when he becomes asub-lieutenant and is promoted by seniority to full lieutenant, captain-lieutenant (the English naval lieutenant with eightyears' service), corvette-captain (the English naval commander, with three stripes), frigate-captain (corresponding in rank to alieutenant-colonel in the English army), and finally captain-at-sea(with four stripes), when he may get command of a battleship. To reachthis great object of the German naval officer's ambition takes on anaverage twenty-four years, or about the same period as in the Britishnavy. 

The upper ranks, in ascending order, are contre-admiral (the Englishrear-admiral), vice-admiral, admiral, grand-admiral (English Admiralof the Fleet). There are only four grand-admirals in Germany, namely, the Emperor (as "Chef" of the navy), his brother Prince Henry (asinspector-general), retired Admiral von Koester (president of the NavyLeague), and Admiral von Tirpitz (Secretary of Admiralty and the only"active" grand-admiral). King George V of England is an admiral of theGerman navy, as the Emperor is an admiral of the British navy. 

Salutes are a matter of international agreement. They are: 33 guns(simultaneously from all ships) for the Emperor and foreign monarchs, 21 for the Crown Prince of Germany or of a foreign country, 19 for agrand-admiral or an ambassador, 17 for an admiral, the Secretary ofAdmiralty or inspector-general, 15 for a vice-admiral, 13 forcontre-admiral, and so descending. 101 guns are fired on the Emperor'sbirthday or on the birth of an imperial prince. 66 guns is the salutewhen a German monarch ascends the imperial throne, and 101 when aGerman Emperor dies. 

The yearly salaries of German naval officers are as follows: Admiral, £1, 294 (of which £699 is "pay"), vice-admiral, £897 (£677 "pay"), contre-admiral, £772 (£677 "pay"), captain-at-sea, £520 (£438 "pay"), corvette-captain, £396 (£280 "pay"), full lieutenant, £174 (£120"pay"), and so on downwards. Jews are not allowed to become officersof the navy, thus following the practice in the army. There is no lawto prevent Jews becoming officers in either army or navy, but, as amatter of tradition or prejudice, no regimental or naval commander iswilling to accept an Israelite among his officers. 

It is time, however, to return to the personal doings of the Emperor. He is responsible for Germany's foreign policy, and his duties inconnexion with it and with the navy must often have suggested to himthe desirability of seeing with his own eyes something of the Orient, the new battlefield of the world's diplomacy, and possibly a newEldorado for European merchants and engineers. His journey to theEast, now undertaken, was, however, chiefly a religious one, though ithad also something of a chivalric character, since much of everyGerman's imagination is concerned with the Crusades, the Order ofKnight Templars, and similar historical or legendary incidents andpersonalities in the early stages of the struggle between theChristian and the Saracen. The birthplace of Christ has specialinterest for a Hohenzollern who holds his kingship by divine grace, and in the Emperor's case because his father had made the journey toJerusalem thirty years before. The Emperor, lastly, cannot but havebeen glad to escape, if only for a time, such harassing concerns asparty politics, scribbling journalists, long-winded ministerialharangues, and Social Democrats. 

The journey of the Emperor and Empress to Palestine occupied about amonth from the middle of October, 1898, to the middle of the followingNovember, and while it was one of the most delightful and picturesqueexperiences of the Emperor, it entailed some unforeseen and notaltogether agreeable consequences. It was very much criticized inGermany as an exhibition of a theatrical kind, of the "decorative inpolicy, " as Bismarck used to say, who saw no utility in decoration, and evidently did not agree with Shakspeare that the "world is stilldeceived by ornament. " It was objected that the Emperor should havestayed at home to look after imperial business, that such a journeymust excite suspicion in England and France--in the former becauseEngland is an Oriental power, and in the latter because France issupposed to claim special protective rights over Christianity in theEast. 

The Englishman who reads what German writers say about the journeygets the impression that the criticism was an expression ofjealousy--jealousy, as we know from Bismarck and Prince Bülow, being anational German failing. Every German ardently desires to see Italyand the Orient, but until of late years few Germans had the means ofgratifying the wish. In one point, however, the critics were right. The Emperor, when in Damascus, after saying that he felt "deeply movedat standing on the spot where one of the most knightly sovereigns ofall times, the great Sultan Saladin, stood, " went on to say thatSultan Abdul "and the three hundred million Mohammedans who, scatteredover the earth, venerated him as their Caliph, might be assured thatat all times the German Emperor would be their friend. " It was aharmless and vague remark enough, one would think, but politicalwriters in all countries have made great capital out of it ever sincewhenever Germany's Oriental policy is discussed. At the risk ofrepetition it may be said that that policy is, in the East aselsewhere, a purely economic one. The Emperor's mistake perhapschiefly lay in raising hopes in Turkish minds which were very unlikelyto be realized. 

The Emperor's allusion to Saladin as the most knightly sovereign ofall times was a bad blunder. He was doubtless carried away by acombination, in his probably at this time somewhat excitedimagination, of the chivalrous figures of the crusading times withthoughts of the German Knight Templars and other soldierly characters. Saladin was a brave man physically, and fond of imperial magnificence, as is only natural and necessary for an Oriental potentate to be; anda good deal of Eastern legend grew up about him on that account. Legend was enough for the Emperor in his then romantic mood. Heforgot, or did not know, that Saladin, from the point of view of amodern and in reality far more knightly age, was a sanguinaryand fanatic ruffian, who showed no mercy to his Christianprisoners--killed, in fact, one of them, Rainald de Chatillon, withhis own hand, sacked Jerusalem, turned the Temple of Solomon into amosque, after having it "disinfected" with rose-water, and killed PopeUrban III, who died, the chronicles tell, of sorrow at the news. 

The journey was, as has been said, a delightful and picturesqueexperience for the Emperor and the Empress. They passed through Venicewith its marble palaces, sailed over the sapphire waters of theAdriatic, and were received with great demonstrations of welcome bythe Sultan in Constantinople. When they were leaving, the Sultan gavethe Emperor a gigantic carpet, and the Emperor gave the Sultan a goldwalking-stick, an exact imitation of the stick Frederick the Greatused to lean on, and sometimes, very likely, apply to the backs of histrusty but stupid lieges. 

Before disposing of the events of this period of the Emperor's lifemention may be made of two or three occurrences which must have been asource of political interest or social entertainment to him. Fromamong them we select the Dreyfus case and the historic scene arrangedfor the painter, Adolf Menzel, in Sans Souci. 

The Dreyfus case, though its investigation brought to light no factimplicating the German authorities, naturally aroused interestthroughout Germany. The interest was felt equally in the army, notwithstanding that it contains no Jewish officer, and among thecivil population. In France, it will be remembered, the case acquiredits importance from the charge, made by the anti-Semite Drumont andhis journal _La Libre Parole_, that the Jews were exploiting theGovernment and the country. There is an anti-Semite party in Germany, founded by the Court preacher Stoecker in 1878, but possibly owing tothe prudence and good citizenship of the Jews in Germany, it hasgained little weight or momentum since. 

The "affaire, " as it was universally known, was only once referred toin the German Parliament, in January, 1898, when Chancellor von Bülowdeclared "in the most positive way possible" that there had "neverbeen any traffic or relations of any kind whatsoever between Dreyfusand any German authority, " adding that the alleged finding of anofficial German communication in the wastepaper basket of the GermanEmbassy in Paris was a fiction. The Chancellor concluded by sayingthat the case had in no respect ever troubled relations betweenGermany and France. 

The incident most often cited as evidence of the Emperor's love ofrecalling the days of his great ancestor, Frederick the Great, is theconcert he arranged at Sans Souci on June 13, 1895, to gratify, we maybe sure, as well as surprise, the famous painter. The incident and itsorigin are described in a work already mentioned, the "Private Livesof William II and His Consort, " by a lady of the Court. The accountgiven below is illustrative of the unfriendly sentiments which areevident throughout the work, but the lady is probably fairly accurateas regards the incident, and in any case her gossip will give thereader some notion, though by no means an entirely faithful one, ofthe Court atmosphere at the time. Talk at the palace during afternoontea having turned on the fact that Adolf Menzel, the painter, wouldshortly celebrate his eightieth birthday, some one remarked on therefusal by the Court marshal in the previous reign to allow him to seethe scene of his celebrated "Flute Concert at Sans Souci, " which hewas then composing, lighted up. The conversation, according to thelady writer, continued thus:--

 "'Maybe he was frightened at the prospect of furnishing a couple of dozen wax candles, ' sneered the Duke of Schleswig. 

 "'More likely he knew nothing of Menzel's growing reputation, ' suggested Begas, the sculptor. 

 "The Emperor overheard the last words. 'Are you prepared to say that my grand-uncle's chief marshal failed to recognize the genius of the foremost Hohenzollern painter?' he asked sharply. 

 "'I would not like to libel a dead man, ' answered Begas, 'but appearances are certainly against the Count. I have it from Menzel's own lips that the Court marshal refused him all and every assistance when he was painting the scenes of life in Sans Souci. The rooms of the chateau were accessible to him only to the same extent as to any other paying visitor or the hordes of foreign tourists, and he had to make his sketches piece-meal, gathering corroborative and additional material in museums and picture-galleries. '

 "Quick as a flash the Kaiser turned to Count Eulenburg. 'I shall repay the debt Prussia owes to Menzel, ' he spoke, not without declamatory effect. 'We will have the representation of the Sans Souci flute concert three days hence. Your programme is to be ready tomorrow morning at ten. Menzel, mind you, must know nothing of this: merely command him to attend us at the Schloss at supper and for a musical evening. ' And, turning round, he said to her Majesty: 'You will impersonate Princess Amalia, and you, Kessel' (Adjutant von Kessel, then Commander of the First Life Guards), 'engage all your tallest and best-looking officers to enact the great King's military household. '

 "Again the Kaiser addressed Count Eulenberg: 'Be sure to have the best artists of the Royal Orchestra perform Frederick the Great's compositions, and let Joachim be engaged for the occasion. ' Saying this, he took her Majesty's arm, and bidding his guests and the Court a hasty good-night, strode out of the apartment. "

A description of the Empress's costume for the concert follows. 

 "Her Majesty's dress consisted of a petticoat of sea-green satin, richly ornamented with silver lace of antique pattern and an overdress of dark velvet, embroidered with gold and set with precious stones. On her powdered hair, amplified by one of Herr Adeljana, the Viennese coiffeur's, most successful creations, sat a jaunty three-cornered hat having a blazing aigrette of large diamonds in front, the identical cluster of white stones which figured at the great Napoleon's coronation, and which he lost, together with his entire equipage, in the battle of Waterloo. In her ears her Majesty wore pearl ornaments representing a small bunch of cherries. Like the aigrette, they are Crown property, and that Auguste Victoria thought well enough of the jewels to rescue them from oblivion for this occasion was certainly most appropriate. "

The Emperor's costume is also described. 

"He wore the cuirassier uniform of the great Frederick's period, ahighly ornamented dress that suited the War Lord, who was painted andpowdered to perfection, extremely well, especially as Wellingtonboots, a very becoming wig and his strange head-gear really andseemingly added to his figure, while his usually stern face beamedpleasantly under the powder and rouge laid on by expert hands. "

The arrival of Menzel is then narrated and the reception by theEmperor, who took the part of an adjutant of Frederick the Great's, and in that character "bombarded the helpless master, " as thechronicler says, "with forty stanzas of alleged verse, in which the deeds of Prussia's kings and the masterpieces that commemorate them were extolled with a prosiness that sounded like an afterclap of William's Reichstag and monument orations. "

A real concert followed, and supper was taken in the Marble Halladjoining. The authoress concludes as follows:--

 "I was contemplating these reminiscences (the pictures of La Barberini) in silent reverie when the door opened and the Kaiser came in with little Menzel. 

 "'I have a mind to engage Angeli to paint her Majesty's picture in the costume of Princess Amalia, ' said the Emperor 'What do you think of it?'

 "'Angeli is painter to many emperors and kings, ' replied the Professor, and I saw him smile diplomatically as he moved his spectacles to get a better view of the allegorical canvas on the left wall that exhibits the nude figure of the famous mistress in its entirety. 

 "'I am glad you agree with me on that point, ' said the Emperor, impatient to execute the idea that had crossed his mind. 'I will telegraph to him to-night. '

 "And when, five minutes later, Menzel bent over my hand to take formal leave, I heard him murmur in his dry, absent-minded manner--'Pesne ... Angeli ... Frederick the Great ... William II!"

We have spoken of the Court atmosphere of this time. The followingextracts from the Memoirs of ex-Chancellor Prince Hohenlohe willassist the reader, perhaps even better than a connected account, toenter, in imagination at all events, into it. The conversations citedbetween the Emperor and the Prince turn on all sorts of topics--thepass question in Alsace (where Hohenlohe was then Statthalter), thepossibility of war with Russia, pheasant shooting, projectedmonuments, the breach with Bismarck, the Triple Alliance, and ahundred more of the most different kinds. Once talking domesticpolitics, the Emperor said:

 "It will end by the Social Democrats getting the upper hand. Then they will plunder the people. Not that I care. I will have the palace loop-holed and look on at the plundering. The burghers will soon call on me for help;"

and on another occasion, in 1889, Hohenlohe tells of a dinner at thepalace, and how after dinner, when the Empress and her ladies had goneinto another _salon_, the Emperor, Hohenlohe, and Dr. Hinzpeter (theEmperor's old tutor) conversed together for an hour, all standing. "The first subject touched on, " relates the Prince, was the gymnasia(high schools), the Emperor holding that they made too exacting claimson the scholars, while Hohenlohe and Hinzpeter pointed out thatotherwise the run on the schools would be too great and cause dangerof a "learned proletariat. " Prince Hohenlohe concludes:

 "In the whole conversation, which never once came to a standstill, I was pleased by the fresh, lively manner of the Emperor, and was in all ways reminded of his grandfather, Prince Albert. "

Next year the Prince was present at an official dinner in the Berlinpalace. He writes:--

 "BERLIN, 22 _March_, 1890. 

 "At seven, dinner in the White Salon (at the palace). I sat opposite the Empress and between Moltke and Kameke. The former was very communicative, but was greatly interfered with by the continuous music, and was very angry at it. Two bands were placed facing each other, and when one ceased the other began to play its trumpets. It was hardly endurable. The Emperor made a speech in honour of the Queen of England and the Prince of Wales (afterwards King Edward, present on the occasion of the investiture of his son Prince George, now King George V, with the Order of the Black Eagle), and mentioned his nomination as English admiral (whose uniform he was wearing) and the comradeship-in-arms at the battle of Waterloo; he also hoped that the English fleet and the German army would together maintain peace. Moltke then said to me: 'Goethe says, "a political song, a discordant song. "'

 "He also said he hoped the speech wouldn't get into the papers. "

(It did, however. )

The next extract describes a conversation Prince Hohenlohe had withthe Emperor at Potsdam the following year. It gives an idea of theordinary nature of conversations between the Emperor and his highofficials on such occasions. 

 "BERLIN, 13 _December_, 1891. 

 "Yesterday forenoon was invited to the New Palace at Potsdam. Besides myself were the Prince and Princess von Wied, with the Mistress of the Robes and the Court marshal. Emperor and Empress very amiable. The Emperor spoke of his hunting in Alsace, and supposed it would be some years before the game there would be abundant. Then he expressed his satisfaction at my acquisition of Gensburg, and when I told him there was not much room in the castle he said, no matter, he could nevertheless pass a few days there with a couple of gentlemen very pleasantly. Passing to politics, he gave vent to his displeasure at the attitude of the Conservative party, who were hindering the formation of a Conservative-monarchical combination against the Progressives and Social Democrats. This was all the more regrettable as the Progressives, if now and then they opposed the Social Democrats, still at bottom were with them. The Emperor approves of the commercial treaties and seemed to have great confidence in Caprivi generally. As we came to speak of intrigues and gossip, the Emperor hinted that Bismarck was behind them. He added that people were urging him from many quarters to be reconciled with Bismarck, but it was not for him to take the first step. He seemed well informed about the situation in Russia and considered it very dangerous. When I asked the Emperor how he stood now with the Czar, he replied 'Badly. He went through here without paying me a visit, and I only write him ceremonious letters. The Queen of Denmark prevented him coming to Berlin, for fear he should go to Potsdam. She has gone now with him to Livadia on the pretext of the silver wedding, but in reality to keep him away from Berlin. '"

Writing of a lunch at Potsdam, under date Berlin, November 10, 1892, the Prince notes:--

 "The Emperor came late and looked tired, but was in good spirits. We went immediately to table. Afterwards the conversation turned on Bismarck. 'When one compares what Bismarck does with that for which poor Arnim had to suffer!' He would do nothing, he said, against Bismarck, but the consequences of the whole thing were very serious. Waldersee and Bismarck couldn't abide one another. They had, however, become allies out of common hatred of Caprivi, whose fall Bismarck desired. What might happen afterwards neither cared. "

The following was penned after the old Chancellor's visit ofreconciliation:--

 "BERLIN, 27 _January_, 1894. 

 "To-night gala performance at the opera. Between the acts I talked first with different monarchs, the King of Württemberg, the King of Saxony, the Grand Duke of Oldenburg, and so on. Then I was sent for by the Empress, of whom I took leave. The Emperor came shortly afterwards. We spoke of Bismarck's visit the day before and the good consequences for the Emperor it would have. 'Yes, ' said the Emperor, 'now they can put up triumphal arches for him in Vienna and Munich, I am all the time a length ahead. If the press continues its abuse it only puts itself and Bismarck in the wrong. ' I mentioned that red-hot partisans of Bismarck were greatly dissatisfied with the visit, and said the Emperor should have gone to Friedrichsruh (Bismarck's estate near Hamburg). 'I am well aware of it, ' said the Emperor, 'but for that they would have had a long time to wait. He had to come here. ' On the whole the Emperor spoke very sensibly and decisively, and I did not at all get the impression that he now wants to change everything. "

Prince Hohenlohe was summoned to Potsdam in October, 1894, by atelegram from the Emperor. All the telegram said was that "importantinterests of the Empire" were concerned. Hohenlohe was only aware ofthe dismissal of Caprivi from a newspaper he read in Frankfort on hisway to Potsdam. The Emperor met him at the station (Wildpark) andconveyed him to the New Palace, where the Prince agreed to accept theChancellorship "at the Emperor's earnest request. " Princess Hohenlohewas decidedly against her husband, who was now seventy-five, acceptingthe post, and even ventured to telegraph to the Empress to prevent it. 

The Prince has a note on his intercourse with his imperial master. Heis writing to his son, Prince Alexander:--

 "BERLIN, 17 _October_, 1896. 

 "It is a curious thing--my relations to his Majesty. I come now and then to the conclusion, owing to his small inconsideratenesses, that he intentionally avoids me and that things can't continue so. Then again I talk with him and see that I am mistaken. Yesterday I had occasion to report to him, and he poured out his heart to me and took occasion in the friendliest way to ask my advice. And thus my distrust is dissipated. "

Hunting with the Emperor:--

 "15 _December_, 1896. 

 "Yesterday I obeyed the royal invitation to hunt at Springe. I had to leave Berlin as early as 7 a. M. To catch the royal train at Potsdam. From Springe railway station we passed immediately into the hunting district. Only sows were shot. I brought down six. Then we drove to the Schloss, rested for a few hours and then dined. The Emperor was in very good humour and talked incessantly; in addition the Uhlan band and the usually noisy conversation. "

When presenting his resignation to the Emperor at Hamburg in October, 1900, the Prince, who had evidently been for some time aware that histerm of office was drawing to a close, describes his conversation withthe Emperor:--

 "At noon, as I came to the Emperor, he received me in a very friendly way. We first settled about summoning the Reichstag, and then his Majesty said, 'I have received a very distressing letter'--an allusion to the Chancellor's official letter of resignation, which he had placed in the Emperor's hands through Tschirschky, Foreign Minister. 'As I then, ' continued Hohenlohe, 'explained the necessity of my resignation on the ground of my health and age the Emperor, apparently quite satisfied, agreed, so that I could see he had already expected my request and consequently that it was high time I should make it. We talked further over the question of my successor, and I was agreeably surprised when he forthwith mentioned Bülow, who certainly at the moment is the best man available. His Majesty then said he would telegraph to Lucanus (Chief of the Civil Cabinet) to bring Bülow to Homburg so that we might consult about details. I breakfasted with their Majesties and went calmly home. '"

Writing to his daughter next day Prince Hohenlohe, in words that doequal credit to himself and the imperial family, says:

 "It is always a pleasure to me when on such occasions I can convince myself of the Christian disposition of the imperial family. In our for the most part unbelieving age this family seems to me like an oasis in the desert. "

Prince Hohenlohe was succeeded as Chancellor by Prince von Bülow, whohad held the office of Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs for thepreceding two years, and practically conducted the Emperor's foreignpolicy during that time. He had served as Secretary of Embassy in St. Petersburg, Vienna, and Athens, was a Secretary to the Congress ofBerlin, fought in the war with France and after seven years asMinister in Bucharest spent four years as Ambassador in Rome. Here hemarried a divorced Italian lady, the Countess Minghetti. After actingas deputy Foreign Secretary for the late Baron Marschall vonBieberstein, he was appointed permanent Foreign Secretary, and onOctober 17, 1900, was called by the Emperor to the most responsiblepost in the Empire next to his own, that of Imperial Chancellor. TheEmperor's choice was fully justified, for the new Chancellor provedhimself to be the most brilliant diplomatist and parliamentarian sinceBismarck. 

IX

THE NEW CENTURY

1900-1901

German writers, commenting on the turn of the century, claim todiscover a change in the Emperor's character about this period. He haslost much of his imaginative, his Lohengrin, vein, and has become morepractical, more prosaic and matter-of-fact. To use the German word, heis now a _Realpolitiker_, one who deals in things, not words ortheories, and drawing his gaze from the stars makes them dwell moreattentively on the immediate practical considerations of the worldabout him. His nature has not changed, of course, nor his manner, buthe has begun to see that he must employ means and ways different fromthose he employed previously. He has not become a Bismarck, for hestill pursues his aims more in the spirit of the colonel of a regimentleading his men to the attack with banners flying, drums beating, swords rattling in their scabbards and mailed gauntlets heldthreateningly aloft, than in that of the cool and calculatingpolitician ruminating in his closet on the tactics of his opponents, and deliberating how best to meet and confound them; but he gives morethought to what is going on about him, to party politics, to theeconomic necessities of the hour, and to modern science and itsinventions. 

What strikes the Englishman perhaps as much as anything in theEmperor's character at this time is the Cromwellian trait in it. Thisis a side of his Protean nature which never seems to have beenadequately recognized in England, yet in a singularly bafflingcharacter-composition it is one of the fundamental elements. The viewof Prussian monarchy, inherited from one Hohenzollern to another forgeneration after generation, that the race of people to which hebelonged (with any other race he could include by conquest in it) hasbeen handed over by Heaven for all eternity to his family, naturallypredisposes him to take a religious, a patriarchal, one might say anHebraic, view of government; but in addition we find the warriorspirit at all times going hand in hand with the religious spirit, almost as strongly as in the case of Mahomet with the Koran in onehand and the sword in the other. 

There was nothing in the Emperor's youth to show the existence ofdeeply religious conviction, but as soon as he mounted the throne, andall through the reign up to the close of the century, indeed someyears beyond it, his speeches, especially when he was addressing hissoldiery, were filled with expressions of religious fervour. "VonGotten Gnaden, " he writes as a preface for a Leipzig publicationappearing on January 1, 1900, "is the King; therefore to God alone is he responsible. He must choose his way and conduct himself solely from this standpoint. This fearfully heavy responsibility which the King bears for his folk gives him a claim on the faithful co-operation of his subjects. Accordingly, every man among the people must be thoroughly persuaded that he is, along with the King, responsible for the general welfare. "

It may be noted in passing that Cromwell and the Emperor are alike inbeing the founders of the great war navies of their respectivecountries. 

On the date mentioned (New Year's Day), in the Berlin arsenal whenconsecrating some flags, he addressed the garrison on the turn of theyear:

 "The first day of the new century finds our army, that is our folk in arms, gathered round its standards, kneeling before the Lord of Hosts--and certainly if anyone has reason to bend the knee before God, it is our army. "

"A glance at our standards, " the Emperor continued, "is sufficient explanation, for they incorporate our history. What was the state of our army at the beginning of the century? The glorious army of Frederick the Great had gone to sleep on its laurels, ossified in pipeclay details, led by old, incapable generals, its officers shy of work, sunk in luxury, good living, and foolish self-satisfaction. In a word, the army was no longer not only not equal to its task, but had forgotten it. Heavy was the punishment of Heaven, which overtook it and our folk. They were flung into the dust, Frederick's glory faded, the standards were cast down. In seven years of painful servitude God taught our folk to bethink itself of itself, and under the pressure of the feet of an arrogant usurper (Napoleon) was born the thought that it is the highest honour to devote in arms one's life and property to the Fatherland--the thought, in short, of universal conscription. "

The word for conscription, it may be here remarked, is in German_Wehrpflicht_, the duty of defence. To most people in England it meanssimply "compulsory military service. " It is important to note thedifference, as it explains the German national idea, and the Emperor'sidea, that all military and naval forces are primarily for defence, not offence. This is, indeed, equally true of the British, or perhapsany other, army and navy; but how many Englishmen, when they think ofGermany, can get the idea into the foreground of their thoughts oraccustom themselves to it?

However, we have not yet done with the Emperor's baffling character. There was a third element that now developed in it--the modern, thetwentieth-century, the American, the Rockefeller element. It isintimately connected with his Weltpolitik, as his Weltpolitik is withhis foreign policy in general--indeed one might say his Weltpolitik ishis foreign policy--a policy of economic expansion, with a desperateapprehension of losing any of the Empire's property, and adetermination to have a voice in the matter when there is any looseproperty anywhere in the world to be disposed of. To the Hebraicelement and the warrior element (an entirely un-Christlikecombination, as the Emperor must be aware) there now began to be addedthe mercantile, the modern, the American element--the interest in allthe concerns of national material prosperity, in the nationalaccumulation of wealth, the interest in inventions, in commercialscience, in labour-saving machinery, the effort to win Americanfavour, to facilitate intercourse and establish close and profitablerelations with that wealthy land and people. 

We know that the Emperor has English blood in him, greatly admiresEngland, and is immensely proud of being a British admiral. We haveseen him exhibiting traits of character that remind one of Lohengrinor Tancred. He has played many parts in the spirit of a Hebrew prophetand patriarch, of a Frederick the Great, a Cromwell, a Nelson, aTheodore Roosevelt. Preacher, teacher, soldier, sailor, he has beenall four, now at one moment, now at another. We shall find him anon asart and dramatic critic, to end--so far as we are concerned withhim--as farmer. Is it any wonder if such a man, mediæval in his natureand modern in his character, defies clear and definite portrayal byhis contemporaries?

Taking the year 1900 as the first year of the new century, not as somecalculators, and the Emperor among them, take it, as the last year ofthe old, the twentieth century may be said to have opened with adramatic historical episode in which the Emperor and his Empire tookvery prominent parts--the Boxer movement. 

Little notice has been taken in our account of Germany's spacious daysof her relations to China and the Far East generally. They were, nevertheless, all through that period intimately connected with herexpansion or dreams of expansion. About 1890 the Flowery Land awoke tothe benefits of European civilization and in particular of Europeaningenuity; and in 1891, for the first time in Chinese history, foreigndiplomatists were granted the privilege of an annual receptionat the Chinese Court. So exclusive was the Manchu dynasty--theHohenzollerns of China in point of antiquity; yet not a score ofyears later the Manchu monarchy had been quietly removed from itsfive-thousand-year-old throne, and China, apparently the mostconservative and monarchical people on earth, proclaimed itself arepublic--a regular modern republic!--an operation that among peoplesclaiming infinite superiority to the Chinese would have cost thousandsof lives and a vast expenditure of money. 

Naturally, once China showed a willingness to abandon its axenicattitude towards foreign devils and all things foreign-devilish, theEuropean Powers turned their eyes and energies towards her, and astrenuous commercial and diplomatic race after prospective concessionsfor railways, mines, and undertakings of all kinds began. Each Powerfeared that China would be gobbled up by a rival, or that at least apartition of the vast Chinese Empire was at hand. Consequently, whenChina was beaten in her war with Japan, and made the unfavourabletreaty of Shimonoseki, the European Powers were ready to appear ashelpers in time of need. Russia, Germany, and France got theShimonoseki Treaty altered, and the Laotung Peninsula with Port Arthurgiven back, and in return Russia acquired the right to build a railwaythrough Manchuria (the first step towards "penetration" andoccupation), French engineers obtained several valuable mining andrailway concessions, and Germany got certain privileges in Hankow andTientsin. 

Meantime the old, deeply-rooted hatred of the foreign devil, theEuropean, was spreading among the population, which was still, in themass, conservative. Missionaries were murdered, and among them, in1897, two German priests. Germany demanded compensation, and indefault sent a cruiser squadron to Kiautschau Bay. Russia immediatelyhurried a fleet to Port Arthur and obtained from China a lease of thatport for twenty-five years. England and France now put in a claim fortheir share of the good things going. England obtained Wei-hai-Wei, France a lease of Kwang-tschau and Hainan. China was evidentlythrowing herself into the arms of Europe, when, in 1898, the DowagerEmpress took the government out of the hands of the young Emperor anda period of reaction set in. The appearance of Italy with a demand fora lease of the San-mun Bay in 1899 brought the Chinese anti-foreignmovement to a head, and the Boxer conspiracy grew to great dimensions. 

The movement was caused not merely by religious and race fanaticism, but by the popular fear that the new European era would change theeconomic life of China and deprive millions of Chinese of their wontedmeans of livelihood. The Dowager Empress and a number of Chineseprinces now joined it. Massacres soon became the order of the day, andit is calculated that in the spring of 1900 alone more than 30, 000Christians were barbarously done to death. Among the victims werereckoned 118 English, 79 Americans, 25 French, and 40 of othernationalities. The Ambassadors and Ministers of all nations, consciousof their danger, applied to the Tsungli Yamen (Foreign Office), demanding that the Imperial Government should crush the Boxermovement. The Government took no steps, the diplomatists werebeleaguered in their embassies, and were only saved by friendly policefrom being murdered. 

This, however, was but a temporary respite, and it became necessary tobring marines from the foreign ships of war lying at the mouth of thePei-ho River just out of range of the formidable Taku Forts. Thesetroops, 2, 000 in all, were led by Admiral Seymour. They tried to reachPekin, but failed owing to the destruction of the railway, and retiredto Tientsin, from whence, however, on June 16th, a detachment set outto capture the Taku Forts. The capture was effected, the Germangunboat _Iltis_, under Captain Lans, playing a conspicuously bravepart. Tientsin was now in danger from the Boxer bands, but wasrelieved by a mixed detachment of Russians and Germans under GeneralStoessel, the subsequent defender of Port Arthur. 

The alarm meantime at Pekin was intense. The Chinese Government, throwing off all disguise, ordered the diplomatists to leave the city. They refused, knowing that to leave the shelter of the embassies meanttorture and death. One of them, however, the German Minister, Freiherrvon Ketteler, ventured from his Legation and was killed in broaddaylight on his way to the Chinese Foreign Office. Only one of theMinister's party escaped, to stagger, hacked and bloody, into theBritish Legation with the news. This Legation, as the strongestbuilding in the quarter, became the refuge of the entire diplomaticcorps, with their wives, children, and servants. It was straightwayinvested and bombarded by the Boxers, and as the days and weeks wenton the other Legation buildings were burned, and the refugees in theBritish Legation had to look death at all hours in the face. 

The murder of von Ketteler excited anger and horror throughout theworld, and in no breast, naturally, to a stronger degree than in thatof the German Emperor. All nations hastened to send troops to Pekin. Japan was first on the scene with 16, 000 men under GeneralYamagutschi. Russia followed next with 15, 000 under General Lenewitch, then England with 7, 500 under General Gaselee, then France with 5, 000under General Frey, then America with 4, 000 under General Chaffee, Germany with 2, 500 under von Hopfner, Austria and Italy with smallercontingents--in all more than 50, 000 men, with 144 guns. A littlelater the expeditionary corps from Germany, 19, 000 strong, underGeneral von Lessel, and that from France, 10, 000 strong, arrived. Atthe suggestion, it is said, of Russia, and by agreement among theEuropean Powers, united by a common sympathy and in face of a commondanger, the German Field-Marshal, Count Waldersee, was appointed tothe supreme command of all the European forces. At the same time navalsupports were hurried by all maritime nations to the scene, and withina short period 160 warships and 30 torpedo boats were assembled offthe Chinese coast. 

The march to Pekin and the relief of the imprisoned Europeans areincidents still fresh in public memory. In the crowded BritishLegation fear alternated with hope, and hope with fear, until, on theforenoon of August 14th, a boy ran into the Legation crying that"black-faced Europeans" were advancing along the royal canal in thedirection of the building. In a few minutes a company of Sikh cavalry, part of some Indian troops diverted on their way to Aden, galloped up, all danger was over, and the refugees were saved. 

The Boxer troubles ended on May 13, 1901, with the signature by LiHung Chang in the name of the Emperor of China of a treaty of peace, the main conditions of which were the payment by China within thirtyyears of a war indemnity to the Powers of 450 million taels(£66, 000, 000) and an agreement to send a mission of atonement to theCourts of Germany and Japan--for among the foreign victims of theBoxers in the previous year had been the Japanese representative inChina, Baron Sugiyama. 

For two or three weeks the action of the Emperor with regard to theChinese mission of atonement brought him into universal ridicule. Prince Chun, a near relative of the Chinese Emperor, who had beenappointed to conduct the mission, reached Basle in September, 1901, onhis way to Berlin. Here he lingered, and it soon became known that ahitch had occurred in his relations with Germany. It then transpiredthat the delay was caused by the Emperor's having suddenly intimatedthat he expected Prince Chun to make thrice to him, as he sat on histhrone at Potsdam, the "kotow" as practised in the Court of China. Inview of the surprise, laughter, and criticism of Europe, the Emperormodified his demand for the "kotow" to its symbolic performance bythree deep bows. Prince Chun thereupon resumed his journey. Animpressive, if theatrical, scene was prepared in the New Palace atPotsdam, where the Emperor, seated on the throne, his marshal's batonin his hand, and flanked by Ministers and the officers of hishousehold, received the bearer of China's expressions of regret. Whatever one may think of the scenic effect provided, the reply theEmperor made to Prince Chun, after the three bows arranged upon hadbeen made, is a model of its kind--general not personal, sorrowfulrather than angry, warning rather than reproachful. The Emperor said--

 "No pleasing nor festive cause, no mere fulfilment of a courtly duty, has brought your Imperial Highness to me, but a sad and deeply grave occurrence. My Minister to the Court of his Majesty the Emperor of China, Freiherr von Ketteler, fell in the Chinese capital beneath the murderous weapons of an imperial Chinese soldier, who acted by the orders of a superior, an unheard-of outrage condemned by the law of nations and the moral sense of all countries. From your Imperial Highness I have now heard the expression of the sincere and deep regret of his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of China regarding the occurrence. I am glad to believe that your Imperial Highness's royal brother had nothing to do with the crime or with the further acts of violence against inviolable Ministers and peaceful foreigners, but all the greater is the guilt which attaches to his advisers and his Government. Let these not deceive themselves by supposing that they can make atonement and receive pardon for their crime through this mission alone, and not through their subsequent conduct in the light of the prescriptions of international law and the moral principles of civilized peoples. If his Majesty the Emperor of China henceforward directs the government of his great Empire in the spirit of these ordinances, his hope that the sad consequences of the confusion of last year may be overcome, and permanent, peaceful and friendly relations between Germany and China may exist as before, will be realized to the benefit of both peoples and the whole of civilized humanity. In the sincere wish that it may be so, I welcome your Imperial Highness. "

The Emperor's other speeches referring to the Boxer movement at thisperiod have been adversely commented on as showing him in the light ofa cruel and blood-thirsty seeker after revenge. This is an unjust, atleast a hard, judgment. A passage in his address at Bremerhaven to theexpeditionary force when setting out for China is the main proof ofthe charge--in which, after referring to the murder of von Ketteler, he said:

 "You know well you will have to fight with a cunning, brave, well-armed, cruel foe. When you come to close quarters with him remember--quarter ('Pardon' is the German word the Emperor used) must not be given: prisoners must not be taken: manage your weapons so that for a thousand years to come no Chinaman will dare to look sideways at a German. Act like men. "

It is difficult, of course, to reconcile such an address withChristian humanity practised, so far as humanity can be practised, inmodern war, but it should be remembered that the Emperor was speakingin a state of great excitement, and that, according to ChancellorPrince Bülow's statement in the Reichstag subsequently, confirmationof the news of the murder of his Minister to China had only reachedthe Emperor ten minutes before he delivered the speech. 

There is one incident, however, though not a very important one, inconnexion with the troubles, which may fairly be made a matter ofreproach to the Emperor--the seizure, on his order, of the ancientastronomical instruments at Pekin and their transference to SansSouci, in Potsdam, where they are to be seen to the present day. Thetroops of all nations, it is known, looted freely at Pekin; but theEmperor might have spared China and his own fair fame the indignity ofsuch public vandalism. 

While writing of China it may not be superfluous to add that theEmperor's foreign policy in the Orient cannot be expected to presentexactly the same features, or proceed quite along the same lines, ashis foreign policy in Europe. By far the greater part of Europe is nowas completely parcelled out and as permanently settled as though itwere a huge, well-managed estate. The capacities of its high roads, its railways, its great rivers, with their commercial and strategicvalues and relations are perfectly ascertained; and the knowledge, itis not too much to say, is the common property of all importantGovernments. It is not so, or not nearly to the same extent, in theOrient. In Europe there is little or no difficulty in distinguishingbetween enterprises that are political and those that are commercial, or in recognizing where they are both; and if a difficulty shouldarise it can be arranged by diplomatic conversations, by a conferenceof the Powers interested, or in the last resort--short of war--byarbitration. This is not so simple a matter in the Orient, whereconditions are at once old and new, where interests of possibly greatmagnitude are as yet undetermined or unappropriated, where possiblygreat mineral sources are undeveloped and the capacities of newmarkets unascertained; where, in short, the decisive factors of theproblem are undiscovered, it may be unsuspected. 

In such cases there is often no certain and readily recognizable lineof demarcation between the two kinds of enterprise; and an undertakingthat may present all the appearance of being a purely commercialscheme, and be solemnly asseverated to be such by the Power or Powerspromoting it, may turn out on closer examination to be one of greatpolitical significance and incalculable political consequence. Of suchenterprises two immediately spring to mind, the Cape to Cairo railwayand the Baghdad railway, not to mention a score of problematicundertakings in other parts of Africa or Asia. It will be useful tokeep this general consideration in view when forming an opinionregarding the Emperor's Oriental policy. That policy is, so far, almost entirely commercial. Long ago wars used to be made for the sakeof religion, then for the sake of territory. Now they are made for thesake of new markets. 

Yet the Far East is changing with the change in conditions everywherein modern times, and it is evident that the premises for anyconclusion as to German foreign policy there may, at any given moment, be subject to modification. Partly owing to the growth of Germany'sEuropean influence, and to the increase in her navy which has helpedher to it, she is to be found of recent years playing a role in theFar East which would have been unintelligible to the German of thelast generation. There are many Germans to-day, as in Bismarck's time, who ridicule the notion that the possibilities of trade in Orientalcountries justify the national risk now run for it and the nationalexpenditure now made upon it; but it is sometimes forgotten that, apart from the chance of obtaining concessions for the building ofrailways, for the establishment of banks, for the leasing of mines andworking of cotton plantations, there is a large German export ofbeads, cloth, and, in short, of hundreds of articles which appeal tobarbarian or only semi-civilized tastes. 

Germany, too, looks hopefully forward to a future in which she will besupplied with the raw material of her manufactures by her colonies, orfailing that by her subjects trading abroad in the colonies of othernations. This is one of the main objects of her Weltpolitik. As Princevon Bülow said: "The time has passed when the German left the earth toone neighbour and the sea to another, while he reserved heaven, wherepure doctrines are enthroned, to himself;" and again: "We don't seekto put anybody in the shade, but we demand our place in the sun;" andthe idea finds technical expression in the phrase on which Germanylays so much stress, the "maintenance of the open door. " Her policy inthe Far East, as in Europe, is thus on the whole a commercial one; sheseeks there as elsewhere new markets, not new territory. Accordinglyshe supports the principle of the _status quo_ in China, and thereforeraised no objection to the Anglo-Japanese Agreement of 1902 which, among other objects, secured it. 

In January, 1901, the Emperor was called to England by the sudden, and, as it was to prove, fatal illness of his grandmother, QueenVictoria. His journey to Osborne, where he arrived just in time to berecognized by the dying Queen, and his abandonment of the idea, impressive and almost sacred to a Prussian King and the Prussianpeople, of being present on his birthday, January 27th, at thebicentenary celebration of the foundation of the Prussian Kingdom, made a deep and sympathetic impression on the people of England. Usually on State occasions the Emperor does not display a countenanceof good humour, or indeed of any sentiment save perhaps that of asense of dignity; but on the occasion in question, as he rode in theuniform of a British Field-Marshal beside Edward VII, his looks werethose of genuine sorrow. Public sympathy was not lessened when itbecame known that he had mentioned the pride he felt in beingprivileged to wear the uniform of two such soldiers of renown as theDuke of Wellington and Lord Roberts; and added that the privilegewould be highly estimated by the whole German army. It was achivalrous remark, the offspring of a chivalrous disposition. 

The Emperor had hardly returned to Germany when, on February 6th, theonly attack ever made on his person occurred in Bremen. He had been ata banquet in the town hall, and was being driven through theilluminated streets to the railway station to return to Berlin, when ahalf-witted locksmith's apprentice of nineteen, Dietrich Weiland byname, flung a piece of railway iron at him with such good aim that itstruck him on the face immediately under the right eye, inflicting adeep and nasty, but not dangerous wound. The Emperor proceeded withhis journey, the doctors attending to his injury in the train, and ina few weeks he was well again. Weiland was sent to a criminal lunaticasylum. The attempt had, apparently, nothing to do with Anarchism orNihilism or the Social Democracy. When the Emperor alluded to itafterwards in his speech to the Diet, he referred it to a generaldiminution of respect for authority. 

"Respect for authority, " he said to the Diet, "is wanting. In this regard all classes of the population are to blame. Particular interests are looked to, not the general well-being of the folk. Criticism of the measures of the Government and Throne takes the coarsest and most injurious forms--and hence the errors and demoralization of our youth. Parliament must help here, and a change must be made, beginning with the schools. "

It was natural enough that a few days after, addressing the AlexanderRegiment of Guards, who were taking up quarters in a new barracks nearthe palace in Berlin, he should tell them the barracks were like acitadel to the palace, and that, as a sort of imperial bodyguard, theregiment "must be ready, day and night as once before"--he wasreferring to the "March Days"--"to meet any attack by the citizens onthe Emperor. "

At Bonn in April the Emperor attended the matriculation(immatriculation, the Germans call it) of his eldest son, the CrownPrince, at the university. He was in civil dress, one of the rarepublic occasions during the reign when he has not been in uniform, butthis did not prevent him delivering a martial address to theBorussians. "I hope and expect from the younger generation, " he saidto the students, "that they will put me in a position to maintain our German Fatherland in its close and strong boundaries and in the congeries of German races--doing to no one favour and to no one harm. If, however, anyone should touch us too nearly, then I will call upon you and I expect you won't leave your Emperor sitting. "

A great shout of "Bravo!" went up when the Emperor ceased, and thestudents doubtless all thought what a fine thing it would be if hewould only lead them straightway against those cheeky Englanders. 

At the end of June, on board the Hamburg-American pleasure-steamer_Princess Victoria Luise_, the Emperor pronounced the famoussentence--"Our future lies on the water. " The year before he had saidsomething like it, and it is worth quoting as the Emperor's firstexplicit allusion to Weltpolitik. "Strongly, " he exclaimed, "dashes the beat of ocean at the doors of our people and compels it to preservation of its place in the world, in a word, to Weltpolitik. The ocean is indispensable for Germany's greatness. The ocean testifies that on it and far beyond it no important decision will be taken without Germany and the German Emperor. "

His words on the present occasion were:

 "My entire task for the future will be to see that the undertakings of which the foundations have been laid may develop quietly and surely. We have, though as yet without the fleet as it should be, achieved our place in the sun. It will now be my task to hold this place unquestioned, so that its rays may act favourably on trade and industry and agriculture at home inside, and on our sail-sports on the coast--for our future lies on the water. The more Germans go on the sea--whether travelling or in the service of the State--the better. When the German has once learned to look abroad and afar he will lose that 'hang' towards the petty, the trivial, which now so often seizes him in daily life. "

And he closed: "We must now go out in search of new spots where we candrive in nails on which to hang our armour. "

Early in August the Emperor was called to the death-bed of his mother, the Empress Frederick, at her castle in Cronberg. She died on theafternoon of her son's arrival, on August 5th. The Emperor orderedmourning throughout the Empire for six weeks, and forbade all "publicmusic, entertainments, theatrical or otherwise" until after thefuneral. The Empress was buried in the mausoleum attached to theFriedenskirche in Potsdam on the 13th of the month. 

The delivery of a famous speech on art by the Emperor in Decemberbrings the chronicle of 1901 to a close, but perhaps it will notdisplease the reader if a new chapter is opened for the purpose ofquoting it and of considering the Emperor in what is a traditionalHohenzollern relationship. 

X. 

THE EMPEROR AND THE ARTS

Art is a favourite subject of conversation on the Continent, where itis more popularly discussed than in England and where authorities ofall kinds are more alive to its educative capabilities. It iseminently "safe" ground, does not savour of gossip, and no one needleave the field of discussion with the feeling that he has been drivenfrom it. Hence it is the salvation of diplomatists who areapprehensive of committing their Governments or themselves when mixingin general society, and it doubtless does good service for the Emperoralso upon occasion. Indeed it is a topic on which he speaks willinglyand well. 

Unfortunately for precision of thought and speech, though useful forthe man in the street, the word "art" has been pressed into theservice of metaphor more than almost any other word in language. Weare told in turn that everything is an art--hair-dressing, salad-dressing (a different kind), lying, flying, dying. The Germansare trying to make an art of life. Whistler wrote about the "GentleArt of Making Enemies. " One hears of "artful hussies" and "artfuldodgers. " People are described as "artful" in the small diplomacies ofintercourse. Jugglers, acrobats, sword-swallowers, "supers" at thetheatre, the men who play the elephant in the pantomime would all bemortified if they were not addressed as "artists, " In short, everything may be called an art. 

But what, truly, is art? The question is as hard to answersatisfactorily as the questions what is truth or what is beauty? Thenotion "art" usually occurs to the mind as contrasted with the notion"nature"; the word is derived from the Sanskrit root _ar_, to plough, to make, to do; and accordingly art may be taken to be something madeby man, as contrasted with something made, or grown, or given by God. How art came into existence it is of course impossible to do more thanconjecture. The necessities of primitive man may have stimulated hisinventive powers into originating and developing the useful arts forhis physical comfort and convenience; and his desire for recreationafter labour, or the mere ennui of idleness, may have urged the samepowers into originating and developing the fine and plastic arts forthe entertainment of his mind. Or, lastly, if no better reason can befound, and though Sir Joshua Reynolds laid it down that all models ofperfection in art must be sought for on the earth, it may be thatseeing and feeling instinctively the glory and beauty of the Creation, mankind began gradually, as its intelligence improved, to burn with alonging to imitate, reproduce, and represent them. 

However art arose, it seems true to say, as a German writer has wellsaid, that when a work of art, whether a poem or a picture or astatue, causes in us the thought that so, and in no other way, wouldwe ourselves have expressed the idea, had we the talent, then we mayconclude that true art is speaking to us, whatever the idea to beexpressed may be. Everything demands thought, but our thoughts are anunruly folk, which never keep long on the same straight road, and loveto wander off to left and right, here finding something new and therethrowing away something old. The artist, when he conceives a plan, hasto fight with the host of his thoughts and find a way through them. They often threaten to divert him from it, but on the other hand theyoften lead him to his goal by novel paths along which he finds muchthat is new and valuable. 

This is a doctrine that, sensible though it is, would hardly besubscribed to by the Emperor, to whom no new movement in art stronglyappeals, and who thinks that such movements, unless founded on the oldclassical school, the Greek and Roman school of beauty, ought, in thepublic interest, to be discouraged. However, let him speak forhimself. He set forth his art creed in a speech which he delivered onDecember 18, 1901, to the sculptors who had executed the Hohenzollernstatues in the famous Siegesallée at Berlin, and which ransubstantially as follows:--

 "I gladly seize the occasion, first of all, to express my congratulations and then my thanks for the manner in which you have assisted me to carry out my original plan. The preparation of the plan for the Siegesallée has occupied many years, and the learned historiographer of my House, Professor Dr. Poser, is the man who put me in a position to set the artists clear and intelligible tasks. Once the historic basis was found the work could be proceeded with, and when the personalities of the princes were established it was possible to ascertain those who had been their most important helpers. In this manner the groups originated and, to a certain extent, conditioned by their history, the forms of them came into existence. 

 "The next most difficult question was--Was it possible, as I hoped it was, to find in Berlin so many artists as would be able to work together harmoniously to realize the programme?

 "As I came to consider the question, I had in view to show the world that the most favourable condition for the successful achievement of the work was not the appointment of an art commission and the establishment of prize competitions, but that in accord with ancient custom, as in the classical period, and later during the Middle Ages, was the case, it lay in the direct intercourse of the employer with the artists. 

 "I am therefore especially obliged to Professor Reinhold Begas for having assured me, when I applied to him, that there was absolutely no doubt there could be found in Berlin a sufficiency of artists to carry out the idea; and with his help, and in consequence of the acquaintances I have made by visiting exhibitions and studios in Berlin, I succeeded in getting together a staff, the majority of whom I see around me, with whom to approach the task. 

 "I think you will not refuse me the testimony that, in respect of the programme I drew up I have made the treatment of it as easy as possible, that while I ordered and defined the work I gave you an absolute freedom not only in the combination and composition, but precisely the freedom to put into it that from himself which every artist must if he is to give the work the stamp of his own individuality, since every work of art contains in itself something of the individual character of the artist. I believe that this experiment, if I may so call it, as made in the Siegesallée, has succeeded. 

 "... I have never interfered with details, but have contented myself with simply giving the direction, the impulse. 

 "But to-day the thought that Berlin stands there before the whole world with a guild of artists able to carry out so magnificent a project fills me with satisfaction and pride. It shows that the Berlin school of art stands on a height which could hardly have been more splendid in the time of the Renaissance. 

 "Here, too, one can draw a parallel between the great artistic achievements of the Middle Ages and the Italians--that, namely, the head of the State, an art-loving prince, who offered their tasks to the artists also found the master round whom a school of artists could gather. 

 "How is it, generally speaking, with art in the world? It takes its models, supplies itself from the great sources of Mother Nature, who, spite of her apparently unfettered, limitless freedom, still moves according to eternal laws which the Creator ordained for himself and which cannot be passed or violated without danger to the development of the world. 

 "Even so it is in art; and at the sight of the beautiful remains of old classical times comes again over one the feeling that here too reigns an eternal law that is always true to itself, the law of beauty and harmony, of the aesthetic. This law is given expression to by the ancients in so surprising and overpowering a fashion, in so thoroughly complete a form that we, with all our modern sensibilities and with all our power, are still proud, when we have done any specially fine piece of work, to hear that it is almost as good as it was made nineteen hundred years ago. 

 "But only almost! Under this impression I would earnestly ask you to lay it to heart that sculpture still remains untainted by so-called modern tendencies and currents--still stands high and chastely there! Keep her so, don't let yourselves be misled by human criticism or any wind of doctrine to abandon the principles on which she has been built up. 

 "An art which transgresses the laws and limits I have indicated is art no more. It is factory work, handicraft, and that is a thing art should never be. Under the often misused word 'freedom' and her flag one falls too readily into boundlessness, unrestraint, self-exaggeration. For whoever cuts loose from the law of beauty, and the feeling for the æsthetic and harmonious, which every human breast feels, whether he can express it or not, and in his thought makes his chief object some special direction, some specific solution of more technical tasks, that man denies art's first sources. 

 "Yet again. Art should help to exercise an educative influence on the people. She should offer the lower classes, after the hard work of the day, the possibility of refreshing themselves by regarding what is ideal. To us Germans great ideals have become permanent possessions, whereas to other peoples they have been more or less lost. Only the German people remain called to preserve these great ideas, to cultivate and continue them. And among these ideals is this, that we afford the possibility to the working classes to elevate themselves by beauty, and by beauty to enable them to abstract themselves and rise above the thoughts they otherwise would have. 

 "When Art, as now often occurs, does nothing more than represent misery as still more unlovely than it is already, by so doing she sins against the German people. The cultivation of the ideal is at the same time the greatest work of culture, and if we wish to be and remain an example in this to other nations the whole people must work together to that end; if Culture is to fulfil her task she must penetrate to the lowest classes of society. That she can only do when art comes into play, when she raises up, instead of descending into the gutter. 

 "As ruler of the country I often find it extremely bitter that art, through its masters, does not with sufficient energy oppose such tendencies. I do not for a moment fail to perceive that many an aspiring character is to be found among the partisans of these tendencies, who are perhaps filled with the best intentions but who are on the wrong path. The true artist needs no advertisement, no press, no patronage. I do not believe that your great protagonists in the domain of science, either in ancient Greece or in Italy or in the Renaissance period ever had recourse to a _réclame_ such as nowadays is often made in the press in order to bring their ideas into prominence, but worked as God inspired them and let others do the talking. 

 "And so must an honest, proper artist act. The art which descends to _réclame_ is no art be it lauded a hundred or a thousand-fold. A feeling for what is beautiful or ugly has every one, be he ever so simple, and to educate this feeling in the people I require all of you. That in the Siegesallée you have done a piece of such work, I have specially to thank you. 

 "This I can even now tell you--the impression which the Siegesallée has made on the foreigner is quite an overpowering one; everywhere respect for German sculpture is making itself perceivable. May you always remain on these heights, may such masters stand by my sons and sons' sons, should they ever come into existence! Then, I am convinced, will our people be in a position to love the beautiful and honour lofty ideals. "

At the Berlin Art Museum next year, after praising the devotion of hisparents to art, and especially of his mother, "a nature, " he said, "about which poesy breathed, " he continued:--

 "The son of both stands before you as their heir and executor: and so I regard it as my task, according to the intention of my parents, to hold my hand over my German people and its growing generation, to foster the love of beauty in them, and to develop art in them; but only along the lines and within the bounds drawn strictly by the feelings in mankind for beauty and harmony. "

The Emperor's speech to the sculptors, if it contains somequestionable statements, is a thoughtful address by one who is himselfan artist, though not perhaps an artist of a high class. His artisticendowments, transmitted from his parents, have been already indicated. In reference to them he said to the official conducting him over theMarienburg in later years, when the official expressed surprise at theEmperor's art-knowledge:--

 "There is nothing wonderful in it. I was brought up in an artistic atmosphere. My mother was an artist, and from my earliest youth I have been surrounded by beautiful things. Art is my friend and my recreation. "

The highest praise of a work of art is to say of it that it pleased, or would have pleased; his mother. Of her he said, "Every thought shehad was art, and to her everything, however simple, which was meantfor the use of life, was penetrated with beauty. " When giving hissanction to a plan, a park, a statue or a building he alwaysthinks--"Would it have pleased my parents--what would they have saidabout it?" The Kaiser Friedrich Museum and the Kaiser FriedrichMemorial Church, both in Berlin, testify to the Emperor's gratitude tohis parents for their artistic legacy. 

He went, as we have seen, through the ordinary art drudgery of theschool, recognizing, no doubt, with Michael Angelo, with all goodartists, that correct drawing is the foundation of every art intowhich drawing enters and applying himself industriously to it. As ayoung soldier at Potsdam he spent a good deal of his time, during thethree years from 1880 to 1883, practising oil-painting under theguidance of Herr Karl Salzmann, a distinguished Berlin painter. Amongthe results of this instruction was a picture which the princelyartist called "The Corvette--Prince Adalbert in the Bay of Samitsu, "now hanging in the residence of his brother, Prince Henry, at Kiel;and two years later, as his interest in the navy grew, a "Fightbetween an Armoured Ship and a Torpedo-boat. " Innumerable aquarellesand sketches, chiefly of marine subjects, were also the fruit of thisperiod. 

The Emperor has constantly cultivated free and friendly intercoursewith the best artists of his own and other nations, and beencontinually engaged devoting time and money to the art education ofhis people. The admirable art exhibitions in Berlin of the bestexamples of painting by English, French, and American artists, whichhe personally promoted and was greatly interested in, may be recalledas instances. If his efforts in encouraging art among his people havenot been so successful as his imperial activities in other directions, the reason is not any fault on his part, but simply that art refusesto be, in Shakespeare's phrase, "tongue-tied by authority. "

This was shown by the chorus of unfavourable criticism which thespeech to the sculptors drew forth. No one questioned the sincerity ofthe Emperor or the magnanimity of his aims, nor was the criticismwholly caused by the suspicion that it savoured of the "personalregiment" under which the people were growing impatient; but manythought he was pushing the dynastic principle too far and undulyinterfering with liberty of thought and judgment, and that there wassomething Oriental as well as selfish in occupying with a gallery ofhis ancestors, the majority of whom were, after all, very ordinarypeople, one of the fairest spots in the capital. Perhaps, however, what was most objected to was his trying to drive the art of thenation into a groove, the direction given by himself: in trying toinspire it with a particular spirit and that an ancient not a modernspirit, when he ought to let the spirit come of its own accord out ofthe mind of the people--the mind of many millions, not the mind of oneman, however high his rank. Politics and government might be things inwhich he had a right to an authoritative voice, but art, likereligion, the people considered to be a matter for individual tasteand judgment. 

Yet something may be advanced in favour of the Emperor. Hisrecommendation, for in fact it was and could be only that, was quitein keeping with the traditions of his office and the people's own viewof royal government. The speech, as was admitted, was suggested by nomere dilettante's vanity, but, as is evident from his words at the ArtMuseum, by the conviction that just as it is the imperial duty toprovide an efficient army and navy, so it is the imperial duty to useevery personal and private, as well as every public and official, effort to provide the people with an art as efficient, as honest, andas clean; and it was inevitable that the art the Emperor recommendedwas that which he believed, and still believes, to be in conformitywith the ideals, as he interprets them, or would have them to be, ofthe Germanic race. 

The speech itself is interesting as showing the Emperor's attitudetowards art and artists and his personal conception of art and itsnature. His attitude is evidently that of the art-loving prince ofwhom he speaks in the address, a royal Maecenas or di Medici, whogathers artists round him; but he means to use them, not so muchperhaps for art's sake, as for the instruction and elevation of hisfolk. A very laudable aim; only, as it happens, the folk in thismatter desire themselves to decide what is improving and elevating forthem and what is not. They are not willing to leave the exclusivechoice to the Emperor. 

The Emperor, again, would give the artist the freedom to put into hiswork "that from himself which any artist must, if he is to give thework the stamp of his own individuality. " This attitude, too, isadmirable, but on the other hand lies the danger, such is poor humannature, that the individuality will be that which the Emperor wishesit to be, not the artist's independent individuality To the foreigneye all the Hohenzollern statues in the Siegesallee, with theexception possibly of two or three, seem to have much the sameindividuality, though that again may be due to the nature of thesubject and the foreigner's inherent and ineradicable predispositions. 

Thirdly, art, the Emperor says, can only be educative when it elevatesinstead of descending into the gutter. Hogarth descended into thegutter. Gustav Doré depicts the horrors of hell. Yet both Hogarth andDoré were great artists, and educative too. The Emperor was herethinking of the Berlin Secession, a school just then starting, eccentric indeed and far from "classical, " but which nevertheless hassince produced several fine artists. The Emperor, it would appear, thinks that the antique classical school is the true and only goodschool for the artist. Very likely most artists will agree with him--at least as a foundation; but the belief, it also appears, is notconsidered in Germany, or outside of it, to justify the Emperor, asEmperor, in discouraging all other schools and particularly theefforts of modern artists in their non-classical imaginings. 

The Emperor says art "takes its models, supplies itself from the greatsources of Mother Nature. " With all courtesy to the Emperor one maysuggest that art, and sane art, takes its models not only from MotherNature, but also from an almost as prolific a maternal source, namelyimagination; and that imagination is limited by no eternal laws weknow of, or can even suspect. Accordingly it is useless to check, ortry to check, the imagination by telling it to work in a certaindirection--so long, naturally, as the imagination is not obviouslyindecent or insane. 

Again, the Emperor says that in classical art there reigns an eternallaw, the "law of beauty and harmony, of the aesthetic" which isexpressed in a "thoroughly complete form" by the ancients. It isadmittedly a delightful and admirable form, but is it thoroughlycomplete? Is it the last and only form; and may not the very same lawbe found by experiment to be at work in future art that cannot becalled classical, as it was found to be at work in the various nobleschools since classical times? One must agree with the Emperor thatthe Greeks and Romans illustrated the "law of beauty and harmony, ofthe esthetic, in a wonderful manner. " But it was wonderfully done fortheir age and intellect. They did not exhaust the beautiful andharmonious: far from it. 

Neither the world nor mankind has been standing still ever since;certainly the mind of man has not, even though his senses haveundergone no elemental change. Paganism was succeeded by Christianity, and with Christianity came a new art canon, new forms of beauty andharmony--the Early Italian. The age of reason followed, bringing withit the Baroque and Rococo canons: and as time went on, and the world'smind kept working, came other canons still. The most recent canonappears to be that of naturalism (the Emperor's "gutter ") with whichartists are now experimentalizing. None of the canons, be it noticed, destroyed the canon that preceded, because beauty and harmony areindestructible and imperishable. "A thing of beauty is a joy forever. "

But not only the mind of man kept changing: the world itself and itscivilization--by war, by treaty, by science, by invention, by artitself--kept changing, and is changing now. Development, physical aswell as social, has been constant, and the changes accompanying ithave inspired, and are inspiring, artists with new ideas to which theyare always trying to give expression. The subjects of art haveenormously multiplied. Those introduced by sport of all kinds, by thedevelopment of the theatre, by the newly-found effects of light andcolour, need only be mentioned as examples capable of suggestingbeauties and harmonies unknown to and unsuspected by the ancients. Hence, in addition to the classical art of the day, there is room forthe "new art, " the secessionist, the futurist, the impressionist, eventhe cubist, or whatever the experimental movement may call itself. Andany day any of these movements may lead to the establishment of a newand admirable school of genuine art as beautiful as the classical, ifin a different manner. The world has no idea of the surprises in alldirections yet in store for it. 

The Emperor, too, is at one with all the world in assuming that art, to deserve the name, must possess the quality of beauty. He speaks of"beauty and harmony, " but let it be taken that he understands beautyto include harmony. Now, as has been suggested, to answer thequestion, what is beauty, satisfactorily, is no easy matter. Inimmediate proximity to it lies the question, what is ugliness? Itmight be argued that nothing in nature is ugly, and that the word wasintroduced to express what is merely an inability on the part ofmankind to perceive the beauty which constitutes nature; and itcertainly is possible that, were man endowed with the mind of God, instead of with only some infinitesimal and mysterious emanation ofit, he would find all things in creation, all art included, beautiful. The author of the Book of Genesis asserts that when God had finishedmaking the world He looked upon His handiwork and saw that it wasgood. There is one advantage in adopting this view, and no small one, that a belief in its truth must impel us to look for beauty andgoodness in all things, whether in art or nature--and even in theSecession. Perhaps, however, we shall not be far from the truth insaying, as regards art, that all things in creation are beautiful, that there are degrees in beauty of which ugliness is the lowest, andthat the truly inspired artist can make all things, ugliness included, beautiful. 

The Emperor thinks the appreciation of beauty is one of our innateideas, like the ability to distinguish between right and wrong, whichwe call conscience. There is no agreement among thinkers on the point, and it may be that both beauty and conscience are relative, and simplythe result of environment and education. Certainly there is nostandard of beauty, and more certainly still, not of feminine beauty. The Mahommedan admires a woman who has the nose of the parrot, theteeth of the pomegranate seed, and the tread of the elephant. 

But though there is no complete standard of beauty about which allpeople, at all times, in all countries, are agreed, there are twoelements of beauty which may be said to have been standardized, atleast for the civilized world, by the early Greeks and Romans. Theseelements are simplicity and harmony, simplicity being the forms ofthings most directly and pleasingly appealing to the eye and mosteasily reaching the common understanding, while harmony is thecombination of parts most nearly identical with the lines, contours, and proportions of nature. These are two essentials of good sculpture, and the Emperor was talking to sculptors and perhaps thinking only ofsculpture. 

Yet simplicity and harmony alone do not constitute beauty, while onthe other hand beauty may take very complicated forms. A third elementone may suggest is essential, and its indescribable nature causes allthe difficulty there is in defining beauty. This third elementis--charm. A work of art, to be beautiful, must charm, and todifferent people different things are charming. Plato's theory is thatthe sense of beauty is a dim recollection of a standard we have seenin a heavenly pre-existence. Accepting it as as good an explanation ofcharm as we can get, we may conclude by defining beauty as, in itshighest form, a combination of simplicity and harmony, resulting incharm. 

The Emperor says: "To us Germans great ideals have become permanentpossessions, whereas to other peoples they have been more or lesslost. " The remark is not one of those best calculated to promotefriendly feelings on the part of other peoples towards Germany or itsEmperor. It is like his declaration that Germans are the "salt of theearth, " and of a piece with the aggressive attitude of intellectualsuperiority adopted by many Germans towards other nations--one reason, by the way, for German unpopularity in the world. But is it true?Germany has great ideals in permanent possession, but are they more orless lost to other peoples? It is at least doubtful. Great ideals arethe permanent possession of every great people; it is these idealsthat have made them great; and they are no less great if they differaccording to the nature and conditions of each great people. One mightgo further, indeed, and say that great ideals are the common propertyand permanent possession of all great peoples. It is a hard sayingthat any one people has a monopoly of them. The contribution of everygreat nation to the common stock of great ideals is incalculable, andit would be interesting to investigate which nation is mostsuccessfully working out its great ideals in practice. 

The truth is the German ideal of beauty in art is not, generallyspeaking, the same as that of the Anglo-Saxon or Latin foreigner. Theart ideals of the Anglo-Saxon and Latin races in this respect are forthe most part Greek, while those of the German race are for the mostpart Roman; and in each case the ideals are the outcome of the spiritwhich has had most influence on the mind and manners of the differentraces. The Greek philosophic and aesthetic spirit has chieflyinfluenced Anglo-Saxon and Latin art ideals: the Roman spirit, particularly the military spirit and the spirit of law, have chieflyinfluenced German ideals: and, as a result, arrived at through agesduring which events of epoch-making importance caused many successivemodifications, while the Anglo-Saxon and Latin races are mostimpressed by such qualities as lightness and delicacy of outline, round and softly-flowing curves and elegance of ornamentation, theGerman appears, to the Anglo-Saxon and Latin, to be more impressed bythe elaborate, the gigantic, the Gothic, the grotesque, the hard, themade, the massive, and the square. In both styles are to be found"beauty and harmony, the aesthetic, " to quote the Emperor, but theyappeal differently to people of different national temperaments. Tothe Anglo-Saxon and Latin in general, therefore, German art, andparticularly German sculpture and architecture, while impressive andadmirable, lack for most foreigners the entirely indescribable qualitywe have called "charm. "

The true artist, the Emperor says, needs no advertisement, no press, no patronage. The Emperor is right. The true artist, once he begins toproduce first-rate work, will obtain instant recognition, and his workwill begin to sell, not perhaps at prices the same kind of work maybring later, but at prices sufficient to support the artist and hisfamily in reasonable comfort. If it does not, he is not producing goodwork and had better turn his attention to something else. As a matterof fact very few true artists do advertise, use the press, or seekpatronage. The artist does not go to the press or the patron, fornowadays, the moment the artist does excellent work, the press and thepatron go to him, and, when he is very exceptionally good, he isadvertised and patronized until he is sick of both advertisement andpatronage. 

Naturally it is different in the case of the artist who is notexcellently good, but the Emperor was not considering such. Theseartists too, however, insist on living and must find a market fortheir wares. It is an age of advertisement, the growth of new economicconditions, for advertisement creates as well as reveals new markets. Hence the vast host of mediocrities, not only in art but in almostevery field of human activity, nowadays advertise and seek patronagebecause only in this way can they find purchasers and live. Theseartists, often men of talent, dislike having to advertise; they wouldrather work for art's sake, but having to do so need not hinder themfrom working for art's sake, since all that is meant by that muchmisused phrase is that while the artist is working he shall not thinkof the reward of his work, but simply and solely of how to do the bestwork he can. 

Before leaving the Emperor's speech one is tempted to inquire whatshould be the attitude of a sovereign towards art and artists. For theEnglishman the doctrine of Individualism--the thing he is so apt tomake a fetish of--gives an answer, and, it may be, the right one. TheEnglishman will probably say that if in any one province of life morethan in another freedom should be allowed to originality of conceptionregarding the form as well as the substance, the manner as well as thematter, it is in the province of art, always provided, of course, thatthe artist is sane and not guilty of indecency. The artist, like thepoet, is born not made; you cannot make an artist, you can only makean artisan. The artist, who represents the Creator, the creativefaculty, can influence man: man cannot, and should not try to, influence the artist, but can, and should only, offer him thematerials for his art, smooth the way for his endeavour, encourage himin it by sympathetic yet candid criticism, and above all, when he canafford it, by buying the result of his endeavour when it issuccessful. 

This should be the attitude of both monarch and Maecenas: it is anattitude of benevolent neutrality. "I know, " such a Maecenas might sayto the artist, "that your artistic faculties move in an atmosphere above as well as on the earth, as I know that above the atmosphere of oxygen and hydrogen which envelops the earth there is an ethereal, a rarefied atmosphere, which stretches to worlds of which all we know is that they exist. If your spirit can soar above this earthly atmosphere, well and good. I, for one, shall do nothing to limit or hinder it: I shall only welcome and applaud and reward whatever effort you make to bring our inner being a step, long or short, nearer to the source of celestial light. Consequently, I offer you no instructions and put no fetters on your imagination. "

It takes all sorts of art to make an artistic world, as it takes allsorts of people to make the human world: a world with only classic artin it would be as uninteresting and unthinkable as a world in whichevery one was of the same character, occupation, and dress. 

But it is time to consider the Emperor a little more in detail inrelation to his connexion with the arts. If he were not a first-ratemonarch he would probably be a first-rate artist. He said once that ifhe were to be an artist, he would be a sculptor. But if he is not aprofessional artist he is a connoisseur, a dilettante in the rightsense, a lover of the arts, an art-loving prince. The painter Salzmanntells us how he used to go to the Villa Liegnitz in Potsdam to givePrince William lessons, and how the Empress, then Princess William, used to sit with the pupil and his teacher, discussing technical andart questions. A result of the teaching, in addition to the picturesmentioned elsewhere, was an oil-painting, a sea-fight, which stillhangs in the Ravene Gallery in Berlin. 

In the spring of 1886 the Prince sent his teacher a sketch forcriticism. Salzmann wired his opinion to Potsdam, and a telegram cameback, "What does 'wind too anxious' mean? is it so stormily paintedthat you shuddered at it, or is it not stormy enough?" Salzmann isalso authority for the statement that the Prince sent in a sea-pieceto the annual Berlin Art Exhibition. It was placed ready to be judged, but suddenly disappeared. The Emperor William, it appeared, haddecided that it would not do for a future Emperor to compete withprofessional artists or run the risk of sarcastic public criticism. Naturally since he came to the throne the Emperor has never had timeto cultivate his talent as a painter, but has always fed his eyes andmind on the best kind of painting, and brings his sense of form andcolour to bear on everything he does or has a voice in. 

That the Emperor's own taste in painting is of a "classical" kind in avery catholic sense was shown by the personal interest he took ingetting together and having brought to Berlin the exhibition of oldEnglish masters in 1908. At his request the English owners of many ofthese treasures agreed to lend them for exhibition in Germany, submitting thereby to the risk of loss or damage, displaying anunselfish disposition to aid in elevating the taste of a foreignpeople, and at the same time giving Germans a better and more tangibleidea of the nation which could produce artists of such nobility offeeling and marvellous technical capacity. The Emperor paid severalvisits to the exhibition and thousands of Berlin folk followed hisexample, so that the beauty of the works of Gainsborough, Raeburn, Lawrence, Hoppner, and Romney was for months a topic of enthusiasticconversation in the capital. 

Encouraged by this success, the Emperor next caused a similarexhibition of French painters to be arranged. The Rococo period wasnow chosen, many lovely specimens of the art of Watteau, Lancret, David, Vigee, Lebrun, Fragonnard, Greuze, and Bonnat were procured, and again the Berliner was given an opportunity not only of enjoyingan artistic treat of a delightful kind, but of comparing theimpressions made on him by the art spirits of two other nations. Theopening of this French exhibition was made by the Emperor the occasionof emphasizing his conciliatory feelings towards France, for heattended an evening entertainment at the French Embassy givenspecially in honour of the occasion. 

A third art exhibition followed in 1910--that of two hundred Americanoil paintings brought to Berlin and shown in the Royal Academy of Artson the Panser Platz. They included works by Sargent, Whistler, GariMelchior, Leon Dabo, Joseph Pennell, and many others. The suggestionfor this exhibition did not proceed from the Emperor, but in allpossible ways he gave the exhibition his personal support. Onreturning from inspecting it he telegraphed to the American Ambassadorin Berlin, Dr. D. J. Hill, to express the pleasure he had derived fromwhat he had seen. Nor was such a mark of admiration surprising. Theexhibition was nothing short of a revelation, going far to dissipatethe German belief--perhaps the English belief also--that Americapossesses no body of painters of the first rank. 

Again we have recourse to the marine painter, Herr Salzmann. Wired forby the Emperor, the painter got to the palace at 10. 15 PM. When hearrived the Emperor cried out, "So, at last! Where have you beenhiding yourself? I have had Berlin searched for you. " The Emperor andEmpress and suite had just returned from the theatre and were standingabout the room. It turned out that the Emperor wanted the painter tohelp him sketch a battleship of a certain design he had in mind, tosee how it would look on the water. In the middle of the room anadjutant stood and read out a speech made by a Radical deputy in theReichstag that day, and the Emperor made occasional remarks about it, though at the same time he was engaged with the ship. The painter doesnot forget to add that he "was provided with a good glass of beer. "

The Emperor is reported to be a capital "sitter. " He had the Frenchpainter Borchart staying with him at Potsdam to paint his portrait. Borchart describes him as an ideal model, so still and patiently didhe sit, and this at times for more than two hours. He talked freelyduring the sittings. "I don't want to be regarded as a devourer ofFrenchmen, " was a remark made on one of these occasions; on another hepraised President Loubet; and on a third he had a good word even forthe Socialist Jaures. When Borchart had finished and naively expressedsatisfaction with his own work the Emperor said, "Na, na, friendBorchart, not so proud; it is for us to criticize. "

As the Emperor is a lover of the "classical" in painting andsculpture, it is not strange to find him an admirer of the classicalin music and recommending it to his people as the best form of musicaleducation. He holds that there is much in common between it and thefolk-songs of Germany. At Court he revived classical dances like theminuet and the gavotte. He is devoted to opera and never leaves beforethe end of the performance. Concerts frequently take place in theroyal palaces at Potsdam and Berlin, items on the programme for thembeing often suggested by the Emperor. The programme is then submittedto him and is rarely returned without alteration. Not seldom theconcert is preceded by a rehearsal, which the Emperor attends andwhich itself has been carefully rehearsed beforehand, as the Emperorexpects everything to run smoothly. At these rehearsals he will oftencause an item to be repeated. Bach and Handel are his primefavourites. He is no admirer of Strauss. Wagner he often listens towith pleasure, and especially the "Meistersinger, " which is his petopera. Of Italian operas Verdi's "Aida" and Meyerbeer's "Huguenots"are those he is most disposed to hear. 

He has been laughed at for once attempting musical composition. The"Song to Aegir, " which he composed in 1894 at the age of thirty-five(when he should have known better), was, he told the bandmaster of aHannoverian regiment, suggested to him by the singing of a Hannoverianglee society. It is a song twenty-four lines long, with the inevitablereferences to the foe, and the sword and shield, and whales andmermaids, and the God of the waves, who is called on to quell thestorm. The lady-in-waiting who wrote the "Private Lives of the Emperorand His Consort" tells with much detail how the song was reallywritten, not by the Emperor, but almost wholly by a musical adjutant. It does not greatly matter, but it is likely that the Emperor isresponsible for the text if he did not compose the music. 

One of the best and most interesting descriptions of his kindly andcharacteristic way of treating artists is that given by the lateNorwegian composer, Eduard Grieg. 

"The other day, " writes the composer, I had a chance to meet your Kaiser. He had already expressed a desire last year to meet me, but I was ill at that time. Now he has renewed his wish, and therefore I could not decline the invitation. I am, as you know, little of a courtier. But I said to myself, 'Remember Aalesund' (for which the Emperor had sent a large sum after a great fire), and my sense of duty conquered. Our first meeting was at breakfast at the German Consul's house. During the meal we spoke much about music. I like his ways, and--oddly enough--our opinions also agreed. Afterwards he came to me and I had the pleasure of talking with him alone for nearly an hour. We spoke about everything in heaven and earth--about poetry, painting, religion, Socialism, and the Lord knows what besides. 

 "He was fortunately a human being, and not an Emperor. I was therefore permitted to express my opinions openly, though in a discreet manner, of course. Then followed some music. He had brought along an orchestra (!), about forty men. He took two chairs, placed them in front of all the others, sat down on one, and said, 'If you please, first parquet'; and then the music began--Sigurd Jorsalfar, Peer Gynt, and many other things. 

 "While the music was being played he continually aided me in correcting the _tempi_ and the expression, although as a matter of course I had not wanted to do such a thing. He was very insistent, however, that I should make my intentions clear. Then he illustrated the impression made by the music by movements of his head and body. It was wonderful _(göttlich)_ to watch his serpentine movements _à la Orientalin_ while they played Anitra's dance, which quite electrified him. 

 "Afterwards I had to play for him on the piano, and my wife, who sat nearest him, told me that here too he illustrated the impression made on him, especially at the best places. 

 "I played the minuet from the pianoforte sonata which he found 'very Germanic' and powerfully built: and the 'Wedding Day at Troldhaugen, ' which piece he also liked. 

 "On the following day there was a repetition of these things on board the _Hohenzollern_, where we were all invited to dinner at eight o'clock. The orchestra played on deck in the most wondrously bright summer night while many hundreds--nay, I believe thousands--of rowboats and small steamers were grouped about us. The crowd applauded constantly and cheered enthusiastically whenever the Kaiser became visible. He treated me like a patient: he gave me his cloak and sent to fetch a rug, with which he covered me carefully. 

 "I must not forget to relate that he grew so enthusiastic over 'Sigurd Jorsalfar, ' the subject of which I explained to him as minutely as possible, that he said to von Hiilsen, the intendant of the royal theatres, who sat next to him: 'We must produce this work! (This was not done, however. )

 "I then invited von Hiilsen to come to Christiania to witness a performance of it, and he said he was very eager to so. All in all this meeting was an event and a surprise in the best sense. The Kaiser, certainly, is a very uncommon man, a strange mixture of great energy, great self-reliance, and great kindness of heart. Of children and animals he spoke often and with sympathy, which I regard as a significant thing. "

On the New Year's Day following the Emperor sent the composer atelegram reading: "To the northern bard to listen to whose strains hasalways been a joy to me I send my most sincere wishes for the new yearand new creative activity. " In 1906, Grieg, having once more been theEmperor's guest, writes to a friend:

 "He was greatly pleased with having become once more a grandfather. He called to me across the table (referring to 'Sigurd'), 'Is it agreeable if I call the child Sigurd?' It must be something _Urgermanisch_. "

The following anecdote may remind the reader of the amusing scene inOffenbach's "Grand Duchesse of Gerolstein, " where the Grand Duchess, talking to the guardsman whose athletic proportions she admires, addresses him with a rising scale of "corporal" ... "sergeant" ... "lieutenant" ... "captain" ... "colonel, " and so on, as she talks, only, however, later cruelly to re-descend the scale to the verybottom when her courtship is ineffectual. The Emperor is at an organrecital in the Kaiser William Memorial Church; the recital is over andthe Court party are about to go when he greets the organist, HerrFischer: "My cordial thanks for the great pleasure you have given us, Herr Professor. " "Pardon, your Majesty, " replies the organist, withcommendable presence of mind: "May I venture to thank your Majesty forthe great mark of favour?" "What mark of favour?" asks the Emperor, alittle puzzled. "The fact is your Majesty has more than once addressedme as 'professor, ' although--" "Why, that's good, " exclaims theEmperor, with a great laugh, "very good indeed;" and striking hisforehead in self-reproach with the palm of his hand: "so forgetful ofme! Then you are not professor, after all! Well, no matter; what isnot, may be--what I said, I said. Adieu, _Herr Professor_" and goesoff smiling. The very same evening--need it be added?--Herr Fischerhad his patent as Professor in his pocket. 

The Emperor is particularly fond of "my Americans" among his operaticartists. A good deal of jealousy has at times been shown by the Germanemployees of the opera towards the American artists entertained thereand a deputy has more than once protested in the Reichstag against thenumber employed; but the jealousy rarely results in harm, and on thewhole harmony--as it should--prevails. 

Every year brings hundreds of American girl students to Berlin, Munich, or Dresden to learn singing and perhaps carry off the greatprize of a "star" engagement at one or the other of the German royalopera houses. The experiences of some of these students are tragedieson a small scale, and in one or two instances have been known to endin death, destitution, or dishonour. The explanation is simple. Suchstudents, filled with the high hopes inspired by artistic ambition andthe artist's imagination, fail to ask themselves before going abroadif nature has endowed them with the qualities and powers requisite forone of the most laborious and, for a girl, exposed professions in theworld; and do not learn until it is too late that they lack theresolute character, the robust health, and the talent which, notsingly but all three combined, are essential to success. 

Such a girl often starts on her enterprise poorly supplied with meansto pay for her board, lodging, clothes, recreation, and instruction;she changes from the dearer sort of _pension_ to the cheaper, findingher company and surroundings at each remove more doubtful and moredangerous; she grows disappointed and disheartened, perhaps physicallyill; comes under bad influences, male or female; until finally thecurtain falls on a sufferer rescued at the last moment by relatives orfriends, or on a young life blasted. Such tragic cases, it should besaid, are far from common, but they occur, and the possibility oftheir occurrence ought to be taken into account at the outset by theintending music or art student. 

Happily there is another and brighter side to the picture, and theintending student with money and friends will enjoy and gain advantagefrom a few years of continental life, even though exceptional strengthand genuine talent be wanting. Perhaps this is the experience of thegreat majority of art students in Germany. Freedom from the restraintsand conventions of life at home compensates for the inconveniencesarising from narrow means. Novelty of scenery and surroundings has acharm that is constantly recurring. The kindness and helpfulness offellow-countrymen and countrywomen make the wheels of daily life rollsmoothly. The freemasonry of art, its optimism and hope, and thepleasure and interest of its practice, investigation, and discussionwing the hours and spur to effort. 

But to return to the Emperor. As a lad at Cassel he was fond ofplaying charades, and is reported to have had a knack of quicklysketching the scenario and _dramatis personæ_ of a play which he andhis young companions would then and there proceed to act. One of theseplays had Charlemagne for its subject, with a Saxon feudatory, whoselovely daughter, Brunhilde, scorns her father for his submission. Abanquet, ending in a massacre of Charlemagne's followers, is one ofthe scenes, and as Brunhilde is in love with Charlemagne's son shehelps him to escape from the massacre. The Play ends with the suicideof Brunhilde. As he grew up the Emperor's interest in the theatreincreased, and, as has been seen, when he succeeded to the throne heresolved to make use of it for educating and elevating the publicmind. As patriotism consists largely in knowing and properlyappreciating history he has always encouraged dramatists who couldportray historic scenes and events, particularly those with which theHohenzollerns were connected. Hence his support of Josef Lauff, Ernstvon Wildenbruch and Detlev von Liliencron. Not long ago he arranged aseries of performances at Kroll's Theatre intended for workmen only. The performances were chiefly of the stirring historicalkind--Schiller's "Wilhelm Tell, " Goethe's "Götz von Berlichingen, "Kleist's "Prince von Hornburg, " and others that require hugeprocessions and a crowded stage. The general public were not supposedto attend the performances, but tickets were sent to the factories andworkshops for sale at a low price. 

In 1898 the Emperor publicly stated his views about the theatre. "WhenI mounted the throne ten years ago, " he said, "I was, owing to my paternal education, the most fervent of idealists. Convinced that the first duty of the royal theatres was to maintain in the nation the cultivation of the idealism to which, God be thanked, our people are still faithful, and of which the sources are not yet nearly exhausted, I determined to myself to make my royal theatres an instrument comparable to the school or the university whose mission it is to form the rising generation and to inculcate in them respect for the highest moral traditions of our dear German land. For the theatre ought to contribute to the culture of the soul and of the character, and to the elevation of morals. Yes, the theatre is also one of my weapons.... It is the duty of a monarch to occupy himself with the theatre, because it may become in his hands an incalculable force. "

If the Emperor has any special gift it is an eye for theatrical effectin real life as well as on the stage. He had a good share of theactor's temperament in his younger years, and until recently showed itin the conduct of imperial and royal business of all kinds. He stillgives it play occasionally in the royal opera houses and theatres. TheEnglishman, whose ruler is a civilian, is not much impressed bypageantry and pomp, except as reminding him of superannuated, thoughstill revered, historical traditions and events that are landmarks ina great military and maritime past. He would not care to see his Kingalways, or even frequently, in uniform, as he would be apt to find inthe fact an undue preference for one class of citizens to another. Hisidea is that the monarch ought to treat all classes of his subjectswith equal kingly favour. In Germany it is otherwise. The monarchyrelies on military force for its dynastic security, as much, one mightperhaps say, as for the defence of the country or the keeping of thepublic peace, and consequently favours the military. Moreover, thepeoples that compose the Empire have been harassed throughout the longcourse of their history by wars; a large percentage of their youth areserving in the standing army or in the reserves, the Landwehr and theLandsturm; finally the Germans, though not, as it appears to theforeigner, an artistic people, save in regard to music, enjoy thespectacular and the theatrical. 

Accordingly we find the Emperor artistically arranging everything andsucceeding particularly well in anything of an historical andespecially of a military nature. The spring and autumn parades of theBerlin garrison on the Tempelhofer Field--an area large enough, it issaid, to hold the massed armies of Europe--with their gatherings offrom 30, 000 to 60, 000 troops of all arms, serve at once to excite theBerliner's martial enthusiasm, while at the same time it obscurelyreminds him that if he treats the dynasty disrespectfully he will havea formidable repressive force to reckon with. Hence at manoeuvres theEmperor is accompanied by an enormous suite; whenever he motors downUnter den Linden it is at a quick pace, which impresses the crowdwhile it lessens the chances of the bomb-thrower or the assassin. Thescene of the reception of Prince Chun at the New Palace was a greatsuccess as an artistic performance, and the pageants at therestoration of the Hohkönigsburg and at the Saalburg festival were ofthe same artistic order. 

The Emperor's theatrical interest and attention when in Berlin areconcentrated on the Berlin Royal Opera and the Berlin Royal Theatre(Schauspielhaus), and when in Wiesbaden on the Royal Festspielhaus atthat resort. When in his capital he goes very rarely to any otherplace of theatrical entertainment. His interest in the royal opera andtheatre both in Berlin and Wiesbaden is personal and untiring, and hehas done almost as much or more for the adequate representation ofgrand opera in his capital as the now aged Duke of Saxe-Meiningen did, through his famous Meiningen players, for the proper presentation ofdrama in Germany generally. The revivals of "Aida" and "Les Huguenots"under the Emperor's own supervision are accepted as faultless examplesof historical accuracy in every detail and of good taste and harmonyin setting. 

In a well-informed article in the _Contemporary Review_ Mr. G. Valentine Williams writes:

 "Once the rehearsals of a play in which the Emperor is interested are under way he loses no time in going to the theatre to see whether the instructions he has appended to the stage directions in the MS. Are being properly carried out. Some morning, when the vast stage of the opera is humming with activity, the well-known primrose-coloured automobile will drive up to the entrance and the Emperor, accompanied only by a single adjutant, will emerge. In three minutes William II will be seated at a big, business-like table placed in the stalls, before him a pile of paper and an array of pencils. When he is in the house there is no doubt whatever in anyone's mind as to who is conducting the rehearsal. His intendant stands at his side in the darkened auditorium and conveys his Majesty's instructions to the stage, for the Emperor never interrupts the actors himself. He makes a sign to the intendant, scribbles a note on a sheet of paper, while the intendant, who is a pattern of unruffled serenity, just raises his hand and the performance abruptly ceases. There is a confabulation, the Emperor, with the wealth of gesture for which he is known, explaining his views as to the positions of the principals, the dresses, the uniforms, using anything, pencil, penholder, or even his sword to illustrate his meaning. Again and again up to a dozen times the actors will be put through their paces until the imperial Regisseur is entirely satisfied that the right dramatic effect has been obtained. 

 "All who have witnessed the imperial stage-manager at work agree that he has a remarkable _flair_ for the dramatic. Very often one of his suggestions about the entrances or exits, a piece of 'business' or a pose, will be found on trial to enhance the effect of the scene. A story is told of the Emperor's insistence on accuracy and the minute attention he pays to detail at rehearsal. After his visit to Ofen-Pest some years ago for the Jubilee celebration, which had included a number of Hungarian national dances, the Emperor stopped a rehearsal of the ballet at the Berlin opera while a Czardas was in progress and pointed out to the balletteuses certain minor details which were not correct. 

 "In his attitude to the Court actors and actresses he displays the charm of manner which bewitches all with whom he comes in contact. He calls them 'meine Schauspieler, ' which makes one think of 'His Majesty's Servants' of Shakespeare's Globe Theatre. This practice sometimes has amusing results. Once when the Theatre Royal comedian, Dr. Max Pohl, was suddenly taken ill the Emperor said to an acquaintance, 'Fancy, my Pohl had a seizure yesterday;' and the acquaintance, thinking he was referring to a pet dog replied, commiseratingly: 'Ah, poor brute!' After rehearsal the Emperor often goes on to the stage and talks with the actors about their parts. 

 "A Hohenzollern must not be shown on the stage without the express permission of the Emperor, and in general, if politics are mixed up in an objectionable way with the action of the drama, the play will be forbidden. Above all the Emperor will not tolerate indecency, nor the mere suggestion of it, in the plays given at the royal theatres. An anecdote about Herr Josef Lauff's Court drama 'Frederick of the Iron Tooth, ' dealing with an ancestor, an Elector of Brandenburg, and on which Leoncavallo, at the Emperor's request, wrote the opera 'Der Roland von Berlin, ' shows the Emperor's strictness in this respect. Frederick of the Iron Tooth is a burgher of Berlin who leads a revolt against the Elector. In order to heighten Frederick's hate, Lauff wove in a love theme into the drama. The wife of Ryke, burgomaster of Berlin, figured as Frederick's mistress and egged on her lover against the Elector, because the latter had hanged her brothers, the Quitzows, notorious outlaws of the Mark Brandenburg. The Emperor cut out the whole episode when the play was submitted to him in manuscript. The marginal note in his big, bold handwriting ran: '_Eine Courtisane kommt in einem Hohenzollerstück nicht vor_' (A courtesan has no place in a Hohenzollern drama). "

The Emperor's constant change of uniform is often said to be a sign ofhis liking for the theatrical, and writers have compared him on thisaccount with lightning-change artists like the great Fregoli. Ratherhis respect for and reliance on the army, a sense of fitness with theoccasion to be celebrated, a feeling of personal courtesy to theperson to be received, are the motives for such changes. The Paris_Temps_ published the following incident apropos of the Emperor'svisit to England in November, 1902. When, on arriving at PortVictoria, the royal yacht _Hohenzollern_ came in view, the members ofthe English Court sent to welcome the Emperor saw him through theirglasses walking up and down the captain's bridge wearing a longcavalry cloak over a German military uniform. When they stepped onboard they found him in the undress uniform of an English admiral. They lunched with him, and in the afternoon, when he left for London, he was wearing the uniform of an English colonel of dragoons. Arrivedin London, he left for Sandringham, and must have changed his dress_en route_, for he left the train in a frock-coat and tall hat. 

Perhaps the most notable theatrical event of the reign hitherto wasthe production at the Royal Opera in 1908 of the historic pantomime"Sardanapalus. " The Emperor's idea, as he said himself, was to "makethe Museums speak, " to which a Berlin critic replied, "You can'tdramatize a museum. " The ballet, for it was that as well as apantomime, engrossed the Emperor's time and attention for severalweeks. He spent hours with the great authority on Assyriology, Professor Friedrich Delitzsch, going over reliefs and plans taken fromthe Kaiser Friedrich Museum or borrowed from museums in Paris, London, and Vienna, decided on the costumes and designed the war-chariots tobe used in the ballet. The notion was to rehabilitate the reputationof Asurbanipal, the second-last King of Assyria, whom the Greekscalled "Sardanapalus, " who reigned in Nineveh six hundred years beforeChrist, over Ethiopia, Babylon and Egypt, and whom Lord Byron, accepting the Greek story, represented as the most effeminate anddebauched monarch the world had ever known. 

Professor Delitzsch, with a wealth of recondite learning, showed, onthe contrary, that Sardanapalus was a wise and liberal-minded monarch, who, rather than fall into the hands of the Medes, built himself apyre in a chamber of his palace and perished on it with his wives, hischildren, and his treasure. The whole four acts, with the variousballets, gave a perfectly faithful representation of the period asdescribed by Diodorus and Herodotus, and as plastically shown on thereliefs discovered at Nineveh by Sir Henry Layard and subsequently byGerman excavators. Over £10, 000 was spent upon the production, and thepublic were worked up to a great pitch of curiosity concerning it. Butit was a complete failure as far as the public were concerned. "Heavens!" exclaimed one critic, "what a bore!" This, however, was notthe fault of the Emperor, but was due to want of interest on the partof a public whose enthusiasm for the events and characters of times soremote could only be kindled by a genius, and a dramatic one. TheEmperor is no such genius, nor had he one at command. 

XI. 

THE NEW CENTURY (_continued_)

1902-1904

King George V has hardly been sufficiently long on the English thronefor a contemporary to judge of the personal relations that existbetween his Majesty and the Emperor as chief representatives of theirrespective nations. The King of England was, until June, 1913, hindered by various circumstances from paying a visit to the Court ofBerlin, and rumours were current that relations between the two rulerswere not as friendly as they might and should be. There is now everyindication that though the relations of people to people andGovernment to Government vary in degrees of coolness or warmth, thetwo monarchs are on perfectly good terms of cousinship and amity. 

A visit paid by King George, when Prince of Wales, to the Emperor inPotsdam at the opening of 1902 testified to the goodwill that thensubsisted between them. It was the evening before the Emperor'sbirthday, when the Emperor, at a dinner given by the officers of KingEdward's German regiment, the 1st Dragoon Guards, addressed theEnglish Heir Apparent in words of hearty welcome. The address was nota long one, but in it the Emperor characteristically seized on themotto of the Prince of Wales, "_Ich dien_" (I serve), to make it thetext of a laudatory reference to his young guest's conduct and career. In its course the Emperor touched on the Prince's tour of fortythousand miles round the world, and the effect his "winningpersonality" had had in bringing together loyal British subjectseverywhere, and helping to consolidate the _Imperium Britannicum_, "onthe territories of which, " as the Emperor said, doubtless with animperial pang of envy, "the sun never sets. " The Prince, in his reply, tendered his birthday congratulations, and expressed his "respect" forthe Emperor, the appropriate word to use, considering the ages androyal ranks of the Emperor and his younger first cousin. 

With 1902 may be said to have begun the Emperor's courtship (as it isoften called in Germany) of America. His advances to the DollarPrincess since then have been unremitting and on the whole cordially, if somewhat coyly, received. 

The growth of intercourse of all kinds between Germany and the UnitedStates is indeed one of the features of the reign. There are severalreasons why it is natural that friendly relationship should exist. Ithas been said on good authority that thirty millions of Americancitizens have German blood in their veins. Frederick the Great was thefirst European monarch to recognize the independence of America. German men of learning go to school in America, and American men oflearning go to school in Germany. A large proportion of the professorsin American universities have studied at German universities. The twocountries are thousands of miles apart, and are therefore less exposedto causes of international jealousy and quarrel between contiguousnations. On the other hand, the new place America has taken in the OldWorld, dating, it may be said roughly, from the time of her war withSpain (1898); the increase of her influence in the world, mainlythrough the efforts of brave, benevolent, and able statesmen; theexpansion of her trade and commerce; the increase of the Europeantourist traffic;--these factors also to some extent account for thegrowth of friendly intercourse between the peoples. 

Nor should the bond between the two countries created by intermarriagebe overlooked. If the well-dowered republican maid is often ambitiousof union with a scion of the old European nobility, the usually needyGerman aristocrat is at least equally desirous of mating with anAmerican heiress notwithstanding the vast differences inrace-character, political sentiment, manners, and views of life--andespecially of the status and privileges of woman--that mustfundamentally separate the parties. Great unhappiness is frequentlythe result of such marriages, perhaps it may be said of a largeproportion of international marriages, but cases of great mutualhappiness are also numerous, and help to bring the countries intosympathy and understanding. Prince Bülow, when Chancellor, remindedthe Reichstag, which was discussing an objection raised to the lateFreiherr Speck von Sternburg, when German Ambassador to America, thathe had married an American lady, that though Bismarck had laid downthe rule that German diplomatists ought not to marry foreigners, hewas quite ready to make exceptions in special cases, and that Americawas one of them. The Emperor is well known to have no objection to hisdiplomatic representative at Washington being married to an American, but rather to prefer it, provided, of course, that the lady has plentyof money. 

A difficulty between Germany and Venezuela arose in 1902 owing to theill-treatment suffered by German merchants in Venezuela in the courseof the civil war in that country from 1898 to 1900. 

The merchants complained that loans had been exacted from them byPresident Castro and his Government, and that munitions of war andcattle had been taken for the use of the army and left unpaid for. Theamount of the claim was 1, 700, 000 Bolivars (francs), a sum thatincluded the damage suffered by the merchants' creditors in Germany. Similar complaints were made by English and Italian merchants. Afterseveral efforts on the part of Germany to obtain redress had failed, negotiations were broken off, the diplomatic representative of Germanywas recalled, and finally the combined fleets of England, Germany, andItaly established a blockade of the Venezuelan coast. The difficultywas eventually referred to the Hague Court of Arbitration, whichallowed the claims and directed payment of them on the security of therevenues of the customs ports of La Guayra and Puerto Cabella. 

For a time the action of the Powers caused discussion of the Monroedoctrine on both sides of the Atlantic. On this side it was pointedout that American susceptibilities had been respected by the conductof the Powers in not landing troops, while on the other side therewere not wanting voices to exclaim that the naval demonstration wenttoo near being a breach of the hallowed creed--"hands off" the WesternHemisphere. The Monroe doctrine, it may be recalled, was contained ina message of President James Monroe, issued on February 2, 1823. Itwas drawn up by John Quincey Adams, and declared that the UnitedStates "regarded not only every effort of the Holy Alliance to extendits system to the Western Hemisphere as dangerous to the peace andfreedom of the United States, but also every interference with theobject of subverting any independent American Government in the lightof unfriendliness towards America"; and it went on to declare that"the Continents of America should no more be regarded as fields forEuropean colonization. "

The day, of course, may come when the American claim to the control, if not physical possession, of half the earth will be questioned bythe Powers of Europe; but at present, as far as Germany is concerned, and notwithstanding the absurd idea that Germany plans the seizure oneday of Brazil, the doctrine is of merely academic interest. For a fewdays four years later it became the subject of lively discussion inGermany and America owing to the first American Roosevelt professor, Professor Burgess, referring to it in his inaugural lecture before theEmperor and Empress as an "antiquated theory. " As soon, however, as itbecame apparent that Professor Burgess was giving utterance to apurely personal opinion, and was not in any sense the bearer of amessage on the subject from the President, the discussion dropped. 

Another American episode of the year was the visit of Prince Henry, the Emperor's brother, to the United States. Prince Henry left forAmerica in February. The visit was in reality made in pursuance of theEmperor's world-policy of economic expansion, but there were not a fewpoliticians in England and America to assert that it was part of adeep scheme of the Emperor's to counteract too warm a development ofAnglo-American friendship. However that may be, the visit was astriking one, even though it gave no great pleasure to Germans, whocould not see any particular reason for it, nor any prospect of ityielding Germany immediate tangible return for trouble and expense. Prince Henry, it is said, though the most genial and democratic ofHohenzollerns, was a little taken back at the American freedom ofmanners, the wringing of hands, the slapping on the back, and otherrepublican demonstrations of friendship; but he cannot have shownanything of such a feeling, for he was fêted on all sides, and soondeveloped into a popular hero. 

One of the incidents of the visit, previously arranged, was thechristening of the Emperor's new American-built yacht, _Meteor III_, by Miss Alice Roosevelt, the President's daughter. On February 25ththe Emperor received a cablegram from Prince Henry: "Fine boat, baptized by the hand of Miss Alice Roosevelt, just launched amidbrilliant assembly. Hearty congratulations;" and at the same time onefrom the President's daughter: "To his Majesty the Kaiser, Berlin--_Meteor_ successfully launched. I congratulate you, thank youfor the kindness shown me, and send you my best wishes. AliceRoosevelt. "

During the visit the Emperor cabled to President Roosevelt his thanksand that of his people for the hospitable reception of his brother byall classes, adding:

 "My outstretched hand was grasped by you with a strong, manly, and friendly grip. May Heaven bless the relations of the two nations with peace and goodwill! My best compliments and wishes to Alice Roosevelt. "

Reference to this cordial electric correspondence may close withmention of a telegram sent in reply to a message from Mr. MelvilleStone, of the American Associated Press:

 "Accept my thanks for your message. I estimate the great and sympathetic reception (it was a banquet) given to my dear brother by the newspaper proprietors of the United States very highly. "

Prince Henry returned to Germany on March 17th, a Doctor of Law ofHarvard University. 

There have been moments when people in America were influenced byother sentiments than those of entirely respectful admiration for theEmperor. It was with mixed feelings that the American public heard thenews of his telegraphed offer to President Roosevelt in May, 1902, when, as the telegram said, the Emperor was "under the deep impressionmade by the brilliant and cordial reception" given to his brother, Prince Henry, to present to the American nation a statue of--Frederickthe Great, and coupled with the offer a proposal that the statueshould be erected--of all places--in Washington! No one doubted theEmperor's sincere desire to pay the highest compliment he could thinkof to a people to whom he felt grateful for the honour done to Germanyin the person of his brother, but nearly every one smiled at thesimplicity, or, as some called it, the want of political tact shown byoffering the statue of a ruler whose name, to the vast majority ofAmericans, is synonymous with absolute autocracy, to a republic whichprides itself on its civic ways and love of personal freedom. The giftwas accepted by the American Government in the spirit in which it wasoffered, the spirit of goodwill. And why not? To the Emperor his greatancestor's effigy is no symbol of autocracy, but the contrary, for tothe Emperor and his subjects Frederick the Great is as much the Fatherof Prussia, the man who saved it and made it, as Washington was theFather of America. Besides, the spirit in which a gift is offered, notits value or appropriateness, is the thing to be considered. 

Irritation in England was still strong against Germany on account ofthe latter's easily understood race-sympathy with the Boers during thewar just over, but the fact did not prevent the Emperor from acceptingKing Edward's invitation to spend a few days at Sandringham with himin November this year on the occasion of his birthday. The Emperortook the Empress and two of his sons with him. The hostile temper ofthe time, both in England and Germany, was alluded to in a sermonpreached in Sandringham Church by the then Bishop of London. It wasnotable for its insistence on the necessity of friendlier relationsbetween England, Germany, and America, the three great branches of theTeutonic race. After the service the Emperor is reported to haveexclaimed to the Bishop: "What you said was excellent, and isprecisely what I try to make my people understand. "

As a proof that this was no merely complimentary utterance, but theexpression of a thought which is constantly in the Emperor's mind, anincident which happened at Kiel regatta in the month of Junepreviously may be recalled. The American squadron, under the lateAdmiral Cotton, was paying an official visit to the Emperor during theKiel "week" as a return honour for the visit of the Emperor's brother, Prince Henry of Prussia, to the United States the year before. Therewas a constant round of festivities, and among them a lunch to theEmperor on board the Admiral's flagship, the _Kearsarge_. Lunch over, the Emperor was standing in a group talking with his customaryvivacity, but, as customary also, with his eyes taking in hissurroundings like a well-trained journalist. Suddenly he noticed a setof flags, those of America, Germany, and England, twined together andmingling their colours in friendly harmony. He walked over, gatheredthe combined flags in his hand, and turning to the Admiral exclaimedin idiomatic American: "See here, Admiral; that is exactly as itshould be, and is what I am trying for all the time. "

While in England the Emperor, in company with Lord Roberts and SirEvelyn Wood, inspected his English regiment, the 1st Royal Dragoons. Acurious and amusing feature of the visit was a lecture before theRoyal Family at Sandringham by a German engineer, for whom the Emperoracted as interpreter, on a novel adaptation of spirit for culinary, lighting, and laundry purposes. The Emperor's practical illustrationof the use of the new heating system, as applied to the ordinaryhousehold flatiron, is said to have caused great merriment among hisaudience. 

Germany's home atmosphere about this time was for a moment troubled byan exhibition of the Emperor's "personal regiment" in the form of atelegram to the Prince Regent of Bavaria, known in Germany as the"Swinemunde Despatch. " The Bavarian Diet, in a fit of economy, hadrefused its annual grant of £5, 000 for art purposes. The Emperor wasviolently angry, wired to the Prince Regent his indignation with theDiet and offered to pay the £5, 000 out of his own pocket. It was not avery tactful offer, to be sure, though well intended; and as histelegram was not an act of State, "covered" by the Chancellor'ssignature, while the Bavarians in particular felt hurt at what theyconsidered outside interference, Germans generally blamed it as a newdemonstration of autocratic rule. 

One or two other art incidents of the period may be noted. A domesticone was the gift to the Emperor by the Empress of a model of her handin Carrara marble, life-sized, by the German sculptor, RheinholdBegas. The Emperor, it is well known, has no special liking for thecompanionship of ladies, but he confesses to an admiration for prettyfeminine hands. Another incident was the Emperor's order to thepainter, Professor Rochling, to paint a picture representing thefamous episode in the China campaign, when Admiral Seymour gave theorder "Germans to the Front. " It is to the present day a popularGerman engraving. The year was also remarkable for a visit to Berlinof Coquelin _aîné_, the great French actor. The Emperor saw him in"Cyrano de Bergerac, " was, like all the rest of the play-going world, delighted with both play and player, and held a long and livelyconversation with the artist. Lastly may be mentioned a telegram ofthe Emperor's to the once-famed tragic actress, Adelaide Ristori, inRome, congratulating her on her eightieth birthday and expressing hisregret that he had never met her. A basket of flowers simultaneouslyarrived from the German Embassy. 

We are now in 1903. During the preceding years the Emperor's thoughts, as has been seen, were occupied with art as a means of educating hisfolk, purifying their sentiments, and, above all, making them faithfullieges of the House of Hohenzollern. By a natural association of ideaswe find him this year thinking much and deeply about religion; for, though artists are not a species remarkable for the depth or orthodoxyof their views on religious matters, art and religion are closeallies, and probably the greater the artist the more real religion hewill be found to have. 

In this year, accordingly, the Emperor made his remarkable confessionof religious faith to his friend, Admiral Hollmann. He had just hearda lecture by Professor Delitzsch on "Babel und Bibel, " and as heconsidered the Professor's views to some extent subversive of orthodoxChristian belief, he took the opportunity to tell his people his ownsentiments on the whole matter. In writing to Admiral Hollmann heinstructed him to make the "confession" as public as possible, and itwas published in the October number of the _Grenzboten_, a Saxonmonthly, sometimes used for official pronouncements. The Emperor'sletter to Admiral Hollmann contained what follows:--

 "I distinguish between two different sorts of Revelation: a current, to a certain extent historical, and a purely religious, which was meant to prepare the way for the appearance of the Messiah. As to the first, I should say that I have not the slightest doubt that God eternally revealed Himself to the race of mankind He created. He breathed into man His breath, that is a portion of Himself, a soul. With fatherly love and interest He followed the development of humanity; in order to lead and encourage it further He 'revealed' Himself, now in the person of this, now of that great wise man, priest or king, whether pagan, Jew or Christian. Hammurabi was one of these, Moses, Abraham, Homer, Charlemagne, Luther, Shakespeare, Goethe, Kant, Kaiser William the Great--these He selected and honoured with His Grace, to achieve for their peoples, according to His will, things noble and imperishable. How often has not my grandfather explicitly declared that he was an instrument in the hand of the Lord! The works of great souls are the gifts of God to the people, that they may be able to build further on them as models, that they may be able to feel further through the confusion of the undiscovered here below. Doubtless God has 'revealed' Himself to different peoples in different ways according to their situation and the degree of their civilization. Then just as we are overborne most by the greatness and might of the lovely nature of the Creation when we regard it, and as we look are astonished at the greatness of God there displayed, even so can we of a surety thankfully and admiringly recognize, by whatever truly great or noble thing a man or a people does, the revelation of God. His influence acts on us and among us directly. 

 "The second sort of Revelation, the more religious sort, is that which led up to the appearance of the Lord. From Abraham onward it was introduced, slowly but foreseeingly, all-wisely and all-knowingly, for otherwise humanity were lost. And now commences the astonishing working of God's Revelation. The race of Abraham and the peoples that sprang from it regard, with an iron logic, as their holiest possession, the belief in a God. They must worship and cultivate Him. Broken up during the captivity in Egypt, the separated parts were brought together again for the second time by Moses, always striving to cling fast to monotheism. It was the direct intervention of God that caused this people to come to life again. And so it goes on through the centuries till the Messiah, announced and foreshadowed by the prophets and psalmists, at last appears, the greatest Revelation of God to the world. Then he appeared in the Son Himself; Christ is God; God in human form. He redeemed us, He spurs us on, He allures us to follow Him, we feel His fire burn in us, His sympathy strengthens us, His displeasure annihilates us, but also His care saves us. Confident of victory, building only on His word, we pass through labour, scorn, suffering, misery and death, for in His Word we have God's revealed Word, and He never lies. 

 "That is my view of the matter. The Word is especially for us evangelicals made the essential thing by Luther, and as good theologian surely Delitzsch must not forget that our great Luther taught us to sing and believe--'Thou shalt suffer, let the Word stand. ' To me it goes without saying that the Old Testament contains a large number of fragments of a purely human historical kind and not 'God's revealed Word. ' They are mere historical descriptions of events of all sorts which occurred in the political, religious, moral, and intellectual life of the people of Israel. For example, the act of legislation on Sinai may be regarded as only symbolically inspired by God, when Moses had recourse to the revival of perhaps some old-time law (possibly the codex, an offshoot of the codex of Hammurabi), to bring together and to bind together institutions of His people which were become shaky and incapable of resistance. Here the historian can, from the spirit or the text, perhaps construct a connexion with the Law of Hammurabi, the friend of Abraham, and perhaps logically enough; but that would no way lessen the importance of the fact that God suggested it to Moses and in so far revealed Himself to the Israelite people. 

 "Consequently it is my idea that for the future our good Professor would do well to avoid treating of religion as such, on the other hand continue to describe unmolested everything that connects the religion, manners, and custom of the Babylonians with the Old Testament. On the whole, I make the following deductions:--

 "1. I believe in One God. 

 "2. We humans need, in order to teach Him, a Form, especially for our children. 

 "3. This Form has been to the present time the Old Testament in its existing tradition. This Form will certainly decidedly alter considerably with the discovery of inscriptions and excavations; there is nothing harmful in that, it is even no harm if the nimbus of the Chosen People loses much thereby. The kernel and substance remain always the same--God, namely, and His work. 

 "Never was religion a result of science, but a gushing out of the heart and being of mankind, springing from its intercourse with God. "

It is anticipating by a few months, but part of a speech the Emperormade in Potsdam at the confirmation of his two sons, August Wilhelmand Oscar--two Hohenzollerns as yet not distinguished for anything inparticular--may be quoted in this connexion. Naturally he began bycomparing his sons' spiritual situation with that of a soldier on theday he takes the oath of allegiance: they were _vorgemerkt_, that is, predestined as "fighters for Christ. " "What is demanded of you, " theimperial father went on, "is that you shall be personalities. This isthe point which, in my opinion, is the most important for theChristian in daily life. For there can be no doubt that we can say ofthe person of the Lord, that He is the most 'personal personality' whohas ever wandered among the sons of men.... You will read of manygreat men--savants, statesmen, kings and princes, of poets also: butnevertheless no word of man has ever been uttered worthy of comparisonwith the words of Christ; and I say this to you so that you may be ina position to bear it out when you are in the midst of life's turmoiland hear people discussing religion, especially the personality ofChrist. No word of man has ever succeeded in making people of allraces and all people enthusiastic for the same cause, namely, toimitate Him, even to sacrifice their lives for Him. The wonder canonly be explained by assuming that what He said were the words of theliving God, which are the source of life, and continue to livethousands of years after the words of the wise have been forgotten. That is my personal experience and it will be yours. 

"The pivot and turning-point, " he continued, "of our mortal life, especially of a life full of responsibility and labour--that is clearer and clearer to me every year I live--lies simply and solely in the attitude a man adopts towards his Lord and Saviour;"

and he concludes by exhorting his sons to disregard what people maysay about the cult of Christ being irreconcilable with the tasks andresponsibilities of "modern" life, but simply to do their best, whatever their occupation, to become a personality after Christ'sexample. 

This is a sound and just statement of Christian faith, and it isquoted here to justify the view that the Emperor's soldiers and hisDreadnoughts, his mailed fist and shining armour, are built and put onin the spirit of precaution and defence. The attitude, it cannot ofcourse be denied, is based on the un-Christlike assumption that allmen (and particularly all peoples and their governments anddiplomatists) are liars; but in his favour it may be urged that forthat saying the Emperor could cite Biblical authority. And yet thereis an inconsistency; for the saying is that of one of those same wisemen whose words, the Emperor admits, are transitory and mortal. 

It is possible that the Emperor had a presentiment of some kind thathis life was now in danger, and that the presentiment may have attunedhis thoughts to meditation on Christ's life and teaching; for it is afact, well worthy of remark, that in the fear of death man's one andonly relief and consolation is the knowledge that there was, and is, amediator for him with his Creator. The address at his sons'confirmation was delivered on October 17th, and on Sunday morning, November 8th all the world, it is hardly too much to say, wasastonished and pained to learn, by a publication in the _OfficialGazette_, that the Emperor the day before had had to submit to aserious operation on his throat. The announcement spoke of a polypus, or fungoid growth, which had had to be removed; but all over the worldthe conclusion was come to that the mortal affliction of the fatherhad fallen on the son and that the Emperor was a doomed man. Mostprovidentially and happily it was nothing of the sort. On the 9th theEmperor was out of bed and signing official papers, on the 15th he wasallowed to talk in whispers, and on the 17th it was declared by thephysicians that all danger was over and that no more bulletins wouldbe issued. On December 14th the Emperor received a congratulatoryvisit from the President of the Reichstag, who reported to Parliamenthis impression that "the Emperor had completely recovered his oldvigour (great applause) and that his voice was again clear andstrong. "

The Emperor had passed through what one may suppose to have been thedarkest hour of his life. He was naturally in high spirits, and a fewdays after went to Hannover, where he made a martial speech in whichhe toasted the German Legion for having "by its unforgettable heroism, in conjunction with Blücher and his Prussians, saved the English armyfrom destruction at Waterloo, " a view, of course, which to anEnglishman has all the charm of novelty. 

One or two further memorable incidents of 1903 may be recorded. Theodore Mommsen, the now aged historian of Rome, the greatest scholarof his time, died in November. He was in his day a Liberalparliamentarian of no mean ability; but for such men there is nocareer in Germany. However, as it turned out, the German people's lossproved to be all the world's gain. A son of the historian nowrepresents a district of Berlin in the Reichstag. Two years before thehistorian's death an exchange of telegrams in Latin took place betweenhim and the Emperor. The occasion was the Emperor's laying thefoundation-stone of a museum on the plateau where the old Romancastle, known as the Saalburg, stands. The Emperor telegraphed:

 "Theodoro Mommseno, antiquitatum romanarum investigatori incomparabili, praetorii Saalburgensis fundamenta jaciens salutem dicit et gratias agit Guilelmus Germanorum Imperator. "

To which the historian, with a modesty equal to his courtesy, replied:"Germanorum principi, tam majestate quam humanitate, gratias agitantiquarius Lietzelburgensis. "

Mention may also be made of a very characteristic speech of theEmperor's this year at Cüstrin, where he was unveiling a monument to afavourite Hohenzollern, the Great Elector. Cüstrin, it will beremembered, is the town where Frederick the Great, another of theEmperor's favourites, was imprisoned by an angry father, along withhis friend Lieutenant Katte, when Frederick was trying to escape theparental cruelty and violence. 

Referring to Frederick's declaration that he was the "first servant ofthe State, " the Emperor said:--

 "He could only learn to be so by subordination, by obedience, in a word by what we Prussians describe as discipline. And this discipline must have its roots in the King's house as in the house of the citizen, in the army as among the people. Respect for authority, obedience to the Crown, and obedience to parental and paternal influence--that is the lesson the memories of to-day should teach us. From these attributes spring those which we call patriotism, namely the subordination of the individual ego, of the individual subject, to the welfare of all. It is what is particularly needed at the present time. "

The Emperor was, of course, thinking of the Social Democrats. Havingfinished his speech, he went and for a while stood thoughtfully at thehistoric window of Cüstrin Castle, from which Frederick watched theexecution of his unfortunate companion, Katte. 

Only the year 1904 separates us from the Emperor's Morocco adventure. The economic ideas which have been referred to as the basis of Germanforeign policy were germinating in his mind, and the plans for atleast a partial realization of them were working in his head. Addressing the chief burgomaster of Karlsruhe in April, just a yearbefore he started for Tangier, he spoke of Weltpolitik. "You areright, " he told the burgomaster, "in saying that the task of the German people is a hard one.... I hope our peace will not be disturbed, and that the events that are now happening will open our eyes, steel our courage, and find us united, if it should be necessary for us to intervene in world-policy. "

The Emperor had, no doubt, specially in mind the birth of theAnglo-French Entente and the war between Russia and Japan, both eventsforming the dominant factors of the political situation at this time. The Russo-Japanese War arose primarily from the unwillingness ofRussia to evacuate Manchuria after the Boxer troubles in China. Theincidents of the war are still fresh in public memory. 

It need only be recalled here that Germany was neutral throughout theconflict, that both President Roosevelt and the Emperor offered theirservices as mediators in its course, and that on the capture of PortArthur by Admiral Nogi, in January, 1905, the Emperor telegraphed hisbestowal of the _Ordre pour le Mérile_ on General Stoessel, theRussian defender of Port Arthur, and on Admiral Nogi. 

In the troubled history of Anglo-German relations is to be recordedthe presence, in June of this year, of King Edward VII at Kiel with asquadron of battleships to pay an official visit to his nephew. Thetwo fleets, those sunny days, formed a splendid spectacle--the twomightiest police forces, the Emperor would probably agree in saying, the world could produce. In fact, the Emperor had some such thought inmind, for he addressed King Edward as follows:--

 "Your Majesty has been welcomed by the thunder of the guns of the German fleet. It is the youngest navy in the world and an expression of the reviving sea-power of the new German Empire, founded by the late great Emperor, designed for the protection of the Empire's trade and territory, and intended, equally with the German army, for the preservation of peace. "

One or two other incidents of interest in the Emperor's life may closethe record of this year. One of them was the arrival of the Italiancomposer, Leoncavallo, in Berlin, to hand the Emperor the text of theopera "Der Roland von Berlin, " Leoncavallo had composed at theEmperor's express request. Roland was a "strong, valiant and pious"knight of Charlemagne's time--like the Emperor, let us say--whooriginally hailed from Brittany--that lone and lovely Cinderella ofFrance--and afterwards, for some unexplained reason, came to be thetype of municipal independence in Germany. 

During the summer the Emperor and the Empress made an excursion, whenon the Saalburg, to the statues of the Roman Emperors Hadrian andSeverus. Did the Emperor recall, one wonders, as he stood before thefigure of Hadrian, that pagan monarch's address to his soul:--

 "Animula vagula, blandula, Hospes, comesque corporis, Quae nunc abibis in loca, Pallidula, rigida, nudula, Nee, ut soles, dabis jocos?"

It sounds a little gloomy as a quotation, but, fortunately for Germanyand the Emperor, for "nunc" can be put, _pace_ the poet, theindefinite, yet all too definite, "aliquando. "

XII. 

MOROCCO

1905

The Emperor started for Tangier towards the end of March, but beforethat he had got through imperial business of a miscellaneous kindwhich exemplifies the life he leads practically at all times. 

In January he had exchanged telegrams with the Czar and the Mikadoconcerning his bestowal of the Order of Merit on Generals Stoessel andNogi, asking permission to bestow the Order and receiving expressionsof consent. Another telegram went to the composer Leoncavallo inNaples, congratulating him on the success there of his "Roland vonBerlin. " In February, the Emperor opened an international AutomobileExhibition in Berlin, received Prince Charles, Infanta of Spain, andthe King of Bulgaria, unveiled a monument to his ancestor, AdmiralColigny, who was killed in the Bartholomew massacre, listened to anaval captain's lecture on Port Arthur, opened the new LutheranCathedral (the "Dom") in Berlin, telegraphed thanks to the Universityof Pennsylvania for its doctor's degree which the Emperor said he wasproud to know George Washington once held, attended a lecture byProfessor Delitzsch on "Assyria, " and was present at a memorialservice for the painter Adolf von Menzel, who died this month. InMarch he visited Heligoland, inspected the progress of somealterations at the Royal Opera in Berlin, and sent the Gold Medal forScience to Manuel Garcia, on the occasion of the latter's hundredthbirthday, as recognition of his invention of the laryngoscope, ormirror for examining the throat. 

Just before starting for Morocco the Emperor made the speech in whichhe claimed that Germans are the "salt of the earth. " In the samespeech he had previously declared that as the result of his reading ofhistory he meant never to strive after world-conquest. "For what, " heasked, "has become of the so-called world-empires? Alexander the Great, Napoleon the First, all the great warrior heroes swam in blood and left behind them subjugated peoples, who at the first opportunity rose and brought their empires to ruin. The world-empire which I dream of will be, above all, the newly established German Empire, enjoying on every side the most absolute confidence as a peaceable, honest, and quiet neighbour, not founded on conquest by the sword, but on the mutual confidence of nations, striving for the same objects. "

While on the way to Morocco the Emperor put in at Lisbon to pay avisit to the King of Portugal, and with the latter attended a meetingof the Geographical Society. From Lisbon he went to Gibraltar, andfrom thence, after a few hours' stay, he started for Tangier. 

The Morocco incident, as it is often too lightly called, should ratherbe regarded as a phase in the world's economic history and anoccurrence of moment for the future peace of all nations than the meregame on the diplomatic chess-board many writers appear to consider it. According to French critics, and they may be taken as representativeof the feeling everywhere prevalent during the seven years theincident lasted, its origin was a matter of alliances and the balanceof power. Germany, according to these writers, wanted to preserve theposition of hegemony in Europe she had obtained under Bismarck, andconsequently felt annoyed by the Triple Entente, which robbed her ofher traditional friend Russia and set up an effective counterpoise tothe Triple Alliance of which Germany was the leading Power, and onwhich she could, or believed she could, rely for support in case ofwar with France. In going, therefore, to Tangier, at the moment whenher defeat by Japan rendered Russia for the time being of little or noaccount in the considerations of diplomacy, the Emperor, according tothese writers, in reality was making a determined attempt to break theEntente combination and protect his Empire from political isolation orinferiority. 

It is quite possible that such were the motives of the Emperor'saction, but if so he was building better than he knew. Thevicissitudes of the Moroccan episode are described briefly below, yetsome remarks of a general nature as to the whole episode considered inits historical perspective may be permitted in advance. But first, what is historical perspective? It may perhaps be defined as that viewof history which shows in its true proportions the relative importanceof an event to other events which strongly and permanently leave theirmark on the character and development of the period or generation inwhich they occur. Regarded from this standpoint the Morocco incidentcan claim an exceptional position, for it was the first occasion inmodern diplomatic history on which a Great Power officially proclaimed_urbi et orbi_ the doctrine of the "open door, " the doctrine of equaleconomic treatment for all nations for the benefit of all nations, andwas willing to go to war in support of it. 

It was not, of course, the first time the demand for the open door hadbeen made; loudly and bloodily, too; since most wars from those ofGreece and Rome to the war between Russia and Japan of recent yearswere waged with the intention, or in the hope, of opening, by conquestor contract, territory of the enemy to the mercantile enterprise ofthe victors. But this was the open door in a very selfish andrestricted sense, and though many isolated events had occurred of lateyears, the international agreements regarding China among them, proving that the idea of the open door was gaining strength as a rightcommon to all nations, it was not until the Emperor went to Tangierthat a Great Power risked a great war in order to exemplify andenforce it. 

The Emperor and his advisers were probably not moved by any altruisticsentiments in the matter, and their sole reason for action may havebeen to see that German subjects should not be excluded from Moroccanmarkets. It may also be that Germany was resolved that if there was tobe a seizure of Morocco she should get her share of the territory tobe distributed, notwithstanding her refusal, revealed by the lateForeign Secretary, Kiderlen-Waechter, in the Reichstag's confidentialcommittee, to accede to Mr. Chamberlain's proposal, made some timebefore the incident, for a partition of the Shereefian Empire. But theacquisition of territory does not seem to have been the mainspring ofher policy, while from the beginning to the end of the incident, however theatrical and questionable her diplomatic conduct may havebeen at moments during the negotiations, she was throughout consistentand successful in her demand for economic equality all round. This isa great gain for the future, for, with the world nearly all parcelledout, economic considerations, which are almost in all casesadjustable, are now the most weighty factors in internationalrelations. 

Apart from this view of the incident, it is clear that Germany waspursuing her claim to a "place in the sun, " and she did so to theunconcealed annoyance of nations which up to then had never thought ofher in a rôle she appeared to be aspiring to, that of a MediterraneanPower. To these nations she seemed an intruder in a sphere to whichshe neither naturally nor rightfully belonged. Evidently she had nopolitical or historical claims in Morocco, while her commercialinterests were less than 10 per cent of Morocco trade. 

A narration of the incident may, for the sake of convenience, thoughinvolving some anticipation of the future, be dealt with in threesections: from the Anglo-French Agreement of 1904, and the Emperor'svisit to Tangier in March, 1905, to the Act of Algeciras a yearsubsequently; from the Act of Algeciras to the Franco-German Agreementof 1909; and from that to the--let it be hoped--final settlement bythe Franco-German Agreement of November 5, 1911. 

The Anglo-French Agreement of 1904 gave France a free hand in Moroccoin consideration of France giving England a similar position in Egyptand the Nile Valley. The state of things in Morocco at this time wasone of discord and rebellion. In the midst of it, the Sultan, ElHassan, died, and was succeeded by Abdul Aziz, a minor. On coming ofage Abdul Aziz showed his inability to rule, the country fell againinto disorder and Abdul turned for help to France. Meantime Englandand France had been negotiating without the knowledge of Germany, andin April, 1904, the Anglo-French Agreement was signed. It wasaccompanied by an official declaration that France had no intention ofchanging the political status of Morocco, but only contemplated apolicy there of "pacific penetration and reforms. " Thereupon Princevon Bülow, the German Chancellor, stated in the Reichstag that theGerman Government had no reason to assume that the Agreement wasdirected against any Power and that "it appeared to be an attempt byEngland and France to come to a friendly understanding respectingtheir colonial differences. "

"From the standpoint of German interests, " continued the Chancellor, "we have no objections to raise to it. " No parliamentary reference wasmade to Morocco until March, 1905, when the Chancellor spoke of theapproaching visit of the Emperor to Tangier, and it became evidentthat the Emperor and his advisers had come to the conclusion that, asFrance seemed about assuming a full protectorate over Morocco, as shehad tried to do in Tunis, and that this, in accordance with Frenchpolicy, would result in the exclusion of other nationals from commerceand the development of the country, Germany must take action. Princevon Bülow explained that "his Majesty had, in the previous year, declared to the King of Spain that Germany pursued no policy ofterritorial acquisition in Morocco. " He continued:

 "Independent of the visit, and independent of the territorial question, is the question whether we have economic interests to protect in Morocco. That we have certainly. We have in Morocco, as in China, a considerable interest in the maintenance of the open door, that is the equal treatment of all trading nations. "

And he concluded by saying:

 "So far as an attempt is being made to alter the international status of Morocco, or to control the open door in the economic development of the country, we must see more closely than before that our economical interests are not endangered. Our first step, accordingly, is to put ourselves into communication with the Sultan. "

The visit came off as announced, and the Emperor, on arriving atTangier, made a speech which caused a sensation in every diplomaticchancellery; indeed, in all parts of the world. The Emperor's speech, which was addressed to the German colonists on March 31, 1905, was asfollows:--

 "I rejoice to make acquaintance with the pioneers of Germany in Morocco and to be able to say to them that they have done their duty. Germany has great commercial interests there. I will promote and protect trade, which shows a gratifying development, and make it my care to secure full equality with all nations. This is only possible when the sovereignty of the Sultan and the independence of the country are preserved. Both are for Germany beyond question, and for that I am ready at all times to answer. I think my visit to Tangier announces this clearly and emphatically, and will doubtless produce the conviction that whatever Germany undertakes in Morocco will be negotiated exclusively with the Sultan. "

The result of these unmistakable declarations was that the Sultanrejected proposals made to him by the French, and shortly afterwards, on the advice of Germany, came forward with suggestions for a Europeanconference. M. Delcassé, the French Foreign Minister, opposed theproposal, and for a time war between France and Germany appearedinevitable; but France was not in a military position to ignoreGermany's threatening language, M. Delcassé had to resign, the FrenchCabinet under M. Rouvier agreed to the conference, and it met atAlgeciras in January, 1906. At the conference Great Britain, inconsonance with the Entente, supported France; Austria adhered loyallyto her Triplice engagements and proved the "brilliant second" toGermany the Emperor subsequently described her; Italy, on the otherhand, gave her Teutonic ally only lukewarm support. 

In fairness, however, should be quoted here the explanation of Italy'sattitude given by Chancellor von Bülow when discussing the conferencein Parliament next year. The impression is general, both in and out ofGermany, that Italy is only a half-hearted political ally. It is basedon the temperamental difference between the Latin and the Teutonicraces, on the popular sympathy between the French and Italian peoples, and to the supposedly reluctant support lent by Italy to Germanyduring the critical time of the conference, the extra-tour, as PrinceBülow, using a metaphor of the ballroom, termed it, she took withFrance on that occasion. Prince Bülow now endeavoured to dissipate orcorrect the impression, at any rate, as regarded Algeciras. "Italy, "he said, "found herself in a difficult position there. Various agreements between Italy and France regarding Morocco had come into existence anterior to the conference, but Germany was satisfied that they were not inconsistent with Italy's Triplice engagements; in fact, Germany had, several years ago, officially told Italy she must use her own judgment and act on her own responsibility in dealing with her French neighbour in Africa and the Mediterranean. "

When it was settled that a conference should be held, Italy, theChancellor continued, "gave Germany timely information as to theextent to which her support of Germany could go, and as a matter offact she supported Germany's views in the bank and police questions. "So far the German official explanation, but the impression of Italianlukewarmness as a member of the Triplice has lost none of itsuniversality thereby. How well or ill founded the impression is, itwill be for the future to disclose. 

The summoning of the conference had been a triumph for Germandiplomacy, but its results were disappointing to her; for while theproceedings showed that among all nations she could only fully rely onthe sympathy and support of Austria, they ended in an acknowledgmentby Germany of the special position of France in Morocco. The Act ofAlgeciras, which was dated April 7, 1906, stated that the signatoryPowers recognized that "order, peace, and prosperity" could only bemade to reign in Morocco

 "by means of the introduction of reforms based upon the triple principle of the sovereignty and independence of his Majesty the Sultan, the integrity of his States, and economic liberty without any inequality. "

Then followed six Declarations regarding the organization of thepolice, smuggling, the establishment of a State bank, the collectionof taxes, and the finding of new sources of revenue, customs, andadministrative services and public works. For the organization of thepolice, French and Spanish officers and non-commissioned officers wereto be placed at the disposal of the Sultan by the French and SpanishGovernments. Tenders for public works were to be adjudicated onimpartially without regard to the nationality of the bidder. Theeffect of the Act was to give international recognition to the specialposition of France and Spain in Morocco, while safeguarding theeconomic interests of other Powers. 

The attitude taken up by Germany relative to the conference was setforth in a speech delivered by Prince von Bülow in the Reichstag inDecember, 1905. It was based, he explained, on the provisions of theMadrid Convention of 1880, in which all the Great Powers and theUnited States had taken part. The Chancellor claimed that Germanysought no special privileges in Morocco, but favoured a peaceful andindependent development of the Shereefian Empire. He denied thatGerman rights could be abrogated by an Anglo-French Agreement, andpointing out that Morocco in 1880 had granted all the signatories tothe Madrid Convention most-favoured-nation treatment, claimed that ifFrance desired to make good her demand for special privileges, sheought to have the consent of the special signatories to the Madridpact. Germany had a right to be heard in any new settlement ofMoroccan conditions; she could not allow herself to be treated as a_quantité négligeable_, nor be left out of account when a countrylying on two of the world's greatest commercial highways was beingdisposed of. She had a commercial treaty with Morocco, conferringmost-favoured-nation rights, and it did not accord with her honour togive way. 

The Act of Algeciras, however, proved to have brought only temporaryrelief to European tension. Disturbances continued in Morocco, Frenchsubjects were murdered at Marakesch in 1907, and France occupied theprovince of Udja with troops until satisfaction should be given. Owingto riots at Casablanca in 1908, in which French as well as Spanish andItalian labourers were killed, she decided to occupy the place, andsent a strong military and naval force thither. A French warshipbombarded the town, and by June, 1908, the French army of occupationnumbered 15, 000 men. Meanwhile internal commotions and intrigues hadled to the deposition of Abdul Aziz and his replacement on the throneby his brother, Muley Hafid, with the support of Germany. France andSpain refused to recognize the new ruler unless he gave guaranteesthat he would respect the Act of Algeciras. Muley gave the requiredguarantees, and in March, 1909, France "declared herself whollyattached to the integrity and independence of the Shereefian Empireand decided to safeguard economic equality in Morocco. " Germany on herside declared she was pursuing in Morocco only economic interests and, "recognizing that the special political interests of France in Moroccoare closely bound up in that country with the consolidation of orderand of internal peace, " was "resolved not to impede those interests. "

The German idea of not impeding French special political interests inMorocco was disclosed little more than two years later by the dispatchof the German gunboat _Panther_ (of "Well done, _Panther_!" fame) onJuly 3, 1911, to the "closed" port of Agadir on the south Moroccancoast. 

It was as dramatic a coup as the Emperor's visit to Tangier and causedas much alarm. The fact is that the march of French troops to Fez, which had taken place a few months before, convinced the Emperor andhis Government that France, relying on the support of her Ententefriend England, was bent on the Tunisification of Morocco. TheEmperor, Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg, and Foreign SecretaryKiderlen-Wæchter met at the Foreign Office on May 21st, and it wasdecided to send a ship of war, as at once a hint and a demonstration, to Agadir or other Moroccan port. Germany, of course, in accordancewith diplomatic strategy, did not disclose the real springs of heraction, though they must have been patent to all the world. Shenotified the Powers of the dispatch of her warship, explaining thatthe sending of the _Panther_, which "happened to be in theneighbourhood, " was owing to the representations of German firms, as atemporary measure for the protection of German protégés in thatregion, and taken "in view of the possible spread of disordersprevailing in other parts of Morocco. "

In France, on the other hand, it was asserted that the step was not inconformity with the spirit of the Franco-German Agreement of 1909, inwhich Germany resolved not to impede French special interests, thatthere were no Germans at Agadir, and that only nine months previouslyGermany had angrily protested at the calling of a French cruiser atthe same port. The reference was to the visit of the French cruiser_Du Chaylu_ in November, 1910, when the captain paid a visit to thelocal pasha. The German Foreign Secretary eventually said Germany hadno objection to France using her police rights even in a closed port, and the admission was taken as a fresh renunciation on the part ofGermany of any right to interference. Feeling ran high for a time bothin France and Germany, while the German action added to the sentimentof hostility to Germany in England, and English political circlesperceived in it a design on Germany's part of acquiring a port on theMoroccan coast. The word "compensation, " which afterwards was to provethe solution of Franco-German differences was now first mentioned byGermany. 

After England's determination to support France had been made plain byministerial statements, the entire Morocco episode was closed by theFranco-German Agreement signed on November 5, 1911, as "explanatoryand supplementary" to the Franco-German Agreement of 1909. The effectof the new Agreement was practically to give France as free a hand inMorocco as England has in Egypt, with the reservation that "theproceedings of France in Morocco leave untouched the economic equalityof all nations. " The Agreement further gives France "entire freedom ofaction" in Morocco, including measures of police. The rights andworking area of the Morocco State bank were left as they stood underthe Act of Algeciras. The sovereignty of the Sultan is assumed, butnot explicitly declared. The compensation to Germany for her agreementto "put no hindrances in the way of French administration" and for the"protective rights" she recognizes as "belonging to France in theShereefian Empire" was the cession by France to Germany of a largeportion of her Congo territory in mid-Africa, with access to the Congoand its tributaries, the Sanga and Ubangi. 

While the ground-idea of Germany's policy of economic expansion, andthe source of all her trouble with England, is her insistence on her"place in the sun, " the difficulty attending it for other nations isto determine the place's nature and extent, so that every one shall becomfortable and prosperous all round. 

The alterations in conditions among civilized nations during the lasthalf-century, more especially in all that relates to internationalintercourse--political, financial, commercial, social--makes itreasonable to suppose that changes must follow in the conduct of theirforeign policies. The fact also, recognized by no country more clearlythan by Germany, that the profitable regions of the earth are alreadyappropriated makes an economic policy for her all the more advisable. An economic policy, moreover, is, notwithstanding her apparentmilitarism, most in harmony with the peaceful and industriouscharacter of her people. Unfortunately, the stage in progress wherethe political and commercial interests of all nations have becomedefined and adjusted has not yet been reached, though the numerousagreements between the Great Powers of recent years go far towardsclearing the way for so desirable a consummation. Unfortunately, too, it is in the very process of finding bases for such agreements thatinternational jealousies and misunderstandings arise; and hence insecuring peace, governments and peoples are at all times nowadays mostin jeopardy of war. This consideration alone might very well be usedto justify nations in keeping their military and naval forces strongand ready. Perhaps some day such forms of force will not be wanted, though admittedly the great majority of people still refuse to believethat the changes which have occurred have altered the fundamentalattitude of countries to each other, and remain firmly convinced thatto-day, as yesterday and the day before, great nations are moved by anirresistible desire to add to their territories and in every wayaggrandize themselves, by diplomacy if possible, and if diplomacyfails, by force. 

It is, of course, impossible to say with certainty what the realdesigns of the Emperor and his Government in this regard were duringthe Morocco episode, or are now. Some believe that their designs havealways aimed, and still aim, at depriving Great Britain of herposition of superiority in respect of territory, maritime dominion, and trade. Others hold that they seek and will have, _coûte quecoûte_, new territory for Germany's increasing population, and lookwith greedy eyes towards South America and even Holland. Others yetagain represent them as incessantly on the watch to seize a harbourhere or there as a coaling station for warships and a basis of attack. But an unbiased survey of the annals of the Emperor's reign hithertodoes not bear out any of these assertions. A policy of territorialexpansion as such, mere earth-hunger, cannot be proved against him. Prince Bismarck was no colonial enthusiast, though he passes for beingthe founder of Germany's present colonial policy; and even to-daythe colonial party in Germany, though a very noisy, is not a verylarge or influential one. Samoa--East Africa--Kiao-tschau--theCarolines--Heligoland--the Cameroons: how can the acquisition ofcomparatively insignificant and unprofitable places like these be usedfor proving that the might of Germany is or has been directed towardsterritorial conquest?

What, it may however be asked, of the Morocco adventure? Of the speechat Tangier? Of the sending of the _Panther_ to Agadir? Of the demandfor compensation in Central Africa? Until the Morocco question arose, all the quarrels amongst the Powers regarding territory were caused bythe territorial ambition of France, or Russia, or Italy--not ofGermany; and it was not until France showed openly, by sending hertroops to Fez, and thus ignoring the Act of Algeciras, that Germanyput forward claims for territorial compensation in connection withMorocco. The visit of the Emperor to Tangier in 1905, a year after theAnglo-French Agreement, was doubtless an unpleasant surprise for bothEngland and France. And not without good cause; for England and Franceare naturally and historically Mediterranean Powers--the one asguardian of the route to her Eastern possessions, the other as theowners of a large extent of Mediterranean coast; while England, inaddition, was justified in seeing with uneasiness the possibility of aGerman settlement at Tangier or elsewhere on the Morocco seaboard. Butthe Tangier visit and all that followed it was the consequence, not ofan adventurous policy of territorial conquest, but of a legitimate, and not wholly selfish, desire for economic expansion. 

Taken, then, as a whole, the Emperor's foreign policy has been, as itis to-day, almost entirely economic and commercial. The same might, nodoubt, be said in a general way of all civilized Occidentalgovernments, but there never has yet been a country of which theforeign policy was so completely directed by the economic andmercantile spirit as modern Germany. The foreign policy of England hasalso been commercial, but it has been influenced at times by noblesentiment and splendid imagination as well. The first question theGerman statesman, in whose vocabulary of state-craft the wordimagination does not occur, asks himself and other nations when anyevent happens abroad to demand imperial attention is--how does itaffect Germany's economic and commercial interests, future as well aspresent? What is Germany going to get out of it? The manner in whichon various occasions during the reign the question has been propoundedhas excited criticism bordering on indignation abroad, but it shouldbe recognized that it has invariably been answered in the long run byGermany in the spirit of compromise and conciliation. 

However, all civilized nations nowadays see that war is the leastsatisfactory method of adjusting national quarrels, and the tendencyis happily growing among them to pursue a commercial, an economicpolicy, a policy of peace. This is true Weltpolitik, trueworld-policy. Time was when wars were the unavoidable result ofconditions then prevailing; but conditions have greatly altered, andwar, as there is abundant evidence to show, is to-day, in almost everycase, avoidable by all civilized peoples. Formerly war deranged anddisturbed at any rate for the time being, the commerce and industriesof the countries engaged in it; to-day, as Mr. Norman Angelldemonstrates, it deranges and disturbs commerce and industry all overthe world. The derangement and disturbance may, it is true, be onlytemporary; but there is, as always, the loss of life among the youthof the countries engaged in war to be remembered. Granted that it ispleasant and honourable to die for one's country. Let us hope the timeis coming when it will be equally pleasant and honourable to live forit. 

We have done with Morocco, but to round off the record for 1905mention should be made of an incident in the Emperor's life which wasa source of great pleasure to him after his return from his journeythither. The marriage of his eldest son, the Crown Prince, took placein the Chapel Royal of the Berlin palace on June 15, 1905, to theyoung Duchess Cecile of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, whose character has beenalluded to elsewhere and whom all Germans look forward with pleasureto seeing one day their Empress. The marriage naturally was attendedby rejoicings in Berlin similar to those shown when the Emperor wasmarried in 1881. Their chief popular feature, now as then, was theformal entry into the capital, and its chief domestic feature a grandwedding breakfast at the Emperor's palace. On the occasion of thelatter, the Emperor, rising from his seat and using the familiar _Du_and _Dich_ (thou and thee), addressed his newly-made daughter-in-lawas follows:--

 "My dear daughter Cecilie, --Let me, on behalf of my wife and my whole House, heartily welcome you as a member of my House and my family circle. You have come to us like a Queen of Spring amid roses and garlands, and under endless acclamations of the people such as my Residence city has not known for long. A circle of noble guests has assembled to celebrate this high and joyful festival with us, but not only those present, but also those who are, alas, no more, are with us in spirit: your illustrious father and my parents. 

 "A hundred thousand beaming faces have enthusiastically greeted you; they have, however, not merely shone with pleasure, but whoever can look deeper into the heart of man could have seen in their eyes the question--a question which can only be answered by your whole life and conduct, the question, How will it turn out?

 "You and your husband are about to found a home together. The people has its examples in the past to live up to. The examples which have preceded you, dear Cecilie, have been already eloquently mentioned--Queen Louise and other Princesses who have sat on the Prussian throne. They are the standards according to which the people will judge your life, while you, my dear son, will be judged according to the standard Providence set up in your illustrious great-grandfather. 

 "You, my daughter, have been received by us with open arms and will be honoured and cherished. To both of you I wish from my heart God's richest blessings. Let your home be founded on God and our Saviour. As He is the most impressive personality which has left its illuminating traces on the earth up to the present time, which finds an echo in the hearts of mankind and impels them to imitate it, so may your career imitate His, and thus will you also fulfil the laws and follow the traditions of our House. 

 "May your home be a happy one and an example for the younger generation, in accordance with the fine sentence which William the Great once wrote down as his confession of faith; 'My powers belong to the world and my country. ' Accept my blessing for your lives. I drink to the health of the young married couple. "

The record of this memorable year may be closed with mention of aninstitution which is not only a special care of the Emperor's, but isalso a landmark in the relation of Germany and America which may proveto be the forerunner, if it has not already done so, of similarinterchange of ideas and information between nations which onlyrequire mutually to understand each other in order to be the best offriends. 

The system of an annual exchange of professors between America andGermany was suggested, it is believed, to the Emperor in this year byHerr Althoff, the Prussian Minister of Education. The Emperor took upthe idea with enthusiasm, and after discussing it with Dr. NicholasMurray Butler, President of Columbia University, who was invited toWilhelmshohe for the purpose, had it finally elaborated by thePrussian Ministry of Education which now superintends its working. 

The original idea of an exchange only between Harvard and BerlinUniversity professors was, thanks to the liberality of an Americancitizen, Mr. Speyer, extended almost simultaneously by theestablishment of what are known as "Roosevelt" professorships. Theholders of these positions, unlike the original "exchange" professorsbetween Harvard and Berlin only, may be chosen by the trustees ofColumbia University from any American university and can exchangeduties for two terms, instead of one in the place of the exchangeprofessors, with the professors of any German University. Harvardprofessors have been succesively: Francis G. Peabody, Theodore W. Richards, William H. Scofield, William M. Davis, George F. Moore, H. Munsterberg, Theobald Smith, Charles S. Minog; and Rooseveltprofessors: J. W. Burgess, Arthur T. Hadley, Felix Adler, Benj. IdeWheeler, C. Alphonso Smith, Paul S. Reinsch, and William H. Sloane. 

Writing to the German Ambassador in Washington, Baron Speck vonSternburg, in November, 1905, the Emperor said:

 "Express my fullest sympathy with the movement regarding the exchange of professors. We are very well satisfied with Professor Peabody, the first exchange professor, and thankful to have him. He comes to me in my house, an honourable and welcome guest. My hearty thanks also to Mr. Speyer, for his fine gift for the erection of a professorship in Berlin. The exchange of the learned is the best means for both nations to know the inner nature of each other, and from thence spring mutual respect and love, which are securities for peace. "

The idea of the exchange, as described by Professor John W. Burgess, of Columbia University, the first Roosevelt professor to Germany, is

 "an exchange of educators which has for its purpose the bringing of the men of learning of one country into other countries and by a comparison of fundamental ideas to arrive at a world-philosophy and a world-morality upon which the world's peace and the world's civilization may finally and firmly rest. "

The conception of a world-philosophy and a world-morality upon whichthe world's peace and civilization may rest is not new, being now alittle over 1900 years old, and, moreover, educators and men ofscience in all countries are constantly exchanging ideas by personalvisits, correspondence, and publications; but in any case, theEmperor's exchange system has the advantage that it brings theeducators into touch with large numbers of the rising generation inAmerica and Germany and undoubtedly helps towards a better mutualunderstanding of the relations, and in especial the economicrelations, of the two countries. 

It has worked well, and the Emperor has encouraged it by showingconstant hospitality to the American professors who have come toBerlin since the system was instituted. One or two episodes have givenrise to a diplomatic question as to whether or not exchange professorsand their wives have the privilege of being presented at Court. Thequestion has practically been decided in the negative. This, however, does not prevent the Emperor entertaining the professors at hispalace, or making the acquaintance of the professors' wives on otherthan Court ceremonious occasions. 

XIII. 

BEFORE THE "NOVEMBER STORM"

1906-1907

In the domestic life of the Emperor during these years fall two orthree events of more than ordinary interest. From the dynastic pointof view was of importance the birth of a son and heir to the CrownPrince in the Marble Palace at Potsdam. 

The Emperor was at sea, on his annual northern trip, when the birthoccurred. As the ship approached Bergen the town was seen to be gailydecorated with flags. As it happened, everybody on board knew of thebirth except the Emperor, but none of the officers round him venturedto congratulate him, because they supposed he knew of it already andwere waiting for him to refer to it. At Bergen the German Minister, Stuebel, and German Consul, Mohr, came on board. The Minister, being adiplomatist, said nothing, but the Consul, as Consuls will, spoke hismind and ventured his congratulations. "What? I am a grandfather!"exclaimed the Emperor. "Why, that's splendid! and I knew nothing aboutit!" The captain of the ship then asked should he fire the salute oftwenty-one guns usual on such occasions. "No, " said the Emperor, "thatwon't do. Mohr is a great talker. Let us first see the officialdespatches from Berlin. " The party, including the Emperor, went downinto the cabin to await the despatches, which were being brought fromBergen. 

On their arrival a basketful of State papers was placed before theEmperor. The first one he took out was a telegram from the Sultan ofTurkey with congratulations (great merriment); the second from anunknown lady in Berlin, with a name corresponding to the English"Brown, " with four lines of congratulatory poetry; and it was notuntil more than a hundred despatches had been opened that they came toone from the Minister of the Interior and another from the Empressannouncing the birth. Popular reports at the time represented theEmperor as boiling over with anger at his being kept or left inignorance of the happy event. As a matter of fact, he was in highgood-humour, and himself mentioned a similar occurrence at Metz in1870, when an important movement of the French army was not reportedbecause it was assumed that it was already known to the IntelligenceDepartment. As a public sign of his satisfaction he amnestied thehalf-dozen of his subjects who happened to be in gaol as punishmentfor _lèse majesté_. 

Another domestic event at this time was the celebration by the Emperorand Empress of their silver wedding. Berlin, of course, wasilluminated and beflagged. There was a great gathering of royalrelatives, a State banquet, and a special parade of troops. At thelatter were remarkable for their huge proportions two formergrenadiers of the regiment of Guards the Emperor commanded in hisyouth. They were now settled in America, but came over to Germany onthe Emperor's particular invitation and, of course, at his privateexpense. 

The last item of domestic interest this year (1906) worth record wasthe marriage of Prince Eitel Frederick, the Emperor's second son, withPrincess Sophie Charlotte of Oldenburg. In his speech to the bridalpair on their wedding-day the Emperor referred to the personallikeness the young Prince bore to his great-grandfather, EmperorWilliam, and expressed the hope that the Prince might grow more likehim in character from year to year. 

Meantime the Emperor had to pass through a season of great annoyanceowing to the scandal which arose in connection with the so-called"Camarilla. " The existence of a small and secret group of viciouslyminded men among the Emperor's entourage was disclosed to the publicby the well-known pamphleteer, Maximilian Harden, a Jew by birth namedWitowski, who as a younger man had been on semi-confidential termswith Prince Bismarck and subsequently with Foreign Secretary vonHolstein. As a result of Harden's disclosures some highly placedfriends of the Emperor were compromised and had ultimately todisappear from public life as well as from the Court. It was perfectlyevident throughout that the Emperor had been totally ignorant of theprivate character of the men forming the "Camarilla, " and nothing wasproved to show that the group which formed it had ever unduly, orindeed in any fashion, influenced him. 

An allusion made to the scandal by a deputy in the Reichstag broughtthe Chancellor, Prince von Bülow, to his feet in defence of themonarch. "The view, " he said, "that the monarch in Germany should not have his own opinions as to State and Government, and should only think what his Ministers desire him to think, is contrary to German State law and contrary to the will of the German people"

("Quite right, " on the Right). "The German people, " continued theChancellor, "want no shadow-king, but an Emperor of flesh and blood. The conduct and statements of a strong personality like the Emperor's are not tantamount to a breach of the Constitution. Can you tell me a single case in which the Emperor has acted contrary to the Constitution?"

The Chancellor concluded:

 "As to a Camarilla--Camarilla is no German word. It is a hateful, foreign, poisonous plant which no one has ever tried to introduce into Germany without doing great injury to the people and to the Prince. Our Emperor is a man of far too upright a character and much too clear-headed to seek counsel in political things from any other quarter than his appointed advisers and his own sense of duty. "

The Camarilla scandal was all the more painful as it was made a groundfor insinuations disgraceful to German officers as a body. Suchinsinuations were, as they would be to-day, entirely unfounded. 

Another thing that annoyed the Emperor this year was the publicationof ex-Chancellor Prince Hohenlohe's Memoirs. The publication drew fromhim a telegram to a son of the ex-Chancellor in which he expressed his"astonishment and indignation" at the publication of confidentialprivate conversations between him and Prince Hohenlohe regardingPrince Bismarck's dismissal. "I must stigmatize, " the Emperortelegraphed, "such conduct as in the last degree tactless, indiscreet, and entirely inopportune. It is a thing unheard-of that occurrences relating to a sovereign reigning at the time should be published without his permission. "

Germans as a people are passionately fond of dancing, and thougheverybody knows that the people of Vienna bear away the palm in thisrespect, claim to be the best waltzers in the world. The Emperor, accordingly, won great popularity among the dancers of his realm thisyear by lending a favourable ear to the sighing of the young ladies ofthe provincial town of Crefeld for a regiment which would provide themwith a supply of dancing partners. The Emperor took occasion to visitthe town, and brought with him a regiment of the Guards fromDüsseldorf to form part of the new garrison. He was received by thecity authorities, and was at the same time, doubtless, greeted frombalcony and window by multitudes of fair-haired Crefeld maidens, wholooked with delightful anticipations on the gallant soldiers, who wereto relieve the tedium of their evenings, riding by. "To-day, " theEmperor told the assembled city fathers, "I have kept my word to thetown of Crefeld, and when I make a promise I keep it too (stormyapplause). I have brought the town its garrison and the young ladiestheir dancers. " The "stormy applause" was again renewed--amid, one mayimagine, the enthusiastic waving of pocket-handkerchiefs from thewindows and the balconies. 

The salient feature of foreign politics just now was, naturally, theclose on March 31st of the Conference of Algeciras. Its results havebeen referred to in the chapter on Morocco, and mention need only bemade here of the famous telegram regarding it sent by the Emperor onApril 12th of this year (1906) to the Foreign Minister of Austria, Count Goluchowski. "A capital example of good faith among allies!" hetelegraphed to the Count, meaning Austria's support of Germany atAlgeciras. "You showed yourself a brilliant second in the tourney, andcan reckon on the like service from me on a similar occasion. "

Internal affairs, and particularly the parliamentary situation inGermany, had during the three or four years before that of the"November Storm" demanded a good deal of the Emperor's attention. Theeverlasting fight with the rebel angels of the Hohenzollern heaven, the Social Democracy, had been going on all through the reign. Now theEmperor would fulminate against it, now his Chancellor, Prince vonBülow, would attack it with brilliant ability and sarcasm inParliament. Still the Social Democratic movement grew, still the_Vorwärts_, the party organ, continued to rail at industrialcapitalists and the large landowners alike, still Herr Lucifer-Bebelbitterly assailed every measure of the Government. The fact seems tobe that the people were getting restive under the imperial burdens theEmperor's world-policy entailed. The cost of living, partly as aresult of the new German tariff, with maximum and minimum duties, which now replaced the Caprivi commercial treaties, was steadilyrising. The Morocco episode had ended without territorial gain, ifwith no loss of national honour or prestige. The Poles wereantagonized afresh by a stricter application of the Settlement Law forGermanizing Prussian Poland. Colonial troubles in South-west Africawith Herero and other recalcitrant tribes were making heavy demands onthe Treasury. 

The parliamentary situation was, as usual, at the mercy of the Centrumparty, which, with its hundred or more members, can always make amajority by combining with Liberal parties of the Left (including theSocialists) or Conservative parties of the Right. In December, 1906, when the Budget was laid before Parliament, it was found to contain ademand for about £1, 500, 000 for the troops in South-west Africa. TheCentrum refused to grant more than £1, 000, 000, and required, moreover, an undertaking that the number of troops in the colony should bereduced. The Social Democrats, with a number of Progressives and otherLeft parties sufficient to form a majority, joined the Centrum, andthe Government demand was rejected by 177 to 168 votes. On the resultof the voting being declared, Chancellor von Bülow solemnly rose anddrew a paper from his pocket. It was an order from the Emperordissolving Parliament. 

The general elections were to be held in January following, and greatefforts were made by the Emperor and Chancellor to secure a Governmentmajority against the combined Centrists and Socialists. The countrywas appealed to to say whether Germany should lose her Africancolonies or not; a patriotic response was made, and, though theCentrum, as always, came back to Parliament in undiminished strength, the Socialists lost one-half of their eighty seats. 

The Emperor, needless to say, was tremendously gratified. On the nightthe final results were announced he gave a large dinner-party at thePalace, and read out to the Royal Family and his guests the bulletinsas they came in. Towards one o'clock in the morning the officialtotals were known. The streets were knee-deep in snow, but the peoplewere not deterred from making a demonstration in their thousandsbefore the palace. By and by lights were seen moving hurriedly to andfro along the first floor containing the Emperor's apartments. Ageneral illumination of the suite of rooms followed, a window wasthrown up, and the Emperor, bare-headed, was seen in the opening. Instantly complete stillness fell on the vast square, and the Emperor, leaning far out over the balcony, and evidently much excited, spoke instentorian tones and with a dramatic waving of his right arm asfollows: "Gentlemen!"--the "gentlemen" included half the hooligans ofBerlin, but such are the accidents of political life--

 "Gentlemen! This fine ovation springs from the feeling that you are proud of having done your duty by your country. In the words of our great Chancellor (Bismarck), who said that if the Germans were once put in the saddle they would soon learn to ride, you can ride and you will ride, and ride down, any one who opposes us, especially when all classes and creeds stand fast together. Do not let this hour of triumph pass as a moment of patriotic enthusiasm, but keep to the road on which you have started. "

The speech closed with a verse from Kleist's "Prince von Homburg, " afavourite monarchist drama of the Emperor's, conveying the idea thatgood Hohenzollern rule had knocked bad Social-Democratic agitationinto a cocked hat. 

The result of the elections enabled the Chancellor to form a new"bloc" party in Parliament, consisting of conservatives and Liberals, on whose united aid he could rely in promoting national measures. Asthe Chancellor said, he did not expect Conservatives to turn intoLiberals and Liberals into Conservatives overnight nor did he expectthe two parties to vote solid on matters of secondary interest andimportance; but he expected them to support the Government onquestions that concerned the welfare of the whole Empire. 

Before 1907, the year we have now reached, Franco-German andAnglo-German relations had long varied from cool to stormy. They hadnot for many years been at "set-fair, " nor have they apparentlyreached that halcyon stage as yet. During the Moroccan troubles it wasgenerally believed that on two or three occasions war was imminenteither between France and Germany or between Germany and England. Thatthere was such a danger at the time of M. Delcassé's retirement fromthe conduct of French foreign affairs just previous to the AlgecirasConference is a matter of general conviction in all countries; butthere is no publicly known evidence that danger of war between Englandand Germany has been acute at any time of recent years. Nor at anytime of recent years has the bulk of the people in either countryreally desired or intended war. There has been internationalexasperation, sometimes amounting to hostility, continuously; but itwas largely due to Chauvinism on both sides, and was in great measurecounteracted by the efforts of public-spirited bodies and men in bothcountries, by international visits of amity and goodwill, and by thedetermination of both the English and German Governments not to go towar without good and sufficient cause. 

Among the most striking testimonies to this determination was thevisit of the Emperor to England in November, 1907. 

The visit was made expressly an affair of State. The Emperor wasaccompanied by the Empress, and the visit became a pageant and ademonstration--a pageant in respect of the national honours paid tothe imperial guests and a demonstration of national regard and respectfor them as friends of England. Nothing could have been simpler, ormore tactful or more sincere than the utterances, private as well aspublic, of the Emperor throughout his stay. His very first speech, thefew words he addressed to the Mayor of Windsor, displayed all threequalities. "It seems to me, " he said, "like a home-coming when I enterWindsor. I am always pleased to be here. " At the Guildhallsubsequently, referring to the two nations, he used, and not for thefirst time, the phrase "Blood is thicker than water. "

At the Guildhall, on this occasion, the Emperor reminded his hearersthat he was a freeman of the City of London, having been the recipientof that honour from the hands of Lord Mayor Sir Joseph Savory on hisaccession visit to London in 1891. He then referred to the visit ofthe Lord Mayor, Sir William Treloar, to Berlin the year previous, andpromised a similar hearty welcome to any deputation from the City ofLondon to his capital. "In this place sixteen years ago, " continuedthe Emperor, "I said that all my efforts would be directed to the preservation of peace. History will do me the justice of recognizing that I have unfalteringly pursued this aim. The main support, however, and the foundation of the world's peace is the maintenance of good relations between our two countries. I will, in future also, do all I can to strengthen them, and the wishes of my people are at one with my own in this. "

The procession that followed upon the visit to the Guildhall made aspecial impression on the Emperor. "I was so close to the people, " hesaid afterwards, "who were assembled in hundreds of thousands, that I could look straight into their eyes, and from the expression on their faces I could see that their reception of the Empress and myself was no artificial welcome but an out-and-out sincere one. That stirred us deeply and gave us great satisfaction. The Empress and I will take back with us recollections of London and England we shall never forget. "

While at Windsor the Emperor received a deputation of sixteen membersof Oxford University, headed by Lord Curzon, who came to present himwith the honorary degree of Doctor of Laws voted him by the Universitywhile he was still on his way to England. It was a picturesque scene:the members of the University in their academic robes were surroundedby a brilliant company representing the intellect of the country; andthe Emperor, with the doctor's hood over his field-marshal's uniform, was the cynosure of all eyes. 

The Emperor's reply to Lord Curzon's address, highly complimentary tothe University though it was, was perhaps chiefly remarkable for theexpression of his expectations from the Rhodes' Scholarshipfoundation. "The gift of your great fellow-countryman, Cecil Rhodes, "he said, "affords an opportunity to students, not only from the British colonies, but also from Germany and the United States, to obtain the benefits of an Oxford education. The opportunity afforded to young Germans during their period of study to mix with young Englishmen is one of the most satisfactory results of Rhodes's far-seeing mind. Under the auspices of the Oxford _alma mater_, the young students will have an opportunity of studying the character and qualities of the respective nations, of fostering by this means the spirit of good comradeship, and creating an atmosphere of mutual respect and friendship between the two countries. "

The Emperor had always admired the Colossus of South Africa, discerning in him no doubt many of those attributes which he feltexisted in himself or which he would like to think existed; and theadmiration stood the test of personal acquaintance when Cecil Rhodesvisited Berlin in March, 1899, in connexion with his scheme for theCape to Cairo railway. It does not sound very complimentary to his ownsubjects, the "salt of the earth, " but it is on record that theEmperor then said to Rhodes that he wished "he had more men like him. "At the close of the visit the Empress returned to Germany, while theEmperor took a much needed rest-cure for three weeks at HighcliffeCastle, a country mansion in Hampshire he rented for the purpose fromits owner, Colonel Stuart-Wortley. 

In the course of this work, it may have been noticed, no particularattention has been devoted to the Emperor in his military capacity. The reason is, because it is taken for granted that all the worldknows the Emperor in his character as War Lord, that he is practicallynever out of uniform, and that his care for the army is onlysecond--if it is second--to that for the stability and power of hismonarchy. The two things in fact are closely identified, and, from theEmperor's standpoint, on both together depend the security, and to alarge extent the prosperity, of the Empire. He knows or believes thatGermany is surrounded by hordes of potential enemies, as a lighthouseis often surrounded by an ocean that, while treacherously calm, may atany time rage about the edifice; that round the lighthouse aregathered his folk, who look to it for safety; and that the monarchy isthe lighthouse itself, a _rocher de bronze_, towering above all. 

In this connexion it may be noted that the army in Germany is not amercenary body like the English army, but is simply and solely acertain portion of the people, naturally the younger men, passing fortwo or three years, according as they serve in the infantry orcavalry, through the ranks. The system of recruiting, as everybodyknows, is called conscription; it ought rather to be described as asystem of national education, whereby the rude and raw youth of thecountry is converted into an admirable class of well-disciplined, self-respecting and healthy, as well as patriotic, citizens. TheEmperor believes, contrary to the opinion of many English armyofficers, that a man to be a good soldier must also be a goodChristian, and thus we find him enforcing, or trying to enforce, amonghis officers the moral qualities which Christianity is meant tofoster. 

Among these qualities is simplicity of life, and as a result ofsimplicity of life, contentment with simple and not too costlypleasures. We saw the Emperor as a young colonel forbidding hisofficers to join a Berlin club where gambling was prevalent. Thisyear, after a luxurious lunch at one of the regimental messes, heissues an order, or rather an edict, expressing his wish that officersin their messes should content themselves with simpler food and wines, and in particular that when he himself is a guest, the meal shouldconsist only of soup, fish, vegetables, a roast and cheese. Ordinaryred or white table-wine, a glass of "bowl" ("cup"), or Germanchampagne should be handed round. Liqueurs, or other forms of what theFrench know as "chasse-café, " after dinner were best avoided. Theedict of course caused amusement as well as a certain amount ofdiscontent with what was felt to be a kind of objectionable paternalinterference, and it is doubtful whether it has had much lastingeffect. Even now, the German officer laughingly tells one that whenthe Emperor dines at an officers' mess either French champagne (whichis infinitely superior to German) is poured into German champagnebottles, or else the French label is carefully shrouded in a napkinthat swathes the bottle up to the neck. Apropos of German champagne, astory is current that Bismarck, one day dining at the palace, refusedthe German champagne being handed round. The Emperor noticed therefusal and said pointedly to Bismarck: "I always drink Germanchampagne, because I think it right to encourage our nationalindustries. Every patriot should do so. " "Your Majesty, " replied thegrim old Chancellor, "my patriotism does not extend to my stomach. "

In the domain of æsthetics this year the Emperor had some pleasant andsome painful experiences. Joachim, the great violinist, and a greatfavourite of his, died in August, and his death was followed nextmonth, September, by that of the composer Grieg, the "Chopin of theNorth, " as the Emperor called him, whose friendship the Emperor hadacquired on one of his Norwegian trips. Quite at the end of the yearhis early tutor, Dr. Hinzpeter, for whom he always had a semi-filialregard, passed away. 

On the other hand, among the Emperor's pleasant experiences may bereckoned the visit of Mr. Beerbohm Tree and his English company to theGerman capital. Their repertory of Shakespearean drama greatlydelighted the Emperor, who expressed his pleasure to Mr. Tree and hisfellow-players personally, and did not dismiss them withoutsubstantial tokens of his appreciation. 

Earlier in the year the French actress, Suzanne Deprès, visited Berlinand appealed strongly to the Emperor's taste for the "classical" inmusic and drama. Inviting the actress to the royal box, he said toher:

 "You have shown us such a natural, living Phædra that we were all strongly moved. How fine a part it is! As a youngster I used to learn verses from 'Phædra' by heart. I am told that in France devotion to classical tradition is growing weaker, and that Molière and Racine are more and more seldom played. What a pity! Our people, on the contrary, remain faithful to their great poets and enjoy their works. After school comes college, and after college--the theatre. It should elevate and expand the soul. The people do not need any representation of reality--they are well acquainted with that in their daily lives. One must put something greater and nobler before them, something superior to 'La Dame aux Camélias. '"

A month later, however, he made one of his extremely rare visits to anordinary Berlin theatre to see--"The Hound of the Baskervilles"!

Meanwhile in domestic politics Chancellor von Bülow's famous "bloc"continued to work satisfactorily, notwithstanding difficulties arisingfrom the conflicting interests of industry and agriculture, Free Tradeand Protection and differences of creed and race. At the end of thisyear it was near falling asunder in connection with the question ofjudicial reform, but Prince von Bülow kept it together for a while byan impassioned appeal to the patriotism of both parties. In the courseof the speech he told the House how, when he was standing atBismarck's death-bed, he noticed on the wall the portrait of a man, Ludwig Uhland, who had said "no head could rule over Germany that wasnot well anointed with democratic oil, " and drew the conclusion fromthe contrast between the dying man of action and the poet that onlythe union of old Prussian conservative energy and discipline withGerman broad-hearted, liberal spirit could secure a happy future forthe nation. The "bloc, " as we shall see, broke up in 1909 and Princevon Bülow resigned. The Chancellor afterwards attributed his fallentirely to the Conservatives, but it is possible, even probable, thatit was in at least some measure due to the events of the _annusmirabilis_, 1908, which now opened. 

XIV

THE NOVEMBER STORM

1908

The "November Storm" was a collision between the Emperor and his folk, a result of his so-called "personal regiment. "

In a general way the latter phrase is intended to describe andcharacterize the method of rule adopted by the Emperor from the verybeginning of his reign, especially as exhibited in his semi-officialutterances, public and private, in his correspondence, privateconversation, and public and private conduct generally. According tothe popular interpretation of the Imperial Constitution--the nearestthing to a Magna Charta in Germany--the Emperor should observe, in hiswords and acts, a reserve which would prevent all chance of creatingdissension among the federated States and in particular would securethe avoidance of anything which might disturb Germany's relations toforeign countries or interfere with the course of Germany's foreignpolicy as carried on through the regular official channel, the ForeignOffice. The ground for this popular interpretation is a constitutionaldevice which to an Englishman, if it be not offensive to say so, canonly recall the well-known definition of a metaphysician as "a blindman, in a dark room, looking for a black cat, _which is not there_. "

The device is known as the Chancellor's "responsibility, " which wasregarded, and is still regarded in Germany, as at once "covering" theEmperor and offering to his folk a safeguard against unwisdom orcaprice on his part. The nature of this responsibility which isevidenced by the Chancellor signing the Emperor's edicts and otherofficial statements, is so frequently discussed by German politicians, the position of the Chancellor--the Grand Vizier of Germany he hasbeen picturesquely called--is so influential, and the intercoursebetween the Emperor and the Chancellor is so close, exclusive, andconfidential, that an examination of the meaning of the term"responsibility" in this connexion is desirable. 

Whenever the Emperor does anything important or surprising, especiallyin foreign policy, the first question asked by his subjects is, has hetaken the step with the knowledge, and therefore with the jointresponsibility, of the Chancellor? If the answer is in the negative, it is the "personal regiment" again, and people are angry: if thelatter, they may disapprove of the step and grumble at it, but it iscovered by the Chancellor's signature and they can raise noconstitutional objection. Hence the demand usually made on suchoccasions for an Act of Parliament once for all defining fully andclearly the Chancellor's responsibilities. According to Prince vonBülow, and it is doubtless the Emperor's own view, the responsibilitymentioned in the Constitution is a "moral responsibility, " and onlyrefers to such acts and orders of the Emperor as immediately arise outof the governing rights vested in him, not to personal expressions ofopinion, even though these may be made on formal occasions; and thePrince goes on to say that if a Chancellor cannot prevent what hehonestly thinks would permanently and in an important respect beinjurious to the Empire, he is bound to resign. 

The Chancellor, then, takes responsibility of some kind. Butresponsibility to whom? To the Emperor? To the Parliament? To thepeople? The answer is, solely to the Emperor, for it is the Emperorwho appoints and dismisses him as well as every other Minister, imperial or Prussian, and the Emperor is only responsible to hisconscience. In parliamentarily ruled countries like England Ministersare responsible to Parliament, which expresses its disapproval by thevote of a hostile majority, or in certain circumstances by a vote ofcensure or even impeachment. In Germany, where the parliamentarysystem of government does not exist, and where there is no upsettingMinistries by a hostile majority, and no parliamentary vote of censureor impeachment, no Minister, including the Chancellor, is responsible, in the English sense of the word, to Parliament; accordingly, a GermanChancellor may continue in office in spite of Parliament, provided ofcourse the Emperor supports him. At the same time the Chancellorto-day is to some indefinable extent responsible to Parliament, andtherefore to the people, in so far as they are represented by it, forhe must keep on tolerable terms with Parliament as well as with theEmperor, or he will have to give up office. How he is to keep on termswith a Parliament consisting of half a dozen powerful parties and asmany more smaller fractions and factions is probably the part of hisduties that gives him most trouble and at times, doubtless, verydisagreeably interferes with the placidity of his slumbers. 

There is no struggle for government in Germany between the Crown andthe people: Germans have no ancient Magna Charta, no Habeas Corpus, noDeclaration of Rights to look back to on the long road to liberty. Inthe protracted struggle for government between the English people andtheir rulers, the people's victory took the form of parliamentarycontrol while retaining the monarch as their highest and most honouredrepresentative. Socially he is their master, politically theirservant, the "first servant of the State. " In Germany there has never, save for a few months in 1848, been any struggle of a similarpolitical extent or kind. German monarchs including the Emperor, haveapplied the expression "first servant of the State" to themselves, butthey did not apply it in the English sense. They applied it moreaccurately. In Germany the State means the system, the mechanism ofgovernment, inclusive of the monarch's office: in England the word"State" is more nearly equivalent to the word "people. " To serve thesystem, the government machinery, is the first duty of the monarch, and government is not a changing reflection of the people's will, buta permanent apparatus for maintaining the power of the Crown, harmonizing and reconciling the sentiments and interests of all partsof the Empire, and for conducting foreign policy. 

It may be objected that legislation is made by the Reichstag, that theReichstag has the power of the purse, and that it is elected byuniversal suffrage; but in Germany the Government is above andindependent of the Reichstag; legislation is not made by the Reichstagalone, since it requires the agreement of the Federal Council and ofthe Emperor, and--what is of great practical importance--Governmentissues directions as to how legislation shall be carried into effect. The law of 1872 passed against the Jesuits forbade the "activity" ofthe Order, but the interpretation of the word "activity, " and with itthe effects of the law, were left to the Government. 

Kings of Prussia and German Emperors have never shown much affectionfor their Parliaments: Parliaments are apt to act as a check uponmonarchy, and in Prussia in particular to interfere with the carryingout of the divinely imposed mission. This is not said sarcastically;and the Emperor, like some of his ancestors, has more than onceexpressed the same thought. Parliaments in Germany only date fromafter the French Revolution. After that event there came intoexistence in Germany the Frankfurt Parliament (1848), the ErfurtParliament (1850), and the Parliament of the German Customs Union(1867). These, however, were not popularly elected Parliaments likethose of the present day, but gatherings of class delegates from thevarious Kingdoms and States composing the Germany and Austria of thetime. Since the Middle Ages there had always been quasi-popularassemblies in Prussia, but they too were not elected, and onlyrepresented classes, not constituencies. The present Parliaments inPrussia and the Empire are Constitutional Parliaments in the Englishsense, elected by universal suffrage, the one indirectly, the otherdirectly. 

The present Prussian Diet dates from the "First Unified Diet, "summoned by Frederick William IV in 1847, which was transformed nextyear under pressure of the revolutionists into a "national assembly. "This was treated a year after by General Wrangel almost exactly asCromwell treated the Rump. The General entered Berlin with the troopswhich a few weeks before had fought against the revolutionists of the"March days. " He passed along the Linden to the royal theatre, wherethe "national assembly" was in session, and was met at the door by theleader of the citizens' guard with the proud words, "The guard isresolved to protect the honour of the National Assembly and thefreedom of the people, and will only yield to force. "

Wrangel took out his watch--one can imagine the old silver"turnip"--and with his thumb on the dial replied:

 "Tell your city guard that the force is here. I will be responsible for the maintenance of order. The National Assembly has fifteen minutes in which to leave the building and the city guard in which to withdraw. "

In a quarter of an hour the building was empty, and next day the cityguard was dissolved. A month later the King, Frederick William IV, granted his _octroyierte_ Constitution--that is, a concession of hisown royal personal will--which established the Diet as it is to-day. 

Emperor William I, as King of Prussia, had a good deal of trouble withhis Parliament, and in 1852 wanted to abdicate rather than rule inobedience to a parliamentary majority--it was the "conflict time"about funds for army reorganization. Bismarck dissuaded him from doingso by promising to become Minister and carry on the government, ifneed were, without a parliament and without a budget. He actually didso for some years, but there was no change in the Constitution as aresult. 

Nor has there been any constitutional change in the relations of Crownto Parliament during the present reign. As a young man, the Emperorhad of course nothing to do with Parliament, Prussian or Imperial, andsince his accession, though there is always latent antagonism and hasbeen even friction at times, he has, generally speaking, lived on"correct, " if not friendly terms with it. There is little, if any, ofthe devoted affection one finds for the monarch in the EnglishParliament. 

And not unnaturally. Early in his reign, in 1891, he made a referenceto Parliament little calculated to evoke affection. "The soldier andthe army, " he said to his generals at a banquet in the palace, "notparliamentary majorities and decisions, have welded together theGerman Empire. My confidence is in the army--as my grandfather said atCoblenz: 'These are the gentlemen on whom I can rely. '" Again, a yearor two afterwards he dissolved the Reichstag for refusing to accept amilitary bill and did not conceal his anger with the recalcitrantmajority. In 1895 he telegraphed to Bismarck his indignation with theReichstag for refusing to vote its congratulations on the oldstatesman's eightieth birthday. In 1897, speaking of the kingship "vonGottes Gnaden" he took occasion to quote his grandfather's declarationthat "it was a kingship with onerous duties from which no man, noMinister, no Parliament, no people" could release the Prince. In 1903his Chancellor, Prince Bülow, had to defend in Parliament his actionin the case of the Swinemunde despatch already mentioned. Attentionwas called to the telegram in the Reichstag and the Chancellordefended the Emperor. He denied that the telegram was an act ofState--it was a personal matter between two sovereigns, the statementof a friend to a friend. "The idea, " said the Chancellor, whocontended that the Emperor had a right to express his opinions likeany citizen, "that the monarch's expression of opinion is to be limited by a stipulation that every such expression must be endorsed with the signature of the Chancellor is wholly foreign to the Constitution. "

Next day the Chancellor had again occasion to defend his imperialmaster against a charge of being "anti-social, " brought by theSocialist von Vollmar, who coupled the charge with insinuations ofabsolutism and Cæsarism. Prince Bülow said:

 "Absolutism is not a German word, and is not a German institution. It is an Asiatic plant, and one cannot talk of absolutism in Germany so long as our circumstances develop in an organic and legal manner, respecting the rights of the Crown, which are just as sacred as the rights of the burgher; respecting also law and order, which are not disregarded 'from above, ' and will not be disregarded. If ever our circumstances take on an absolute, a Cæsarian, form, it will be as the consequence of revolution, of convulsion. For on revolution follows Cæsarism as W follows U--that is the rule in the A B C of the world's history. "

There is no harm in reminding Prince Bülow that the letter V--whichmay be a very important link in the chain of events--comes between Uand W. It is clear also that the Chancellor must have forgotten hisEnglish history for the moment, for though Cromwell's rule may becalled Cæsarism of a kind, the reign of William III, of "glorious, pious, and immortal memory, " which followed the revolution of 1688, could not fairly be so named. 

Three years later, in 1906, Prince Bülow found it necessary to defendthe Emperor on the score of the "personal regiment. " "The view, "Prince Bülow said, "that the monarch should have no individual thoughts of his own about State and government, but should only think with the heads of his Ministers and only say what they tell him to say, is fundamentally wrong--is inconsistent with State rights and with the wish of the German people";

and he concluded by challenging the House to mention a single case inwhich the Emperor had acted unconstitutionally. None of thesebickerings between Crown and Parliament went to the root of theconstitutional relations between them, but they betrayed the existenceof popular dissatisfaction with the Emperor, which in a couple ofyears was to culminate in an outbreak of national anger. 

An occurrence calls for mention here, not only as a kind of harbingerof the "storm, " but as one of the chief incidents which in the courseof recent years have troubled Anglo-German relations. The incidentreferred to is that of the so-called "Tweedmouth Letter, " which was anautograph letter from the Emperor to Lord Tweedmouth, First Lord ofthe British Admiralty at the time, dated February 17, 1908, andcontaining among other matters a lengthy disquisition on navalconstruction, with reference to the excited state of feeling inEngland caused by Germany's warship-building policy. The letter hasnever been published, but it is supposed to have been prompted by astatement made publicly by Lord Esher, Warden of Windsor Castle, inthe London _Observer_, to the effect that nothing would more pleasethe German Emperor than the retirement of Sir John Fisher, theoriginator of the Dreadnought policy, who was at the time First Lordof the Admiralty; and to have contained the remark that "Lord Esherhad better attend to the drains at Windsor and leave alone matterswhich he did not understand. " The Emperor was apparently unaware thatLord Esher was one of the foremost military authorities in England. 

The sending of the letter became known through the appearance of acommunication in the London _Times_ of March 6th, with the caption"Under which King?"--an allusion to Shakespeare's "Under which king, Bezonian, speak or die"--and signed "Your Military Correspondent. " Thewriter announced that it had come to his knowledge that the GermanEmperor had recently addressed a letter to Lord Tweedmouth on thesubject of British and German naval policy, and that it was supposedthat the letter amounted to an attempt to influence, in Germaninterests, the Minister's responsibility for the British NavalEstimates. The correspondent concluded by demanding that the lettershould be laid before Parliament without delay. The _Times_, in aleading article, prognosticated the "painful surprise and justindignation" which must be felt by the people of Great Britain onlearning of such "secret appeals to the head of a department on whichthe nation's safety depends, " and argued that there could be noquestion of privacy in a matter of the kind. The article concludedwith the assertion that the letter was obviously an attempt to "makeit more easy for German preparations to overtake our own. " Theincident was immediately discussed in all countries, publicly andprivately. 

Everywhere opinion was divided as to the defensibility of theEmperor's action; in France the division was reported by the _Times_correspondent to be "bewildering. " All the evidence available to provethe Emperor's impulsiveness was recalled--the Kruger telegram, thetelegram to Count Goluchowski, the Austrian Minister of ForeignAffairs, after the Morocco Conference, characterizing him as a"brilliant second (to Germany) in the bout at Algeciras, " thepremature telegram conferring the Order of Merit on General Stoesselafter the fall of Port Arthur, and other evidence, relevant andirrelevant. Reuter's agent in Berlin telegraphed on official authoritythat the Emperor "had written as a naval expert. "

On the whole, continental opinion may be said to have leaned in favourof the Emperor. Mr. Asquith, the English Prime Minister, at once madethe statement that the letter was a "purely private communication, couched in an entirely friendly spirit, " that it had not been laidbefore the Cabinet, and that the latter had come to a decision aboutthe Estimates before the letter arrived. 

All eyes and ears were now turned to Lord Tweedmouth, and on March10th he briefly referred to the matter in the House of Lords. Hereceived the letter, he said, in the ordinary postal way; it was "veryfriendly in tone and quite informal"; he showed it to Sir Edward Grey, who agreed with him that it should be treated as a private letter, notas an official one; and he replied to it on February 20th, "also in aninformal and friendly manner. " A discussion, in which Lord Lansdowneand Lord Rosebery took part, followed, the former--to give the tone, not the words of his speech--handing in a verdict of "Not guilty, butdon't do it again, " against the Emperor, and laying down the principlethat "such a communication as that in question must not be allowed tocreate a diplomatic situation different from that which has beenestablished through official channels and documents"; and LordRosebery, while he recognized the importance of the incident, seekingto minimize its effects by an attitude of banter. The treatment of theincident by the House of Commons as a whole gave considerablesatisfaction in Germany, where all efforts were directed to showingmalevolent hostility to Germany on the part of the _Times_. 

Prince von Bülow dealt with the letter in a speech on the secondreading of the Budget on March 24, 1908. After referring to the UnionInternationale Interparlementaire, which was to meet in a few monthsin Berlin, and to the "very unsatisfactory situation in Morocco, " hesaid:--

 "From various remarks which have been dropped in the course of the debate I gather that this honourable House desires me to make a statement as to the letter which his Majesty the Kaiser last month wrote to Lord Tweedmouth. On grounds of discretion, to the observance of which both the sender and receiver of a private letter are equally entitled, I am not in a position to lay the text of the letter before you, and I add that I regret exceedingly that I cannot do so. The letter could be signed by any one of us, by any sincere friend of good relations between Germany and England (hear, hear). The letter, gentlemen, was in form and substance a private one, and at the same time its contents were of a political nature. The one fact does not exclude the other; and the letter of a sovereign, an imperial letter, does not, from the fact that it deals with political questions, become an act of State ('Very true, ' on the Right). 

 "This is not--and deputy Count Kanitz yesterday gave appropriate instances in support--the first political letter a sovereign has written, and our Kaiser is not the first sovereign who has addressed to foreign statesmen letters of a political character which are not subject to control. The matter here concerns a right of action which all sovereigns claim and which, in the case of our Kaiser also, no one has a right to limit. How his Majesty proposes to make use of this right we can confidently leave to the imperial sense of duty. It is a gross, in no way justifiable misrepresentation, to assert that his Majesty's letter to Lord Tweedmouth amounts to an attempt to influence the Minister responsible for the naval budget in the interests of Germany, or that it denotes a secret interference in the internal affairs of the British Empire. Our Kaiser is the last person to believe that the patriotism of an English Minister would suffer him to accept advice from a foreign country as to the drawing up of the English naval budget ('Quite right, ' hear, hear). What is true of English statesmen is true also of the leading statesmen of every country which lays claim to respect for its independence ('Very true'). In questions of defence of one's own country every people rejects foreign interference and is guided only by considerations bearing on its own security and its own needs ('Quite right'). Of this right to self-judgment and self-defence Germany also makes use when she builds a fleet to secure the necessary protection for her coasts and her commerce ('Bravo!'). This defensive, this purely defensive character of our naval programme cannot, in view of the incessant attempts to attribute to us aggressive views with regard to England, be too often or too sharply brought forward ('Bravo!'). We desire to live in peace and quietness with England, and therefore it is embittering to find a portion of the English Press ever speaking of the 'German danger, ' although the English fleet is many times stronger than our own, although other lands have stronger fleets than us and are working no less zealously at their development. Nevertheless it is Germany, ever Germany, and only Germany, against which public opinion on the other side of the Channel is excited by an utterly valueless polemic ('Quite right'). 

 "It would be, gentlemen, "

the Chancellor continued, "in the interests of appeasement between both countries, it would be in the interest of the general peace of the world, that this polemic should cease. As little as we challenge England's right to set up the naval standard her responsible statesmen consider necessary for the maintenance of British power in the world without our seeing therein a threat against ourselves, so little can she take it ill of us if we do not wish our naval construction to be wrongly represented as a challenge against England (hear, hear, on the Right and Left). Gentlemen, these are the thoughts, as I judge from your assent, which we all entertain, which find expression in the statements of all speakers, and which are in harmony with all our views. Accept my additional statement that in the letter of his Majesty to Lord Tweedmouth one gentleman, one seaman, talks frankly to another, that our Kaiser highly appreciates the honour of being an admiral of the British navy, and that he is a great admirer of the political education of the British people and of their fleet, and you will have a just view of the tendency, tone, and contents of the imperial letter to Lord Tweedmouth. His Majesty consequently finds himself in this letter not only in full agreement with the Chancellor--I may mention this specially for the benefit of Herr Bebel--but, as I am convinced, in agreement with the entire nation. It would be deeply regrettable if the honourable opinions by which our Kaiser was moved in writing this letter should be misconstrued in England. With satisfaction I note that the attempts at such misconstruction have been almost unanimously rejected in England ('Bravo!' on the Right and Left). Above all, gentlemen, I believe that the admirable way in which the English Parliament has exemplarily treated the question will have the best effect in preventing a disturbance of the friendly relations between Germany and England and in removing all hostile intention from the discussions over the matter (agreement, Right and Left). 

 "Gentlemen, one more observation of a general nature. Deputies von Hertling and Bassermann have recommended us, in view of the suspicions spread about us abroad, a calm and watchful attitude of reserve, and for the treatment of the country's foreign affairs consistency, union, and firmness. I believe that the foreign policy we must follow cannot be characterized better or more rightly (applause). "

A German saying has it that one is wiser coming from, than going to, the Rathaus, the place of counsel. It is easy to see now that it wouldhave been better had the Emperor not written the letter, better hadthe _Times_ not brought it to public notice, better, also, had theEmperor or Lord Tweedmouth or Sir Edward Grey--for one of them musthave spoken of it to a third person--not let its existence becomeknown to anyone save themselves, at least not until the internationalsituation which prompted it had ceased. As regards the Emperor inparticular, judgment must be based on the answer to the question, Wasthe letter a private letter or a public document? The _Times_ regardedit as the latter, and many politicians took that view, but probablynine people out of ten now regard it as the former. For such, thereflection that it was part of a private correspondence between twofriendly statesmen, both well known to be sincere in their views thata country's navy--that all military preparations--are based on motivesof national defence, not of high-handed aggression, must absolve theEmperor from any suspicion of political immorality. It was unfortunatethat the letter was written, unfortunate that it was made knownpublicly, but, as it is an ill wind that blows nobody good, theepisode may profit monarchs as well as meaner folk as an object lessonin the advantages of discretion. 

Discussion of the Tweedmouth letter had hardly ceased when the wholequestion of the "personal regiment" was again, and as it now, fiveyears after, appears, finally thrashed out between the Emperor and hisfolk. Before, however, considering the _Daily Telegraph_ interview andthe Emperor's part in it, something should be said as to the state ofinternational ill-feeling which caused him to sanction itspublication. 

The ill-feeling was no sudden wave of hostility or pique, but asentiment which had for years existed in the minds of both nations--asentiment of mutual suspicion. The Englishman thought Germany wasprepared to dispute with him the maritime supremacy of Great Britain, the German that England intended to attack Germany before Germanycould carry her great design into execution. The proximate cause ofthe irritation--for it has not yet got beyond that--was the decision, as announced in her Navy Law of 1898, to build a fleet of battleshipswhich Germany, but especially the Emperor, considered necessary tocomplete the defences, and appropriate for affirming the dignity, ofthe Empire. 

This was the _origo_, but not the _fons_. The source was the Boer Warand the Kruger telegram, though the philosophic historian might withsome reason refer it in a large measure also to the surprise anduneasiness with which the leading colonial and commercial, as well asmaritime, nation of the world saw the material progress, the waxingmilitary power, and the longing for expansion of the not yetforty-year-old German Empire. Forty years ago the word "Germany" hadno territorial, but only a descriptive and poetical, significance;certainly it had no political significance; for the North GermanUnion, out of which the modern German Empire grew, meant forEnglishmen, and indeed for politicians everywhere, only Prussia. Prussia was less liked by the world then than she is now, when she isnot liked too well; and accordingly there was already in existence thedisposition in England to criticize sharply the conduct of Prussia andto apply the same criticism to the Empire Prussia founded. In thiscondition of international feeling England's long quarrel with theTransvaal Republic came nearer to the breaking-point; at the same timethere was an idea prevalent in England that Germany was coquettingwith the Boers--if not looking to a seizure of Transvaal territory, atleast hoping for Boer favour and Boer commercial privileges. TheJameson Raid was made and failed; the Emperor and his advisers sentthe fateful telegram to President Kruger; and the peace of the worldhas been in jeopardy ever since!

The "storm" arose from the publication, in the London _DailyTelegraph_ of October 28, 1908, of an interview coming, as the editorsaid in introducing it, "from a source of such unimpeachable authoritythat we can without hesitation commend the obvious message which itconveys to the attention of the public. " As to the origin andcomposition of the interview a good deal of mystery still exists. Allthat has become known is that some one, whose identity has hithertosuccessfully been concealed, with the object of demonstrating thesentiments of warm friendship with which the Emperor regarded England, put together, in England or in Germany, a number of statements made bythe Emperor and sanctioned by him for publication. Whether the Emperorread the interview previous to publication or not, no officialstatement has been made; it is, however, quite certain that he did. Atall events it was sent, or sent back, to England and published in duecourse. The immediate effect was a hubbub of discussion, accompaniedwith general astonishment in England, a storm of popular resentmentand humiliation in Germany, and voluminous comment in other countries, some of it favourable, some of it unfavourable, to the Emperor. 

The text of the interview in the _Daily Telegraph_ was introduced, asmentioned, with the words:--

 We have received the following communication from a source of such unimpeachable authority that we can without hesitation commend the obvious message which it conveys to the attention of the public. 

And continued as follows:--

 Discretion is the first and last quality requisite in a diplomatist, and should still be observed by those who, like myself, have long passed from public into private life. Yet moments sometimes occur in the history of nations when a calculated indiscretion proves of the highest public service, and it is for that reason that I have decided to make known the substance of a lengthy conversation which it was my recent privilege to have with his Majesty the German Emperor. I do so in the hope that it may help to remove that obstinate misconception of the character of the Kaiser's feelings towards England which, I fear, is deeply rooted in the ordinary Englishman's breast. It is the Emperor's sincere wish that it should be eradicated. He has given repeated proofs of his desire by word and deed. But, to speak frankly, his patience is sorely tried now that he finds himself so continually misrepresented, and has so often experienced the mortification of finding that any momentary improvement of relations is followed by renewed out-bursts of prejudice, and a prompt return to the old attitude of suspicion. 

As I have said, his Majesty honoured me with a long conversation, andspoke with impulsive and unusual frankness. "You English, " he said, "are mad, mad, mad as March hares. What has come over you that you are so completely given over to suspicions quite unworthy of a great nation? What more can I do than I have done? I declared with all the emphasis at my command, in my speech at Guildhall, that my heart is set upon peace, and that it is one of my dearest wishes to live on the best of terms with England. Have I ever been false to my word? Falsehood and prevarication are alien to my nature. My actions ought to speak for themselves, but you listen not to them but to those who misinterpret and distort them. That is a personal insult which I feel and resent. To be for ever misjudged, to have my repeated offers of friendship weighed and scrutinized with jealous, mistrustful eyes, taxes my patience severely. I have said time after time that I am a friend of England, and your Press--or, at least, a considerable section of it--bids the people of England refuse my proffered hand, and insinuates that the other holds a dagger. How can I convince a nation against its will?"

"I repeat, " continued his Majesty, "that I am the friend of England, but you make things difficult for me. My task is not of the easiest. The prevailing sentiment among large sections _of_ the middle and lower classes of my own people is not friendly to England. I am, therefore, so to speak, in a minority in my own land, but it is a minority of the best elements, just as it is in England with respect to Germany. That is another reason why I resent your refusal to accept my pledged word that I am the friend of England. I strive without ceasing to improve relations, and you retort that I am your arch-enemy. You make it very hard for me. Why is it?"

Thereupon I ventured to remind his Majesty that not England alone, butthe whole of Europe had viewed with disapproval the recent action ofGermany in allowing the German Consul to return from Tangier to Fez, and in anticipating the joint action of France and Spain by suggestingto the Powers that the time had come for Europe to recognize MuleyHand as the new Sultan of Morocco. 

His Majesty made a gesture of impatience. "Yes, " he said, "that is an excellent example of the way in which German action is misrepresented. First, then, as regards the journey of Dr. Vassel. The German Government, in sending Dr. Vassel back to his post at Fez, was only guided by the wish that he should look after the private interests of German subjects in that city, who cried for help and protection after the long absence of a Consular representative. And why not send him? Are those who charge Germany with having stolen a march on the other Powers aware that the French Consular representative had already been in Fez for several months when Dr. Vassel set out? Then, as to the recognition of Muley I Hand. The Press of Europe has complained with much acerbity that Germany ought not to have suggested his recognition until he had notified to Europe his full acceptance of the Act of Algeciras, as being binding upon him as Sultan of Morocco and successor of his brother. My answer is that Muley Hafid notified the Powers to that effect weeks ago, before the decisive battle was fought. He sent, as far back as the middle of last July, an identical communication to the Governments of Germany, France, and Great Britain, containing an explicit acknowledgment that he was prepared to recognize all the obligations towards Europe which were incurred by Abdul Aziz during his Sultanate. The German Government interpreted that communication as a final and authoritative expression of Muley Hand's intentions, and therefore they considered that there was no reason to wait until he had sent a second communication, before recognizing him as the _de facto_ Sultan of Morocco, who had succeeded to his brother's throne by right of victory in the field. "

I suggested to his Majesty that an important and influential sectionof the German Press had placed a very different interpretation uponthe action of the German Government, and, in fact, had given it theireffusive approbation precisely because they saw in it a strong actinstead of mere words, and a decisive indication that Germany was oncemore about to intervene in the shaping of events in Morocco. "Thereare mischief-makers, " replied the Emperor, "in both countries. I will not attempt to weigh their relative capacity for misrepresentation. But the facts are as I have stated. There has been nothing in Germany's recent action with regard to Morocco which runs contrary to the explicit declaration of my love of peace which I made both at Guildhall and in my latest speech at Strassburg. "

His Majesty then reverted to the subject uppermost in his mind--hisproved friendship for England. "I have referred, " he said, "to the speeches in which I have done all that a sovereign can to proclaim my goodwill. But, as actions speak louder than words, let me also refer to my acts. It is commonly believed in England that throughout the South African War Germany was hostile to her. German opinion undoubtedly was hostile--bitterly hostile. The Press was hostile; private opinion was hostile. But what of official Germany? Let my critics ask themselves what brought _to_ a sudden stop, and, indeed, to absolute collapse, the European tour of the Boer delegates who were striving to obtain European intervention? They were feted in Holland; France gave them a rapturous welcome. They wished to come to Berlin, where the German people would have crowned them with flowers. But when they asked me to receive them--I refused. The agitation immediately died away, and the delegation returned empty-handed. Was that, I ask, the action of a secret enemy?

 "Again, when the struggle was at its height, the German Government was invited by the Governments of France and Russia to join with them in calling upon England to put an end to the war. The moment had come, they said, not only to save the Boer Republics, but also to humiliate England to the dust. What was my reply? I said that so far from Germany joining in any concerted European action to put pressure upon England and bring about her downfall, Germany would always keep aloof from politics that could bring her into complications with a Sea Power like England. Posterity will one day read the exact terms of the telegram--now in the archives of Windsor Castle--in which I informed the Sovereign of England of the answer I had returned to the Powers which then sought to compass her fall. Englishmen who now insult me by doubting my word should know what were my actions in the hour of their adversity. 

 "Nor was that all. Just at the time of your Black Week, in the December of 1899, when disasters followed one another in rapid succession, I received a letter from Queen Victoria, my revered grandmother, written in sorrow and affliction, and bearing manifest traces of the anxieties which were preying upon her mind and health. I at once returned a sympathetic reply. Nay, I did more. I bade one of my officers procure for me as exact an account as he could obtain of the number of combatants in South Africa on both sides, and of the actual position of the opposing forces. With the figures before me, I worked out what I considered to be the best plan of campaign under the circumstances, and submitted it to my General Staff for their criticism. Then I dispatched it to England, and that document, likewise, is among the State papers at Windsor Castle, awaiting the serenely impartial verdict of history. And, as a matter of curious coincidence, let me add that the plan which I formulated ran very much on the same lines as that which was actually adopted by Lord Roberts, and carried by him into successful operation. Was that, I repeat, the act of one who wished England ill? Let Englishmen be just and say!

 "But, you will say, what of the German navy? Surely that is a menace to England! Against whom but England are my squadrons being prepared? If England is not in the minds of those Germans who are bent on creating a powerful fleet, why is Germany asked to consent to such new and heavy burdens of taxation? My answer is clear. Germany is a young and growing Empire. She has a world-wide commerce, which is rapidly expanding, and to which the legitimate ambition of patriotic Germans refuses to assign any bounds. Germany must have a powerful fleet to protect that commerce, and her manifold interests in even the most distant seas. She expects those interests to go on growing, and she must be able to champion them manfully in any quarter of the globe. Germany looks ahead. Her horizons stretch far away. She must be prepared for any eventualities in the Far East. Who can foresee what may take place in the Pacific in the days to come--days not so distant as some believe, but days, at any rate, for which all European Powers with Far Eastern interests ought steadily to prepare? Look at the accomplished rise of Japan; think of the possible national awakening of China; and then judge of the vast problems of the Pacific. Only those Powers which have great navies will be listened to with respect when the future of the Pacific comes to be solved; and if for that reason only Germany must have a powerful fleet. It may even be that England herself will be glad that Germany has a fleet when they speak together on the same side in the great debates of the future. "

Such was the purport of the Emperor's conversation. He spoke with allthat earnestness which marks his manner when speaking on deeplypondered subjects. I would ask my fellow-countrymen who value thecause of peace to weigh what I have written, and to revise, ifnecessary, their estimate of the Kaiser and his friendship for Englandby his Majesty's own words. If they had enjoyed the privilege, whichwas mine, of hearing them spoken, they would doubt no longer eitherhis Majesty's firm desire to live on the best of terms with England orhis growing impatience at the persistent mistrust with which his offerof friendship is too often received. 

There are more indiscretions than one in the interview, but the mostimportant and most dangerous was the Emperor's statement that at thetime of the Boer War the Governments of France and Russia invited theGerman Government to join with them "not only to save the BoerRepublics, but also to humiliate England to the dust. " Such arevelation coming from the Emperor ought, one would suppose, to havecaused serious trouble between Great Britain and her Entente friends. That it did not is at once testimony to the cynicism of Governmentsand the reality and strength of the Entente engagement. In privatelife, if a fourth person confidentially told one of the three partnersin a firm that the other two partners had invited him to join them inhumiliating him to the dust, there would have been a pretty brisk, notto say acrimonious correspondence between the proposed victim and hispartners. Governments, it appears, look on things differently, and sofar as the public knows, England simply took no notice of theEmperor's communication. Possibly, however, the Emperor had put thematter too strongly and an explanation of some kind was forthcoming. If so, it must be looked for among the secret archives of the ForeignOffice. It was at once suggested that the Emperor made the revelationexpressly to weaken, if not destroy, the Entente. One can conceiveBismarck doing such a thing; but it is more in keeping with theEmperor's character, and with the indiscreet character of the entireinterview, to suppose it to be a proof of deplorable candour andsincerity. 

The excitement in Germany caused by the publication of the interviewsoon took the shape of a determination on the part of the Chancellorand the Federal Council, for once fully identifying themselves withthe feelings of Parliament, Press, and people, that "something must bedone, " and it was decided that the Chancellor should go to Potsdam, see the Emperor, and try to obtain from him a promise to be morecautious in his utterances on political topics for the future. TheChancellor went accordingly, being seen off from the railway terminusin Berlin by a large crowd of people, among whom were manyjournalists. To Dr. Paul Goldmann, who wished him God-speed, he couldonly reply that he hoped all would be for the best. He looked pale andgrave, as well he might, since he was about to stake his own positionas well as convey a mandate of national reproach. 

What passed at Potsdam between the Emperor and his Chancellor has nottranspired. Naturally there are various accounts of it, one of themrepresenting the Emperor as flying into a passion and for longrefusing to give the required guarantees; but as yet none of them hasbeen authenticated. It should not be difficult to imagine the mentalattitudes of the two men on the occasion, and especially not difficultto imagine the sensations of the Emperor, a Prussian King, on beingimpeached by a people--his people--for whom, his feeling would be, hehad done so much, and in whose best interests he felt convinced he hadacted; but whatever occurred, it ended in the Emperor bowing beforethe storm and giving the assurances required. 

The Chancellor's countenance and expressions on his return to Berlinshowed that his mission had been successful, and there was greatsatisfaction in the capital and country. The text of these assurances, which was published in the _Official Gazette_ the same evening, was asfollows:

 "His Majesty, while unaffected by public criticism which he regards as exaggerated, considers his most honourable imperial task to consist in securing the stability of the policy of the Empire while adhering to the principle of constitutional responsibility. The Kaiser accordingly endorses the statements of the Imperial Chancellor in Parliament, and assures Prince von Bülow of his continued confidence. "

After returning to Berlin, Prince Bülow gave in the Reichstag hisimpatiently awaited account of the result of his mission, and madewhat defence he could of his imperial master's action in allowing thefamous interview to be published. Before giving the speech, which wasdelivered on November 10, 1908, it will be as well to quote the fiveinterpellations introduced in Parliament on the subject, as showingthe unanimity of feeling that existed in all parts of the House:--

1. By Deputy Bassermann (leader of the National Liberals):

 "Is the Chancellor prepared to take constitutional responsibility for the publication of a series of utterances of his Majesty the Kaiser in the _Daily Telegraph_ and the facts communicated therein?"

2. By Deputy Dr. Ablass (Progressive Party):

 "Through the publication of utterances of the German Kaiser in the _Daily Telegraph_, and through the communication of the real facts in the _Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung_ caused by the Chancellor, matters have become known which demonstrate serious short-comings in the treatment of foreign affairs, and are calculated to influence unfavourably the relations of the German Empire to other Powers. What does the Chancellor propose to do to devise a remedy and to give full effect to the responsibility attributed to him by the Constitution of the German Empire?"

3. By Deputy Albrecht (Socialist):

 "What is the Chancellor prepared to do to prevent such occurrences as have become known through the _Daily Telegraph's_ communications regarding acts and utterances of the German Kaiser?"

4. By Deputy von Norman (Conservative Party):

 "Is the Chancellor prepared to submit further information regarding the circumstances which led to the publication of utterances of his Majesty the Kaiser in the English Press?"

5. By Prince von Hatzfeldt and Freiherr von Gamp (ImperialParty--Conservative):

 "Is the Chancellor willing to take precautions that such occurrences as that brought to light by the publication in the _Daily Telegraph_ shall not recur?"

In reply to the interpellations Prince von Bülow said:--

 "Gentlemen, I shall not apply myself to every point which has just been raised by previous speakers. I have to consider the effect of my words abroad, and will not add to the great harm already caused by the publication in the _Daily Telegraph_ (hear, hear, on the Left and Socialists). 

 "In reply to the interpellations submitted, I have to declare as follows:--

 "His Majesty the Kaiser has at different times, and to different private English personalities, made private utterances which, linked together, have been published in the _Daily Telegraph_. I must suppose that not all details of the utterances have been correctly reproduced (hear, hear, on the Right). One I know is not correct: that is the story about the plan of campaign (hear, hear, on the right). The plan in question was not a field campaign worked out in detail, but a purely academic (laughter among the Socialists)--Gentlemen, we are engaged in a serious discussion. The matters on which I speak are of an earnest kind and of great political importance--be good enough to listen to me quietly: I will be as brief as possible. I repeat therefore: the matter is not concerned with a field campaign worked out in detail, but with certain purely academic thoughts--I believe they were expressly described as 'aphorisms'--about the conduct of war in general, which the Kaiser communicated in his interchange of correspondence with the late Queen Victoria. They are theoretical observations of no practical moment for the course of operations and the issue of the war. The chief of the General Staff, General von Moltke, and his predecessor, General Count Schlieffen, have declared that the General Staff reported to the Kaiser on the Boer War as on every war, great or small, which has occurred on the earth during the last ten years. Both, however, have given assurances that our General Staff never examined a field plan of campaign, or anything similar, prepared by the Kaiser in view of the Boer War, or forwarded such to England (hear, hear, on the Right and Centre). But I must also defend our policy against the reproach of being ambiguous _vis-à-vis_ the Boers. We had--the documents show it--given timely warning to the Transvaal Government. We called its attention to the fact that in case of a war with England it would stand alone. We put it to her directly, and through the friendly Dutch Government in May, 1899, peacefully to come to an understanding with England, since there could be no doubt as to the result of a war. 

 "In the question of intervention the colours in the article of the _Daily Telegraph_ are too thickly laid on. The thing itself had long been known (hear, hear). It was some time previously the subject of controversy between the _National Review_ and the _Deutsche Revue_. There can be no talk of a 'revelation. ' It was said that the imperial communication to the Queen of England, that Germany had not paid any attention to a suggestion for mediation or intervention, is a breach of the rules of diplomatic intercourse. Gentlemen, I will not recall indiscretions to memory, for they are frequent in the diplomatic history of all nations and at all times ('Quite right, ' on the Right). The safest policy is perhaps that which need fear no indiscretion ('Quite right, ' on the Left). To pass judgment in particular cases as to whether or not a breach of confidence has occurred, one must know more of the closely connected circumstances than appears in the article of the _Daily Telegraph_. The communication might be justified if it were attempted in one quarter or another to misrepresent our refusal or to throw suspicion on our attitude; circumstances may have previously happened which make allusion to the subject in a confidential correspondence at least intelligible. Gentlemen, I said before that many of the expressions used in the _Daily Telegraph_ article are too strong. That is true, in the first place, of the passage where the Kaiser is represented as having said that the majority of the German people are inimically disposed towards England. Between Germany and England misunderstandings have occurred, serious, regrettable misunderstandings. But I am conscious of being at one with this entire honourable House in the view that the German people desire peaceful and friendly relations with England on the basis of mutual esteem (loud and general applause)--and I take note that the speakers of all parties have spoken to-day in the same sense ('Quite right'). The colours are also too thickly laid on in the place where reference is made to our interests in the Pacific Ocean. It has been construed in a sense hostile to Japan. Wrongly: we have never in the Far East thought of anything but this--to acquire and maintain for Germany a share of the commerce of Eastern Asia in view of the great economic future of this region. We are not thinking of maritime adventure there: aggressive tendencies have as little to say to our naval construction in the Pacific as in Europe. Moreover, his Majesty the Kaiser entirely agrees with the responsible director of foreign policy in the complete recognition of the high political importance which the Japanese people have achieved by their political strength and military ability. German policy does not regard it as its task to detract from the enjoyment and development of what Japan has acquired. 

 "Gentlemen, I am, generally speaking, under the impression that if the material facts--completely, in their proper shape--were individually known, the sensation would be no great one; in this instance, too, the whole is more than all the parts taken together. But above all, gentlemen, one must not, while considering the material things, quite forget the psychology, the tendency. For two decades our Kaiser has striven, often under very difficult circumstances, to bring about friendly relations between Germany and England. This honest endeavour has had to contend with obstacles which would have discouraged many. The passionate partisanship of our people for the Boers was humanly intelligible; feeling for the weaker certainly appeals to the sympathy. But this partisanship has led to unjustified, and often unmeasured, attacks on England, and similarly unjust and hateful attacks have been made against Germany from the side of the English. Our aims were misconstrued, and hostile plans against England were foisted on us which we had never thought of. The Kaiser, rightly convinced that this state of things was a calamity for both countries and a danger for the civilized world, kept undeviatingly on the course he had adopted. The Kaiser is particularly wronged by any doubt as to the purity of his intentions, his ideal way of thinking, and his deep love of country. 

 "Gentlemen, let us avoid anything that looks like exaggerated seeking for foreign favour, anything that looks like uncertainty or obsequiousness. But I understand that the Kaiser, precisely because he was anxious to work zealously and honestly for good relationship with England, felt embittered at being ever the object of attacks casting suspicion on his best motives. Has one not gone so far as to attribute to his interest in the German fleet secret views against vital English interests--views which are far from him. And so in private conversation with English friends he sought to bring the proof, by pointing to his conduct, that in England he was misunderstood and wrongly judged. 

 "Gentlemen, the perception that the publication of these conversations in England has not had the effect the Kaiser wished, and in our own country has caused profound agitation and painful regret, will--this firm conviction I have acquired during these anxious days--lead the Kaiser for the future, in private conversation also, to maintain the reserve that is equally indispensable in the interest of a uniform policy and for the authority of the Crown ('Bravo!' on the Right). 

 "If it were not so, I could not, nor could my successor, bear the responsibility ('Bravo!' on the Right and National Liberals). 

 "For the fault which occurred in dealing with the manuscript I accept, as I have caused to be said in the _Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung_, entire responsibility. It also goes against my personal feelings that officials who have done their duty all their lives should be stamped as transgressors because, in a single case, they relied too much on the fact that I usually read and finally decide everything myself. 

 "With Herr von Heydebrand I regret that in the mechanism of the Foreign Office, which for eleven years has worked smoothly under me, a defect should on one occasion occur. I will answer for it that such a thing does not happen again, and that with this object, without respect to persons, though also without injustice, what is needful will be done ('Bravo!'). 

 "When the article in the _Daily Telegraph_ appeared, its fateful effect could not for a moment be doubtful to me, and I handed in my resignation. This decision was unavoidable, and was not difficult to come to. The most serious and most difficult decision which I ever took in my political life was, in obedience to the Kaiser's wish, to remain in office. I brought myself to this decision only because I saw in it a command of my political duty, precisely in the time of trouble, to continue to serve his Majesty the Kaiser and the country (repeated 'Bravo!'). How long that will be possible for me, I cannot say. 

 "Let me say one thing more: at a moment when the fact that in the world much is once again changing requires serious attention to be given to the entire situation, wherever it is matter of concern to maintain our position abroad, and without pushing ourselves forward with quiet constancy to make good our interests--at such a moment we ought not to show ourselves small-spirited in foreign eyes, nor make out of a misfortune a catastrophe. I will refrain from all criticism of the exaggerations we have lived through during these last days. The harm is--as calm reflection will show--not so great that it cannot with circumspection be made good. Certainly no one should forget the warning which the events of these days has given us ('Bravo!')--but there is no reason to lose our heads and awake in our opponents the hope that the Empire, inwardly or outwardly, is maimed. 

 "It is for the chosen representatives of the nation to exhibit the prudence which the time demands. I do not say it for myself, I say it for the country: the support required for this is no favour, it is a duty which this honourable House will not evade (loud applause on the Right, hisses from the Socialists). "

Prince Bülow's speech requires but little comment--its importance forGermany is the fact that it brought to a head the country's feeling, that if the Emperor's unlimited and unrestrained idea of hisheaven-sent mission as sole arbiter of the nation's destinies was notchecked, disaster must ensue. The speech itself is rather an apologyand an explanation than a defence, and in this spirit it was acceptedin Germany. It is fair to say that the Emperor has faithfully kept theengagement made through Prince Bülow with his people so far, andunless human nature is incurable there seems no reason why he shouldnot keep it to the end of the reign. More than four years have passedsince the incidents narrated occurred. The storm has blown over, thesea of popular indignation has gone down, and at present no cloud isvisible on the horizon. 

Besides the Tweedmouth Letter and the "November Storm" there were oneor two other notable events in the parliamentary proceedings of theyear. The Reichstag dealt with Prussian electoral reform and theattitude of Germany towards the question of disarmament. As to thefirst, the Government refused to regard it as an imperial concern, though the popular claim was and is that the suffrage should be thesame in Prussia as in the Empire, viz. , universal, direct, and secret. This claim the Emperor will not listen to, on the ground that it wouldinjure the influence of the middle classes by the admission ofundesirable elements (meaning the Socialists); that the electoralsystem for the Empire, with the latter's national tasks, should be ona broader basis than in the case of the individual States, where theelectors are chiefly concerned with administration, the school, andthe Church; and that it would bring the Imperial and PrussianParliaments into conflict to the injury of German unity. The Emperorhas made only one reference to electoral reform in Prussia, a promise, namely, he gave the Diet in October of this year, that the regulationsconcerning the voting should experience

 "an organic further development, which should correspond to the economic progress, the spread of education and political understanding, and the strengthening of the feeling of State responsibility. "

No reform, however, has yet been effected by legislation. 

As to disarmament, Germany's position is simply negative, though itmay be noticed by anticipation that she has recently (1913) expressedher disposition to accept the proportion of ten German to sixteenEnglish first-class battleships suggested by Sir Edward Grey in 1912as offering the basis of a possibly permanent arrangement. At the timenow dealt with, however, Chancellor von Bülow asserted that noproposal that could serve as a basis had ever been submitted to hisGovernment, and added that even if such a proposal were made it wasdoubtful if it could be accepted. It was not merely the number ofships, he said, that was involved; there were a host of technicalquestions--standards, criteria of all sorts, which could not beexpressed in figures, economic progress abroad and the possible effectof new scientific inventions--to be considered. Lastly there were thenavy laws, which the Government was pledged to carry out. As formilitary disarmament, the Emperor and his advisers regard it asimpossible, considering the unfavourable strategic situation ofGermany in the midst of Europe, with exposed frontiers on every side. 

This year the Emperor and his family took up their quarters for thefirst time in their new Corfu spring residence "Achilleion. " They weremet by the Royal Family of Greece, who showed them over the Castle, and in the evening were welcomed by the mayor of Corfu, who, in aflight of metaphor, said his people desired to wreathe the Emperor's"Olympic brow" with a crown of olive. That the Emperor did not passhis days wholly in admiring the beauty of the scenery was shown by thefact that a few days after his arrival he delivered a lecture in theCastle on "Nelson and the Battle of Trafalgar, " being prompted theretoby a book on the subject by Captain Mark Kerr, of H. M. S. _Implacable_. The Emperor illustrated his lecture with sketches drawn by himself ofthe positions of the united French and Spanish fleets during thebattle. 

Almost every year sees some specialty produced at the Royal Opera inBerlin. This year it was Meyerbeer's "Les Huguenots, " performed in thepresence of the French Ambassador in Berlin, Monsieur Jules Cambon, and two directors of the Paris Opera. The Emperor told MonsieurMessager, one of the latter, that he had taken an infinity of troubleto get the right character, colour, and movement of the period of theopera, and explained his interest in the work by the fact that he hadlost two of his ancestors, Admiral Coligny and the Prince of Orange, in the historic massacre. This opera, with Verdi's "Aida, " are still, as given at the Royal Opera, the favourite operas of the Berlinpublic. 

Americans, like all other people, regard the Emperor with friendlyfeelings, but for a time this year their respect for him suffered somediminution owing to what was known as the Tower-Hill affair. When theAmerican Ambassador in Berlin, Mr. Charlemagne Tower, resigned hispost in 1908, the Washington authorities found difficulty in choosinga suitable successor. Mr. Tower was a wealthy man, who by his personalqualities, aided by a talented wife, whom the Emperor once describedas "the Moltke of society, " and by frequent entertainments in one ofthe finest houses of the fashionable Tiergarten quarter, had fullysatisfied the Emperor of his fitness to represent a great nation atthe Court of a great Empire. The Emperor has a high opinion of hiscountry, and, in small things as in great, will not have it treated asa _quantité négligeable_: consequently a millionaire was not too goodfor Berlin. The impression produced by Mr. Tower on Republican Americawas not quite the same. When Ambassador in St. Petersburg, Mr. Towerhad invented a Court uniform for himself and staff of a highly ornate, not to say fantastic, kind, and when in Berlin was thought to take toolittle trouble to win popularity among his American fellow-colonists. This non-republican attitude, as it seemed to be, met with a good dealof adverse criticism in America, and the Washington authorities, forthat or for some other reason, considered it advisable to choose asMr. Tower's successor a man of another type. Their choice fell on Dr. David Jayne Hill, American Minister at Berne, a former President ofRochester University, the author of a standard work on the History ofDiplomacy, and as renowned for the amiability of his character as forhis academic attainments. A further reason for choosing him was thathe had been attached to the service of the Emperor's brother, PrinceHenry, during the latter's visit to the United States some yearsbefore. Dr. Hill spoke German excellently, was able and distinguished, and, if not a man of great means, was sufficiently well-to-do torepresent his country becomingly at the Court of Berlin. His selectionwas in due course communicated for _agrément_ to the German ForeignOffice, and by it, also in due course, transmitted to the Emperor. TheEmperor without more ado signed the _agrément_ and the arrival of Dr. Hill in Berlin was daily expected. 

Just at this time, however, Mr. Tower gave a farewell dinner to theEmperor, and invited to it specially from Rome the American Ambassadorto Italy, Mr. Griscom. Mr. Griscom was accompanied by his clever andattractive wife. The dinner-party assembled, and Mr. Griscom and hiswife were placed in the immediate neighbourhood of the Emperor. Beforedinner was over it was evident that the Griscoms had made a mostfavourable impression on the imperial guest. Accordingly, so the storygoes, when towards the end of dinner the Emperor, in his impulsiveway, exclaimed, "Now, why didn't America send me the Griscoms insteadof the Hills?" or words to that effect, the company was not completelytaken by surprise. When, however, the Emperor went on to suggest tohis host to telegraph to President Roosevelt to make the change, itbecame evident that an international incident of exceptional delicacyhad been created. Mr. Tower, who would perhaps have acted with betterjudgment had he declined to adopt the Emperor's suggestion, cabled toPresident Roosevelt, and at the same Mr. Griscom wrote to himprivately. Before Mr. Griscom's letter arrived, perhaps before Mr. Roosevelt was in possession of Mr. Tower's telegram, the words of theEmperor had become known in Berlin, were cabled to the American Press, and much indignation at the Emperor's conduct was aroused in all partsof America. The two Governments, as well as Dr. Hill, were placed in aposition of great embarrassment. In view of the state of publicopinion in America, and in view also of the American Government'sengagement _vis à vis_ Dr. Hill, the Washington authorities could notwithdraw a nominee who had been already signalled to it from Germanyas _persona grata_. The only way possible out of the difficulty was toemploy the machinery of the official _démenti_, and this wasaccordingly done. It was denied by the Foreign Office that the Emperorhad expressed dissatisfaction with Dr. Hill's appointment, and theincident closed with the carrying out of the original arrangements andthe arrival of Dr. Hill in Berlin. Subsequent events proved that hadthe Emperor known Dr. Hill personally he would never have thought ofexpressing dissatisfaction at the prospect of seeing him as Ambassadorat his Court, for Dr. Hill, during the two years of his stay, fullyvindicated the wisdom of the Washington Government's choice, andbefore he left his post had earned the Emperor's complete respect, ifnot his cordial friendship. 

XV. 

AFTER THE STORM

1909-1913

Next year, 1909, was the year of the famous finance reform measurewhich, though finally carried through, led to the resignation ofChancellor von Bülow. It had been obvious for some years that areorganization of the imperial system of finance with a view tomeeting the growing expenses of the Empire, and in especial those ofthe army and navy, was necessary if imperial bankruptcy was to beavoided. The practice of taking what were known as matricularcontributions from the separate States to make up for deficits in theimperial budgets, and of burdening posterity by State loans, had oneday to cease. At the beginning of the reign the National Debt was 884million marks (£44, 200, 000), and in 1908 over 4, 000 million marks(£200, 000, 000). A year before this Prince Bülow had made his firstproposals for reform, including new taxes on beer, wine, tobacco, andsuccession duties on property. 

All parties in Parliament, except of course the Social Democrats, admitted that fresh imposts were inevitable, but, very naturally, noparty was willing to bear them. The Conservatives would not hear of aninheritance tax and the Liberals would not hear of duties on popularconsumption. The result was to make the Centrum masters of thepolitical field and place the Conservative-Liberal "bloc" at itsmercy. After long discussion, the Government proposals were put to thevote on June 24th, and as the Centrum threw in its lot with theConservatives, the proposals were rejected by 195 votes to 187. PrinceBülow thereupon went to Kiel and tendered his resignation to theEmperor, but at the latter's urgent request consented to remain inoffice until financial reform in one shape or another had beeneffected. This result was attained a month later, after muchcompromising and discussion. The Chancellor renewed his request forretirement, and the Emperor agreed. On the same day, July 14th, thatthe resignation took effect, it was officially announced that Herr vonBethmann-Hollweg, who had hitherto been Minister of the Interior, wasappointed to succeed Prince von Bülow as Imperial Chancellor. 

An impression prevails widely in Germany that Prince Bülow'sretirement was due to the loss of the Emperor's favour owing to thePrince's attitude towards the monarch during the "November storm. "Prince Bülow, very properly, has always refused to say anything abouthis relations with his royal master, but a lengthy statement he madeto a newspaper correspondent referring his resignation to the conductof the Conservatives, and a letter from the Emperor gratefullythanking the Prince in the warmest terms for his "long and intimateco-operation, " and conferring upon him at the same time the highestOrder in the Empire, that of the Black Eagle, should be sufficientevidence to disprove the supposition. It is more probable that thePrince was weary of the cares of office and of the strife of party. Moreover, he had, in the state of his health, a strong private reasonfor retirement. Four years before, on April 5, 1906, he had fallenunconscious from his seat on the ministerial bench during theproceedings in the Reichstag, and although he was back again inParliament, perfectly recovered, in the following November, the attackwas an experience which warned him against too great a prolongation ofsuch heavy work and responsibility as the Chancellorship entails. 

The retirement of Prince Bülow meant the disappearance of the mostnotable figure in German political life since the beginning of thecentury. In ability, wit, and those graces of a refined and richlycultivated mind which have so often distinguished great Englishstatesmen, he was a head and shoulders above any of hisfellow-countrymen; while the mere fact that he was able to maintainhis position for almost twelve years (he had been, as ForeignSecretary for over two years, the Emperor's most trusted counsellorand the real executive in foreign policy) is a convincing proof of histact and diplomatic talent, as well as of his statesmanship. 

His successor, the present Chancellor, Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg, is aman of another and very different type. He incorporates the spirit ofPrussian patriotism of the most orthodox kind in its worthiest andbest manifestations, but as yet he has given no proofs of possessingthe breadth of view, the oratorical talent, or the urbanity whichdistinguished his predecessor. Prince von Bülow's career as a Germandiplomatist in foreign capitals made him an acute and highly polishedman of the world. The present Chancellor has spent all his life withinthe comparatively narrow confines of Prussian administrative service. It is, of course, too soon to pass final judgment on him as GermanPrime Minister. 

The visit of King Edward VII and Queen Alexandra to Berlin inFebruary, 1909, disposed finally of the idea, which had prevailed inGermany as well as abroad for two or three years, that England waspursuing a policy aiming to bring about the "isolation" of Germany inworld-politics. The visit was an official one, paid, of course, chiefly to the Emperor; but its most remarkable feature politicsapart, was the friendly relations which King Edward established withthe Berlin City Fathers at a reception in the Town Hall. It was notthat he said anything out of the way to the assembled burghers; buthis simple manner, genial remarks, and perhaps especially thesympathetic way in which he handled the loving-cup offered by hishosts, made an instantaneous and strong impression. 

The controversy that raged round the so-called "Flora Bust"contributed not a little to the gaiety of nations towards the close ofthis year. The bust, an undraped wax figure, reproducing the featuresof Leonardo da Vinci's famous "La Joconde, " was bought by Dr. WilhelmBode, Director of the Kaiser Friedrich Museum in Berlin, for £8, 000from a London dealer as an authentic work of the celebrated Italianpainter, dating from about the year 1500. It was brought with a greatflourish of trumpets to Berlin, and a chorus of self-congratulationwas raised in Germany on the successful carrying off of such a prizefrom England. The harmony, however, was rudely disturbed by thepublication of a letter from Mr. F. C. Cooksey, art critic of the_Times_, stating that the bust was not by da Vinci at all, but was inreality the work of Mr. R. C. Lucas, an artist of some note forty orfifty years ago, and that it had for long occupied a pedestal inLucas's suburban garden. 

The Emperor, whose curiosity as well as patriotism was aroused, spenthalf an hour on November 11th discussing the bust with Dr. Bode andexamining an album containing photographs of the works of Lucas. Atthe close of his inspection the Emperor expressed great delight at theacquisition, as to the genuineness of which he declared he "had notthe slightest doubt, " and said he did not regard the price paid asextremely high. Unfortunately for the Emperor's conviction, a letternow appeared in the _Times_ from Mr. A. C. Lucas, a son of R. C. Lucas, who said he recollected the making of the bust, and suggested thatthere might be found in its interior a piece of cloth, probably a partof an old waistcoat of his father's, which had been used as a sort offilling. In the presence of such a statement there was only one thingleft to be done: to examine the interior of the bust. First of all itwas subjected to the Roentgen rays, the result being to show that theinterior was not homogeneous. A few days after, there was a greatgathering of experts at the Museum, a hole was cut in the wax at theback of the bust, a bent wire was introduced, and the search for thefamous piece of waistcoat began. It was a dramatic moment as ProfessorLatghen with his wire explored the interior of the bust, and thetension reached its highest point when the Professor, drawing from thebust what was evidently a piece of cloth, exclaimed, "_Hier ist dieVeste!_" On being further withdrawn the substance proved to be abouttwo square inches of a grey, canvas-like material, feeling soft andvelvety to the touch. It was a disagreeable discovery for the Germans, but it was got over by the suggestion that the original bust had beenentrusted to Lucas for repair, and that in this way the waistcoat hadgot into it. The "poor English newspapers, " Dr. Bode said, referringto the sarcastic comments on the discovery from the other side of theChannel, "had had, without any acquaintance with our bust or with thework of its alleged forger, to give this particular form of expressionto their ill-humour at the sale. " As a matter of fact, the bust, whoever made it, is a lovely work of art, as every one who has seen itreadily admits. 

The Emperor's friendship with Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, which was now tobe confirmed by personal acquaintance, throws a side light on his owncharacter, and testifies to his desire to keep in touch with therulers of other countries--another illustration, by the way, of hisconsistency, since he laid down the policy of cultivating friendlyrelations with foreign rulers at the very commencement of his reign. Probably many letters in the large characteristic handwriting of bothmen have passed between them, and there probably always existed adesire on the part of the wielder of the mailed fist to make thepersonal acquaintance of the advocate of the big stick. The meetingoccurred in May, 1910, after Mr. Roosevelt had shot wild beasts inAfrica, visited Egypt, London, Vienna, Rome, and other continentalcities, with a cohort of newspaper correspondents, and caused by hisspeeches political, if fortunately harmless, disturbance almosteverywhere he went. When in Berlin he was to have lodged at theEmperor's palace; but the Emperor's hospitable intent was frustratedby the death of King Edward VII, which prevented all entertainment inthe home of his German nephew. 

The Roosevelt party, consisting of the ex-President, Mrs. Roosevelt, and Miss Ethel Roosevelt, arrived in Berlin on May 11th fromStockholm, and at noon the same day were taken by royal train toPotsdam. At the New Palace the party were heartily greeted by theEmperor, whom they found standing on the steps waiting to receivethem. After shaking hands the Emperor led his guests into a smallreception-room, where they were introduced to the Empress, the CrownPrince and Crown Princess, and other members of the imperial family. The Emperor then took them to the Shell Room, so called from its beinginlaid with shells and rare stones, and here were found some of theEmperor's high officials, including Admiral von Müller, chief of theMarine Cabinet, and one of the most able and amiable of the Emperor'sentourage, who had met Mr. Roosevelt when on his trip to America withPrince Henry several years before. Luncheon followed at six smalltables in the Jasper Gallery, the Emperor taking his seat between Mrs. Roosevelt and the Crown Princess, while the Empress had Mr. Roosevelton her left and her eldest son, the Crown Prince, on her right. Princess Victoria Louise, the Emperor's only daughter, occupied a seaton Mr. Roosevelt's left. After lunch was over the guests went back tothe Shell Room, and here the Emperor, taking Mr. Roosevelt apart, began a conversation so long and animated that the shades of eveningbegan to fall before it ended. The Roosevelts did not return to Berlinby train, but were first driven by the Emperor to inspect Sans Souci, and were afterwards whirled back to Berlin in the yellow imperialmotors. 

Only two other incidents of the visit need be mentioned. One of themwas a lecture on "The World Movement, " delivered by Mr. Roosevelt invery husky tones (for he was suffering badly from hoarseness) atBerlin University, in the presence of the Emperor and Empress. Theother was a parade of 12, 000 troops, arranged by the Emperor atDoeberitz, the great military exercise camp near Potsdam, which Mr. Roosevelt, clad in a khaki coat and breeches, and wearing brownleather gaiters and black slouch hat, observed from horseback besidethe Emperor. As the troops went by at the close of the review theEmperor and Mr. Roosevelt saluted in military fashion simultaneously. 

Immediately after the visit of the Roosevelts, the Emperor was calledto England to attend the funeral of King Edward VII. The imperialyacht _Hohenzollern_, with the Emperor on board, arrived in England onMay 19th. Next day the Emperor travelled to Victoria terminus, wherehe was received and warmly embraced by King George. They proceeded toBuckingham Palace, where the Emperor's first call was made on thewidowed Queen Alexandra. On the 21st took place the funeral of KingEdward, the procession to Westminster Abbey, where the service washeld, being headed by King George with the Emperor on his right andthe Duke of Connaught on his left. Both the Emperor and the Duke weredressed in Field-Marshal's uniform and carried the bâtons of theirrank. The countenance of the Emperor is described by a chronicler ofthe time (and the _Times_) as wearing "an expression grave even toseverity. "

The procession moved slowly on to the famous Abbey, the Emperor ridinga grey horse, saluting at intervals as he rode along. On arrival atthe Abbey an incident occurred. As soon as Queen Alexandra's carriagearrived and drew up, the Emperor, according to the accounts ofeyewitnesses, ran to the door of the carriage with so much alacritythat he had reached it before the royal servants, and when it appearedthat her Majesty was not to alight from that side of the carriage, theEmperor motioned the lacqueys round to the other door, and was therebefore them to assist her Majesty. This he did, after himself openingthe door. The Emperor remained in England only a very few days afterthe funeral, seeing old friends, among them Lord Kitchener. 

As of interest to both Englishmen and Germans may be mentioned thetour through India undertaken by the Crown Prince in November. Steeleonce happily said of a Lady Hastings that "to love her was a liberaleducation"; to make a tour through India, it might similarly be said, is an education in the extent and character of British imperial powerand administration. The Crown Prince naturally devoted a goodly shareof his time to the delights of sport, including tiger-shooting andpig-sticking, but he must also have learned much of England's fineimperial spirit from his intercourse with an official hierarchy ashonest and conscientious as that of his own country. The Crown Prince, on his return home, published a volume of hunting reminiscences whichdoes no small credit to him as an author. 

The Emperor's "shining armour" political remark dates from thisperiod. He was on a visit to his Triplice ally, Kaiser Franz Josef, inSeptember, 1910, and made a speech at the Vienna Town Hall on the 21stwhich contained a reference to the loyal conduct he claimed Germanyhad observed when the action of Austria-Hungary in annexing Bosnia andHerzegovina, despite the wording of the Treaty of Berlin, had raisedan outcry in other countries, and in particular strained Austrianrelations with Russia. After thanking his audience for the personalreception given him, he continued:

 "On the other hand, it seems to me I read in your resolution the agreement of the city of Vienna with the action of an ally in taking his stand in shining armour at a grave moment by the side of your most gracious sovereign. "

The outcry caused in the world by Austria's high-handed annexation, and especially in Russia, theoretically always Austria's most probableenemy, owing to conflicting interests in the Balkans, subsided, weknow, as suddenly as it was raised. The reason, it is currentlybelieved, and the form in which the rays of the shining armour acted, was an intimation from the Emperor to the Czar that, if necessary, Germany was prepared to fight for Austria. 

Peoples are said to have the institutions, and husbands the wives, they deserve; but if German cities, and especially Berlin, have thepolice they deserve, the fact speaks very uncomplimentarily for theirinhabitants. Foreigners in Germany, coming from countries wheremanners are more natural and obliging, frequently use the adjectives"brutal" and "stupid" when speaking of the Prussian constable. Theproceedings of the Berlin police during the Moabit riots in thecapital in September this year are often quoted as an example of theirbrutality, while, as to stupidity, it is enough to say that a strangerin Berlin, discussing its mounted police, naïvely remarked that whatmost struck him about them was the look of intelligence on the facesof the horses. Judgments of this kind are too sweeping. It should beremembered that Germany is surrounded by countries of which theriff-raff is at all times seeking refuge in it or passing through it, that polyglot swindlers of every kind, the most refined as well as themost commonplace, abound, and that Anarchists are not yet an extinctspecies. For the Prussian police, moreover, there is a Social Democratbehind every bush. 

Possibly to this condition of things, and to the suspicion that SocialDemocratic organizers were about, was due the gallant charge made byhalf a dozen policemen, with drawn swords in their hands and revolversat their belts, on four inoffensive English and American journalistsduring the Moabit riots. Towards midnight of September 29th thejournalists were seated in an open taximeter cab, in a brilliantlylighted square, which some little time before had been swept ofrioters--rioters from the Berlin police point of view being any one, man, woman, or child, who is, with guilty or innocent intent, it makesno difference, in or near a theatre of disturbance. Suddenly half adozen burly policemen, led on by a police spy, as he afterwards turnedout to be, charged the cab and laid about them with their swords. Theyprobably only intended to use the flat of their weapons, but one ofthem succeeded in slashing deeply the hand of Reuter's representative, who was of the party. The other journalists escaped with contusionsand bruises, thanks chiefly to the sides of the cab impeding thesword-play of the attackers. 

The journalists naturally complained to their Ambassadors, who took uptheir cause with commendable readiness. Without immediate effect, however; the authorities, though themselves very strong on the pointof duty, wondered much at journalists being in a place where dutyalone could have brought them, and refused any sort of apology orother satisfaction. The Government, however, eventually expressed its"regret, " and a year or two after, possibly in the spirit ofconciliation and compensation, agreed to give foreign journalists inBerlin the _passe-partout_, or _coupe-fil_, as it is known in France, which is one of the privileges most valued by the journalist, nativeand foreign, in Paris. 

Among the international agreements of the year was a commercial onebetween Germany and America. Commercial relations between the twocountries have never been quite satisfactory to either, and if thereis no tariff war, occasions of tariff tension, with consequentdisturbance of trade, constantly arise. Germany's European commercialtreaties have secured her a sufficiency of raw material for herindustry. Her chief object now is not so much perhaps to facilitateimports of material from other countries as to find markets, inAmerica as elsewhere, for her industry's finished products. Consequently she strongly dislikes the high tariff barriers of theUnited States, inaugurated by the Dingley tariff of 1897, and has inaddition certain grievances against that country regarding customsadministration in respect of appraisement, invoices, and the like. Hercommercial connexion with America dates from the treaty of "friendshipand commerce" made by Frederick the Great, and having themost-favoured-nation treatment as its basis; a regular treaty of thesame kind between Prussia and America was entered into in 1828; andsince then commercial relations have been regulated provisionally by aseries of short-term agreements which, however, America claims, do notconfer on Germany unrestricted right to most-favoured-nationtreatment. By the agreement now in force, concluded this year (1910), America and Germany grant each other the benefit of their minimumduties. 

Since the "November storm" the Emperor had made no reference to thedoctrine of Divine Right, nor given any indication of a desire toexercise the "personal regiment" which is the natural corollary to it. It has been seen that the doctrine, viewed from the Englishstandpoint, is a species of mental malady to which Hohenzollernmonarchs are hereditarily subject. It recurs intermittently andparticularly whenever a Hohenzollern monarch speaks in Koenigsberg, the Scone of Prussia, where Prussian Kings are crowned. When atKoenigsberg this year the Emperor suffered from a return of the royal_idée fixe_. "Here my grandfather, " he said, "placed, by his own right, the crown of the Kings of Prussia on his head, once again laying stress upon the fact that it was conferred upon him by the Grace of God alone, not by Parliament, by meetings of the people, or by popular decisions; and that he considered himself the chosen instrument of Heaven and as such performed his duties as regent and as ruler. "

Speaking of himself on the occasion he said:

 "Considering myself as an Instrument of the Lord, without being misled by the views and opinions of the day, I go my way, which is devoted solely and alone to the prosperity and peaceful development of our Fatherland. "

The Emperor, by the way, on this occasion made what sounds like anindirect reference to the Suffragette craze. "What shall our women, "he asked, after mentioning the pattern Queen of Prussia, Queen Louise, "learn from the Queen? They must learn that the principal task of the German woman does not lie in attending public meetings and belonging to societies, in the attainment of supposed rights in which women can emulate men, but in the quiet work of the home and in the family. "

The Emperor's reference to his divine appointment did not pass withouta good deal of popular criticism in Germany, but nearly all Germanswere at one with the Emperor in his view of the proper sphere forwomanly activities. 

The Emperor's domestic life for the last two or three years, includingthe early months of the present year, have passed without specialcause of interest or excitement, if we except the visit he and theEmpress made to London in May, 1911, to be present at the unveiling ofQueen Victoria's statue, and the announcement he was able to make afew months ago that his only daughter, Princess Victoria Louise, hadbecome engaged to Prince Ernest August, Duke of Cumberland, the stillpersisting claimant to the Kingdom of Hannover, absorbed by Prussia in1866. The visit to London lasted only five days and produced noincident particularly worthy of record. The engagement of PrincessVictoria Louise, while generally believed to be a love-match, possesses also political significance for Germany, not indeed asputting an end to the claim of the Duke of Cumberland, but aspractically effecting a reconciliation between the Hohenzollerns andGuelphs. The young Duke of Brunswick had already implicitly renouncedhis claim to Hannover by entering the German army and taking the oathof allegiance to the Emperor as War Lord, so that, when his fatherdies, the Guelph claim to Hannover will die with him. 

It is difficult to determine whether the Government's abandonment ofits design to amend the Prussian franchise system in 1910, itssubmissive attitude towards the Pope's Borromeo Encyclical in 1911, the rapid rise in food prices which marked both years, or finally, theEmperor's failure to secure a slice of Morocco for Germany had mostantagonizing effect on German popular feeling; but whatever the cause, the general elections of January, 1912, proved a tremendous Socialistvictory, which must have been, and still remains, gall and wormwood tothe Emperor. Notwithstanding official efforts, over one-third of thevotes polled at the first ballots went for Social Democraticcandidates. The number of seats thus obtained was 64, and this number, after the second ballots, rose to 110, thus making the Socialist partynumerically the strongest in the Reichstag. Up to the present, however, Herr Bebel and his cohorts appear to be happy in possessingpower rather than in using it. 

Before completing the Emperor's domestic chronicle of more recentyears, a few lines may be devoted to the role in which he has lastappeared before the public--that of farmer. On February 12, 1913, heattended a meeting of the German Agricultural Council in Berlin, andwith only a few statistical notes to help him narrated in lively andamusing fashion his experiences as owner of a farm, the management ofwhich he has been personally supervising since 1898. The farm is partof the Cadinen Estate, bequeathed to him by an admirer and universallyknown for the majolica ware made out of the clay found on theproperty. The Emperor was able to show that he had achieved remarkablesuccess with his farm, and particularly with a fine species of bull, _Bos indicus major_, he maintained on it. A year or two before, at asimilar meeting, when speaking of the same breed of bull, he causedmuch hilarity among the military portion of his audience by jokinglyremarking that it had "nothing to do with the General Staff. " On thepresent occasion he also caused laughter by recounting how he had"fired, " to use an American expression exactly equivalent to theGerman word employed by the Emperor, a tenant who "wasn't any use. "The Emperor, however, would, as it turned out, have done better by notmentioning the incident, for the Supreme Court at Leipzig a few dayssubsequently quashed the Emperor's order of ejectment on the tenantand condemned him to pay all the costs in the case. The role offarmer, it may be added, is one which, had he been born a countrygentleman like Bismarck, the Emperor would have filled with completesuccess. But in what role would he not have done well?

Foreign politics everywhere for the last three or four years have beenfull of incident, outcry, and bloodshed. The state of things, indeed, prevailing in the world for some time past is extraordinary. Avisitant from another planet would imagine that normal peace andabnormal war had changed places, and that civilized mankind now regardpeace as an interlude of war, not war as an interlude of peace. Hewould be wrong, of course, but the race in armament, which threatensto leave the nations taking part in it financially breathless andexhausted, might easily lead him astray. On some of the situationswith which these politics are concerned we may briefly touch. 

For the last three or four years the dominant note in the music ofwhat is called the European Concert, taking Europe for the moment toinclude Great Britain, has been the state of Anglo-German relations. There have been times, as has been seen, when public feeling in bothEngland and Germany was strongly antagonized, but all through theperiod there has been evident a desire on the part of both Governmentsto adopt a mutually conciliatory attitude, and if the war in theBalkans does not lead to a general international conflagration, whichat present appears improbable, the two countries may arrive at apermanent understanding. There was, and not so very long ago, asimilar state of tension, prolonged for many years, between Englandand France. That tension not only ceased, but was converted intopolitical friendship by the Anglo-French Agreement of 1904. Parallelwith this tension between England and France was the tension betweenEngland and Russia, owing to the latter's advance towards England'sIndian possessions. The latter state of things ended with theAnglo-Russian Agreement of 1907, and it should engender satisfactionand hope, therefore, to those who now apprehend a war between Englandand Germany to note that neither of the tensions referred to, thoughboth were long and bitter, developed into war. 

The tension between England and Germany of late years has beentightened rather than relaxed by ministerial speeches as well as bynewspaper polemics in both countries. One of the most disturbing ofthe former was the speech delivered by Mr. Lloyd George at the MansionHouse on July 21, 1911. Doubtless with the approval of the PrimeMinister, Mr. Asquith, Mr. Lloyd George said:

 "I believe it is essential, in the highest interest not merely of this country, but of the world, that Britain should at all hazards maintain her place and her prestige amongst the Great Powers of the world. Her potent influence has many a time been in the past, and may yet be in the future, invaluable to the cause of human liberty. It has more than once in the past redeemed continental nations, which are sometimes too apt to forget that service, from overwhelming disasters and even from national extinction. I would make great sacrifices to preserve peace. I conceive that nothing would justify a disturbance of international goodwill except questions of the gravest national moment. But if a situation were to be forced upon us in which peace could only be preserved by the surrender of the great and beneficent position Britain has won by centuries of heroism and achievement, by allowing Britain to be treated, where her interests are vitally affected, as if she were of no account in the cabinet of nations, then I say emphatically that peace at that price would be a humiliation intolerable for a great country like ours to endure. "

These rhetorical platitudes were uttered at the time of the"conversations" between the French and German Foreign Offices aboutthe compensation claimed by Germany for giving France, once for all, afree hand in Morocco. Germany was apparently making demands of anexorbitant character, and what Mr. Lloyd George really meant was thatif Germany persisted in these demands England would fight on the sideof France in order to resist them. As a genuinely democratic speaker, however, he followed the rule of many publicists, who are paid fortheir articles by the column and say to themselves, "Why use two wordswhen five will do?"

Another unfortunate remark that may be noted in this connexion wasthat made by Mr. Winston Churchill in referring to the German navy as"to some extent a luxury. " The remark, though true (also to a certainextent), was unfortunate, for it irritated public opinion in Germany, where it was regarded as a species of impertinent interference. 

As evidence of the desire on the part of the Emperor and hisGovernment for a friendly arrangement with England may be quoted thestatement made in December, 1910, by the German Chancellor, Herr vonBethmann-Hollweg, _to_ the following effect:--

 "We also meet England in the desire to avoid rivalry in regard to armaments, and non-binding _pourparlers_, which have from time to time taken place, have been conducted on both sides in a friendly spirit. We have always advanced the opinion that a frank and sincere interchange of views, followed by an understanding with regard to the economic and political interests of the two countries, offers the surest means of allaying all mistrust on the subject of the relations of the Powers to each other on sea and land. "

The Chancellor went on to explain that this mistrust had manifesteditself "not in the case of the Governments, but of public opinion. "

With regard, in particular, to a naval understanding between Englandand Germany, Chancellor von Bülow, in a Budget speech in March, 1909, declared that up to that time no proposals regarding the dimensions ofthe fleets or the amount of naval expenditure which could serve as abasis for an understanding had been made on the side of England, though non-binding conversations had taken place on the subjectbetween authoritative English and German personalities. In March lastyear (1912) such proposals may be said to have been made in the formof a suggestion by Sir Edward Grey during the Budget debate that theratio of 16 to 10 (i. E. , 50 per cent. More and 10 per cent. Over)should express the naval strength of the two countries. The suggestionwas "welcomed" by Admiral von Tirpitz on behalf of Germany inFebruary, 1913. And there the matter rests. 

A perhaps inevitable result of the tension between England and Germanyduring the period under consideration has been the amount of mutualespionage discovered to be going on in both countries. An incidentthat attracted wide attention was the arrest in 1910 of CaptainsBrandon and Trench, the former of whom was arrested at Borkum and thelatter at Emden. They were tried before the Supreme Court at Leipzig, and were both sentenced to incarceration in a fortress for four years. Many other arrests, prosecutions, and sentences have taken place bothin England and Germany since then, with the consequence that Englishtravellers in Germany and German travellers in England, particularlywhere the travellers are men of military bearing and are in seasideregions, are now liable, under very small provocation, to a suspicionof being spies. An English lady recently made the acquaintance of aGerman in England. He was a very nice man, she said, and went on torelate how they were talking one day about Ireland. She happened tomention Tipperary. "Oh, I know Tipperary, " the German officer said;"it is in my department. " "It was a revelation to me, " the ladyconcluded when repeating the conversation to her friends. As a matterof fact, the Intelligence Departments of the army in both Germany andEngland are well acquainted with the roads, hills, streams, forts, harbours, and similar details of topography in almost all countries ofthe world besides their own. 

In regard to 1911 should be recorded the journey of the Crown Princeand Crown Princess to England to represent the Emperor at thecoronation of King George in June; the outbreak in September of theTurco-Italian War, which placed the Emperor in a dilemma, of which onefork was his duty to Italy as an ally in the Triplice and the otherhis platonic friendship with the Commander of the Faithful; and, lastly, the suspicion of the Emperor's designs that arose in connexionwith the fortification of Flushing at a cost to Holland of some£3, 000, 000. The Emperor was supposed to have insisted on thefortification in order to prevent the use of the Netherlands by GreatBritain as a naval base against Germany. Like many another scare inconnexion with foreign policy, the supposition may be regarded only asa product of intelligent journalistic "combination. "

Finally, among subsidiary occurrences, should be mentioned the meetingof the Emperor and the Czar in July, 1912, at Port Baltic in Finnishwaters, accompanied by their Foreign Ministers, with the officialannouncement of the stereotyped "harmonious relations" between the twomonarchs that followed; and the premature prolongation, with theobject of showing solidarity regarding the Balkan situation, of theTriple Alliance, which, entered into, as mentioned earlier, in theyear 1882, had already been renewed in 1891, 1896, and 1902. The nextrenewal should be in 1925, unless in the meantime an internationalagreement to which all Great Powers are signatories should render itsuperfluous. 

The war in the Balkans need only be referred to in these pages in sofar as it concerns Germany. The position of Germany in regard to it, so far, appears simple; she will actively support Austria's largerinterests in order to keep faith with her chief ally of the Triplice, and so long as Austria and Russia can agree regarding developments inthe Balkan situation, there is no danger of war among the GreatPowers. People smiled at the declaration of the Powers some littletime ago that the _status quo_ in the Balkans should be maintained;but it should be remembered that the whole phrase is _status quo antebellum_, and that, once war has broken out, the _status_, the positionof affairs, is in a condition of solution, and that no new _status_can arise until the war is over and its consequences determined bytreaties. The result of the present war, let it be hoped, will be toconfine Turkey to the Orient, where she belongs, and that the BalkanStates, possibly after a period of internecine feud, will take theirshare in modern European progress and civilization. 

The amount of declaration, asseveration, recrimination (chieflyjournalistic), rectification, intimidation, protestation, pacification, and many other wordy processes that have been employedin almost all countries with the avowed object of maintaining peaceduring the last four years is in striking contrast to the smallprogress actually made in regard to a final settlement of either ofthe two great international points at issue--the limitation ofarmaments and compulsory arbitration. 

Enough perhaps has been said in preceding pages to show the attitudeof the Emperor, and consequently the attitude of his Government, towards them. A history of the long agitation in connexion with themis beyond the scope of this work. The agitation itself, however, maybe viewed as a step, though not a very long one, on the way to thedesired solution, and it is a matter for congratulation that the twosubjects have been, and are still being, so freely and copiously and, on the whole, so sympathetically and hopefully ventilated. The greatdifficulty, apparently, is to find what diplomatists call the proper"formula"--the law-that-must-be-obeyed. Unfortunately, the finding ofthe formula cannot be regarded as the end of the matter; there stillremains the finding of what jurists call the "sanction, " that is tosay, the power to enforce the formula when found and to punish anynation which fails to act in accordance with it. Nothing but anAreopagus of the nations can furnish such a sanction, but with thepresent arrangements for balancing power in Europe, to say nothing ofthe ineradicable pugnacity, greed, and ambition of human nature, suchan Areopagus seems very like an impossibility. Time, however, maybring it about. If it should, and the Golden Age begin to dawn, anepoch of new activities and new horizons, quite possibly more noveland interesting than any which has ever preceded it, will open formankind. 

XVI. 

THE EMPEROR TO-DAY

What strikes one most, perhaps, on looking back over the Emperor'slife and time, are two surprising inconsistencies, one relating to theEmperor himself, the other to that part of his time with which he hasbeen most closely identified. 

The first arises from the fact that a man so many-sided, so impulsive, so progressive, so modern--one might almost say so American--shouldhave altered so little either in character or policy during quarter ofa century. This is due to what we have called his mediæval nature. Heis to-day the same Hohenzollern he was the day he mounted the throne, observing exactly the same attitude to the world abroad and to hisfolk at home, tenacious of exactly the same principles, enunciatingexactly the same views in politics, religion, morals, and art--ineverything which concerns the foundations of social life. He stillbelieves himself, as his speeches and conduct show, the selectedinstrument of Heaven, and acts towards his people and addresses themaccordingly. He still opposes all efforts at political change, aswitness his attitude towards electoral reform, towards theGermanization of Prussian Poland, towards the Socialists, towardsLiberalism in all its manifestations. He is still, as he was at theoutset of his reign, the patron of classical art, classical drama, andclassical music. He is still the War Lord with the spirit of a bishopand a bishop with the spirit of the War Lord. He is still the modelhusband and father he always has been. Most men change one way oranother as time goes on. With the Emperor time for five-and-twentyyears appears to have stood still. 

The inconsistency relating to his time arises from the contrastbetween the real and the seeming character of the reign. For, strikingly and anomalously enough, while the Emperor has been steadilypursuing an economic policy, a policy of peace, his entire reign, asone turns over the pages of its history, seems to resound, duringalmost every hour, with martial shoutings, confused noises, theclatter of harness, the clash of swords, and the tramp of armies. Frommoment to moment it recalls those scenes from Shakespearean drama inwhich indeed no dead are actually seen upon the stage, but atintervals the air is filled with battle cries, "with excursions andalarms, " with warriors brandishing their weapons, calling for horses, hacking at imaginary foes, and defying the world in arms. 

And yet in reality it has been a period of domestic peace throughout. Though there has been incessant talk of war, and at times war may havebeen near, it never came, unless the South West African and Boxerexpeditions be so called. Commerce and trade have gone on increasingby leaps and bounds. The population has grown at the rate of nearlythree-quarters of a million a year. Emperor William the First's socialpolicy has been closely followed. The navy has been built, the armystrengthened, the Empire's finances reorganized; in whatever directionone looks one finds a record of solid and substantial and peacefulprogress and prosperity. A great deal of it is owing, admittedly, tothe Germans themselves, but no small share of it is due to the"impulsive" Emperor's consistency of character and conduct. 

Probably the inconsistencies are only apparent. Germany and herEmperor have grown, not developed, if by development is meant aradical alteration in structure or mentality, and if regard is had tothe real Germany and the real Emperor, not to the Germany of thetourist, and not to the Emperor of contemporary criticism. It has beenseen that the Emperor's nature and policy have not altered. TheConstitution of Germany has not altered, nor her Press, nor herpolitical parties, nor her social system, nor, indeed, any of thevital institutions of her national life. With one possibleexception--the navy. The navy is a new organic feature, and, like allorganisms, is exerting deep and far-reaching influences. Germany, ofcourse, is in a process of development, a state of transition. Butnations are at all times in a state of transition, more or lessobvious; and it will require yet a good many years to show what newforms and fruits the development now going on in Germany is to bring. The Emperor, it is safe to say, will remain the same, mediæval innature, modern in character, to the end of his life. 

The main thing, however, to be noted both about Germany and the GermanEmperor is what they stand for in the movement of world-ideas at thepresent time. Germans cause foreigners to smile when they prophesythat their culture, their civilization, will become the culture andthe civilization of the world. The sameness of ideas that prevailed inmediæval times about life and religion--about this life and the lifeto come--was succeeded, and first in Germany, by an enormous diversityof ideas about life and religion, beginning with the Rationalism (or"enlightenment, " as the Germans call it) which set in after theReformation and the Renaissance; and this diversity againpromises--let us at least hope--to go back, in one of the greatcircles that make one think human thought, too, moves in accordancewith planetary laws, to a sameness of views among the nations inregard to the real interests of society, which are peace, religiousharmony through toleration, commercial harmony through internationalintercourse, and the mutual goodwill of governments and peoples. Forall this order of ideas the Emperor, notwithstanding his mailed fistand shining armour, stands, and in this spirit both he and the Germanmind are working. 

More than half a century has passed over the Emperor's head; let uslook a little more closely at him as the man and the monarch he isto-day. Time appears to have dealt gently with him; the heart, onehears it said, never grows bald, and in all but years the Emperor isprobably as young and untiring as ever. 

His personal appearance has altered little in the last decade. Anobserver, who had an opportunity of seeing him at close quarters in1902, describes him, as he then appeared, as follows:--

 "I was standing within arm's length of him at Cuxhaven, where we were waiting the landing of Prince Henry, his brother, on his return from America. The _Deutschland_ had to be warped alongside the quay, and the Emperor, in the uniform of a Prussian general of infantry, meanwhile mixed with the suite and chatted, now to one, now to another, with his usual bonhomie. I was speaking to the American attaché, Captain H----, when the Emperor came up, and naturally I stood a little to one side. 

 "The thing that most struck me was the Emperor's large grey eyes. As they looked sharply into those of Captain H---- or glanced in my direction, they seemed to show absolutely no feeling, no sentiment of any kind. Not that they gave the notion of hardness or falsity. They were simply like two grey mirrors on which outward things made no impression. 

 "Two other features did not strike me as anything out of the ordinary, but the whole face had an air of ability, cleverness, briskness, and health. The Emperor is about middle height, with the body very erect, the walk firm, and is very energetic in his gestures. I did not notice the shortness of the left arm, but that may have been because his left hand was leaning on his sword-hilt. Captain H---- told me he could not put on his overcoat without assistance, and that the hand is so weak he can do very little with it. There was nothing of a Hohenzollern hanging under-lip. "

The following judgment was formed a year or two ago by an Americandiplomatist: "I have often met him, " the diplomatist said, "and only speak of the impression he made on me. I would describe him as intelligent rather than intellectual. He appreciates men of learning and of philosophic mind, and while not learned and philosophic himself, enjoys seeing the learned and philosophic at work, and gladly recognizes their merit when their labours are thorough and well done. His mind is marvellously quick, but it does not dwell on anything for long at a time. It takes in everything presented to it in, so to speak, a hop, skip, and jump. 

 "In company he is never at rest, and surprises one by his lively play of features and the entirely natural and unaffected expression of his thoughts. He is sitting at a lecture, perhaps, when a notion occurs to him, and forthwith indicates it by a humorous grimace or wink to some one sitting far away from him. He is always saying unexpected things. On the whole, he is a right good fellow, and I can imagine that, though he can come down hard on one with a heavy hand and stern look, he does not do so by the instinct of a despot, but acting under a sense of duty. "

Another diplomatist has remarked the Emperor's habit in conversationof tapping the person he is talking to on the shoulder and ofscrutinizing him all over--"ears, nose, clothes, until it makes onefeel quite uncomfortable. "

The next sketch of him is as he may be seen any day during theyachting week in June at Kiel:--

 "The Emperor is in the smoking-room of the Yacht Club, dressed in a blue lounge suit with a white peaked cap. He is sitting carelessly on the side of a table, dangling his legs and discussing with fellow-members and foreign yachtsmen the experience of the day, now speaking English, now French, now German. He seems quite in his element as sportsman, and puts every one at ease round him. His expression is animated and his voice hearty, if a little strident to foreign ears. His right hand and arm are in ceaseless movement, emphasizing and enforcing everything he says. He asks many questions and often invites opinion, and when it differs from his own, as sometimes happens, he takes it quite good-humouredly. "

To-day the Emperor is outwardly much the same as he has just beendescribed. He is perhaps slightly more inclined to stoutness. Hisfeatures, though they speak of cleverness and manliness, are forgottenas one looks into the keen and quickly moving grey eyes with theirpeculiar dash of yellow. He is well set up, as is proper for a soldierever actively engaged in military duties, and his stride continuesfirm and elastic. He is still constantly in the saddle. His hair, still abundant, is yet beginning to show the first touches of thecoming frost of age, and the reddish brown moustache, once famous forits haughtily upturned ends, has taken, either naturally or by the aidof Herr Haby, the Court barber, who attends him daily, a nearly levelform. 

In public, whether mounted or on foot, he preserves the somewhat sternair he evidently thinks appropriate to his high station, but morefrequently than formerly the features relax into a pleasant smile. Thecolour of the face is healthy, tending to rosiness, and the generalimpression given is that of a clever man, conscious, yet notoverconscious, of his dignity. The shortness of the left arm, a defectfrom birth, is hardly noticeable. 

The extirpation of a polypus from the Emperor's throat in 1903, whichmust have been one of the severest trials of his life when the historyof his father's mortal illness is remembered, might lead one tosuppose that his vocal organs would always suffer from the effects ofthe operation. It has fortunately turned out otherwise. His voice wasoriginally strong by nature, and remains so. It never seems tired, even when, as it often does, it pleases him to read aloud for his ownpleasure or that of a circle of friends. It frequently occurs that hewill pick up a book, one of his ancient favourites, Horace or Homerperhaps, Mr. Stewart Houston Chamberlain's "Foundations of theNineteenth Century"--a work he greatly admires--or a modernpublication he has read of in the papers, and read aloud from it foran hour or an hour and a half at a time. Nor is his reading aloudconfined to classical or German books. He is equally disposed tochoose works in English or French or Italian, and when he reads thesehe is fond of doing so with a particularly clear and distinctenunciation, partly as practice for himself, and partly that hishearers may understand with certainty. This is not all, for thereinvariably follows a discussion upon what has been read, and in it theEmperor takes a constant and often emphatic part. It has been remarkedthat at the close of the longest sitting of this character his voiceis as strong and sonorous as at the beginning. 

He is still the early riser and hard worker he has always been; stilldevotes the greater part of his time to the duties that fall to him asWar Lord; still races about the Empire by train or motor-car, reviewing troops, laying foundation-stones, unveiling statues, dedicating churches, attending manoeuvres, encouraging yachting atKiel by his presence during the yachting week, or hurrying off to meetthe monarch of a foreign country. He still enjoys his annual tripalong the shores of Norway or breaks away from the cares of State topass a few weeks at his Corfu castle, dazzling in its marble whitenessand overlooking the Acroceraunian mountains, or to hunt or shoot atthe country seat of some influential or wealthy subject. In fine, heis still engaged with all the energy of his nature, if in a somewhatless flamboyant fashion than during his earlier years, in his, as hebelieves, divinely appointed work of guiding Prussia's destiny andbuilding up the German Empire. 

It is because he is an Empire-builder that his numerous journeysabroad and restlessness of movement at home have earned for him thenickname of the "travelling Kaiser. " The Germans themselves do notunderstand his conduct in this respect. If one urges that Hohenzollernkings, and none of them more than the Great Elector and Frederick theGreat, were incessant travellers, they will reply that their kings hadto be so at a time when the Empire was not yet established, whenrebellious nobles had to be subdued, and when the spirit ofprovincialism and particularism had to be counteracted. Hence, theysay, former Hohenzollerns had to exercise personal control in allparts of their dominions, see that their military dispositions werecarried out, and study social and economic conditions on the spot; butnowadays, when the Empire is firmly established, when theadministration is working like a clock and the post and telegraph areat command, the Emperor should stay at home and direct everything fromhis capital. 

The Emperor himself evidently takes a different view. He does notconsider the forty-year-old Empire as completed and consolidated, butregards it much as the Great Elector or Frederick the Great regardedPrussia when that kingdom was in the making. He believes inpropagating the imperial idea by his personal presence in all parts ofthe Empire, and at the same time observing the progress that is beingmade there. He is, finally, a believer in getting into personal touch, as far as is possible, with foreign monarchs, foreign statesmen, andforeign peoples, for he doubtless sees that with every decade theinterests of nations are becoming more closely identified. 

In connexion with the subject of the Emperor's travelling, mention maybe made of the fact that many years ago he thought it necessary toexplain himself publicly in reference to the idea, prevalent among hispeople at the time, that he was travelling too much. "On my travels, "he said, "I design not only to make myself acquainted with foreign countries and institutions, and to foster friendly relations with neighbouring rulers, but these journeys, which have been often misinterpreted, have high value in enabling me to observe home affairs from a distance and submit them to a quiet examination. "

He expresses something in the same order of thought in a speechtelling of his reflections on the high sea concerning hisresponsibilities as ruler:

 "When one is alone on the high sea, with only God's starry heaven above him, and holds communion with himself, one will not fail to appreciate the value of such a journey. I could wish many of my countrymen to live through hours like these, in which one can take reckoning of what he has designed and what achieved. Then one would be cured of over self-estimation--and that we all need. "

When the Emperor is about to start on a journey, confidentialtelegrams are sent to the railway authorities concerned, andimmediately a thorough inspection of the line the Emperor is about totravel over is ordered. Tunnels, bridges, points, railway crossings, are all subjected to examination, and spare engines kept in immediatereadiness in case of a breakdown occurring to the imperial train. Thepolice of the various towns through which the monarch is to pass arealso communicated with and their help requisitioned in takingprecautions for his safety. Like any private person, the Emperor payshis own fares, which are reckoned at the rate of an average of fifteenshillings to one pound sterling a mile. A recent journey toSwitzerland cost him in fares £200. Of late years he has saved moneyin this respect by the more frequent use of the royal motor-cars. Theroyal train is put together by selecting those required from fifteencarriages which are always ready for an imperial journey. If thejourney is short, a saloon carriage and refreshment car are deemedsufficient; in case of a long journey the train consists of a buffercarriage in addition, with two saloon cars for the suite and twowagons for the luggage. The train is always accompanied by a highofficial of the railway, who, with mechanics and spare guard, is indirect telephonic communication with the engine-driver and guard. Thecarriages are coloured alike, ivory-white above the window-line andlacquered blue below. 

All the carriages, with the exception of the saloon dining-car, are ofthe corridor type. A table runs down the centre of the dining-car; theEmperor takes his seat in the centre, while the rest of the suite andguests take their places at random, save that the elder travellers aresupposed to seat themselves about the Emperor. If the Emperor hasguests with him they naturally have seats beside or in the nearneighbourhood of their host. Breakfast is taken about half-past eight, lunch at one, and dinner at seven or eight. The Emperor is alwaystalkative at table, and often draws into conversation the remotermembers of the company, occasionally calling to them by their nicknameor a pet name. He sits for an hour or two after dinner, with a glassof beer and a huge box of cigars before him, discussing the incidentsof the journey or recalling his experiences at various periods of hisreign. 

The Emperor's disposition of the year remains much what it was at thebeginning of the reign. The chief changes in it are the omission of ayachting visit to Cowes, which he made annually from 1889 to 1895, and, since 1908, the habit of making an annual summer stay at hisCorfu castle, "Achilleion, " instead of touring in the Mediterraneanand visiting Italian cities. January is spent in Berlin in connexionwith the New Year festivities, ambassadorial and other Courtreceptions, drawing-rooms, and balls, and the celebration of hisbirthday on the 27th. The Berlin season extends into the middle ofFebruary, so that part of that month also is spent in Berlin. Duringthe latter half of February and in March the Emperor is usually atPotsdam, occasionally motoring to Berlin to give audience or for somespecial occasion. April and part of May are passed in Corfu. Towardsthe end of May the Emperor returns to Germany and goes to Wiesbadenfor the opera and Festspiele in the royal theatre; but he must be inBerlin before May has closed, for the spring parade of the Berlin andPotsdam garrisons on the vast Tempelhofer Field. His return onhorseback from this parade is always the occasion of popularenthusiasm in Berlin's principal streets. In early June the Emperorstays at Potsdam or perhaps pays a visit to some wealthy noble, and atthe end of the month the yachting week calls him to Kiel. Once that isover he proceeds on his annual tour along the coast of Norway. September sees him back in Germany for the autumn manoeuvres. Octoberand November are devoted to shooting at Rominten or some otherimperial hunting lodge, or with some large landowner or industrialmagnate. The whole of December is usually spent at Potsdam, save foran annual visit to his friend Prince Fürstenberg at Donaueschingen. Naturally he is in Potsdam for Christmas, when all the imperial familyassemble to celebrate the festival in good old German style. 

In music, as we know, he retains the classical tastes he has alwayscultivated and sometimes dictatorially recommended. Good music, he hassaid, is like a piece of lace, not like a display of fireworks. Hestill has most musical enjoyment in listening to Bach and Handel. Theformer he has spoken of as one of the most "modern" of composers, andwill point out that his works contain melodious passages that might bethe musical thought of Franz Lehar or Leo Fall. He has no great likingfor the music of Richard Strauss, and his admiration of Wagner, ifcertain themes, that must, one feels, have been drawn from the musicof the spheres, be excepted, is respectful rather than rapturous. OfWagner's works the "Meistersingers" is "my favourite. "

A faculty that in the Emperor has developed with the years is that ofapplying a sense of humour, not originally small, to the events ofeveryday life. He is always ready to joke with his soldiers andsailors, with artists, professors, ministers--in short, with men ofevery class and occupation. Several stories in illustration of hishumour are current, but a homely example or two may here suffice. Heis sitting in semi-darkness in the parquet at the Royal Opera House. "Le Prophète" is in rehearsal, and it is the last act, in which thereis a powder cask, ready to blow everything to atoms, standing outsidethe cathedral. Fraulein Frieda Hempel, as the heroine, appears with alighted torch and is about to take her seat on the cask. Suddenly theimperial voice is heard from the semi-gloom: "Fraulein Hempel, it isevident you haven't had a military training or you wouldn't take alight so near a barrel of gunpowder. " And the _prima donna_ has totake her place on the other side of the stage. Or he is presentingProfessor Siegfried Ochs, the famous manager of the PhilharmonicConcerts, with the Order of the Red Eagle, third class, and with afriendly smile gracefully excuses himself for conferring an "Order ofthe third class on a musician of the first class, " by pleadingofficial rule. A third popular anecdote tells of a lady seated besidehim at the dinner-table. Salad is being offered to her, but she thinksshe is bound to give all her attention to the Emperor and takes nonotice of it. Thereupon the Emperor: "Gnadige Frau, an Emperor canwait, but the salad cannot. " Possibly the Emperor had in mind LouisXIII, who complained that he never ate a plate of warm soup in hislife, it had to pass through so many hands to reach him. 

The German takes his theatre as he takes life, seriously. To coughduring a performance attracts embarrassing attention, a sneeze almostamounts to misdemeanour. To the German the theatre is a part of themachinery of culture, and accordingly he is not so easily bored as theAnglo-Saxon playgoer, who demands that drama shall contain that greatessential of all good drama, action. To the Anglo-Saxon, the moreplentiful and rapid the action is, the better. The German, differingfrom most Anglo-Saxons, likes historical scenes, great processions, costume festivals, the representation of mediæval events in which hismonarchs and generals played conspicuous parts. The Emperor has thesame disposition and taste. 

Yet both national taste and disposition, like other of the nation'scharacteristics, are slowly altering with the growth of the modernspirit, and Germans now begin to require something of a more modernkind, a more social order, something that comes home more to theirbusiness and bosoms. Greater variety in subject is asked for, morelaughter and tears, more representations of scenes and life dealingwith everyday doings and the fate of the people as distinguished fromthe doings and fate of their rulers and the upper classes. The Emperorhas not followed his people in the new direction. He regards the stageas a vehicle of patriotism, an instrument of education, a guider ofartistic taste, an inculcator of old-time morality. Its aim, heappears to think, is not to help to produce, primarily, the good manand good citizen, but the good man and good monarchist, and--perhaps--not so much primarily the good monarchist as the liegesubject of the Hohenzollern dynasty. Having secured this, he looks forthe elevation of the public taste along his own lines. He assumes thatthe public taste can be elevated from without, from above, when it canonly be elevated proportionately with its progress in generaleducation and its purification from within. Consequently he is for the"classical, " as in the other arts. But apart from its aims and uses, the theatre has always appealed to him. His fondness for it is aHohenzollern characteristic, which has shown itself, with more or lessemphasis, in monarch after monarch of the line. Nor is it surprisingthat monarchs should take pleasure in the stage, since the theatre isone of the places which brings them and their subjects together in theenjoyment of common emotions, and shows them, if only at second hand, the domestic lives of millions, from personal acquaintance with whichtheir royal birth and surroundings exclude them. 

The Emperor treats all artists, male and female, in the same friendlyand unaffected manner. There is never the least soupçon ofcondescension in the one case or flirtation in the other, but in botha lively and often unexpectedly well-informed interest in the play orother artistic performance of the occasion, and in the actors' oractresses' personal records. The nationality of the artist hasapparently nothing to do with this interest. The Emperor invitesFrench, Italian, English, American or Scandinavian artists to theroyal box after a performance as often as he invites the artists ofhis own country, and, once launched on a conversation, nothing giveshim more pleasure than to expound his views on music, painting, or thedrama, as the case may be. "Tempo--rhythm--colour, " he has been heardto insist on to a conductor whom in the heat of his conviction he hadgradually edged into a corner and before whom he stood withgesticulating arms--"All the rest is _Schwindel_. " At an entertainmentgiven by Ambassador Jules Cambon at the French Embassy after theMorocco difficulty had been finally adjusted, he became so interestedwhile talking to a group of French actors that high dignatories of theEmpire, including Princes, the Imperial Chancellor and Ministers, standing in another part of the _salon_, grew impatient and had todetach one of their number to call the Emperor's attention to theirpresence. Since then, it is whispered, it has become the specialfunction of an adjutant, when the occasion demands it, diplomaticallyand gently to withdraw the imperial _causeur_ from too absorbingconversation. 

Several anecdotes are current having reference to the Emperor assportsman. One of them, for example, mentions a loving-cup ofFrederick William III's time, kept at the hunting lodge of Letzlingen, which is filled with champagne and must be emptied at a draught byanyone visiting the lodge for the first time. This is great fun forthe Emperor, who a year or two ago made a number of Berlin guests, including Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg, the Austrian Ambassador, Szoghenyi-Marich, the Secretary for the Navy, Admiral von Tirpitz, andthe Crown Prince of Greece stand before him and drain the cup. As thestory goes, "the attempts of the guests to drink out of the heavy cup, which is fixed into a set of antlers in such a way as to make itdifficult to drink without spilling the wine, caused great amusement. "

The principles of sport generally, it may be here interpolated, arenot quite the same in Germany as in England, though no country hasimitated England in regard to sport so closely and successfully asGermany. Up to a comparatively few years ago the Germans had neitherinclination nor means for it, and though always enthusiastic hunters, hunting--not the English fox-hunting, but hunting the boar and thebear, the wolf and the deer--was almost the sole form of manly sportpractised. _Turnen_, the most popular sort of German indoorgymnastics, only began in 1861, a couple of years after the birth ofthe Emperor. There are now nearly a dozen cricket clubs alone inBerlin, football clubs all over the Empire, tennis clubs in everytown, rowing clubs at all the seaports and along the large rivers, nearly all following English rules and in numerous cases using Englishsporting terms. At the same time sport is not the religion it is inEngland--indeed, to keep up the metaphor, hardly a living creed. 

The German attitude towards sport is not altogether the same as theEnglish attitude. In England the object of the game is that the bestman shall win, that he shall not be in any way unfairly or unequallyhandicapped _vis-à-vis_ his opponent, and the honour, not theintrinsic value of the prize, is the main consideration. Theseprinciples are not yet fully understood or adopted in Germany, possibly owing to the early military training of the German youthmaking the carrying off the prize anyhow and by any means the mainobject. It is _Realpolitik_ in sport, and a _Realpolitik_ which is notwholly unknown in England; but while the spirit of _Realpolitik_ isstill perceivable in German sport, it is equally perceivable that thestandard English way of viewing sporting competition is becoming moreand more approached in Germany. 

The Emperor is an enthusiastic patron of sport of all healthy outdoorkinds, not as sympathizing with the English youth's disposition toregard play as work and work as play, to give to his business any timehe can spare from his sport, but because he estimates at its fullvalue its place in the national health-budget. His personal likingsare for bear-shooting, deer-stalking, and yachting, but he also wieldsthe lawn-tennis racket and the rapier with fair skill. The names ofseveral of his hunting lodges---Rominten, Springe, Hubertusstock, andso on--are familiar to many people in all countries. Rominten preserveis in East Prussia, and embraces about four square miles, withlittle lakes and some rising ground. September is the Emperor'sfavourite month for visiting it. Here one year he shot a famouseight-and-twenty-ender antelope, which had come across from Russianterritory. Before the present reign the deer, or pig, or other wildanimal used to be beaten up to the royal sportsman of the day, butthat practice has long ceased, and the Emperor has to tramp many amile, and at times crawl on all fours for hundreds of yards, to get ashot. 

We have seen that the Emperor's position as King and Emperor rendersinevitable his adoption, either of natural bent, which is extremelyprobable, or from a policy in harmony with the wishes of his people, of a view of the monarch's office that to perhaps most Englishmenliving under parliamentary rule must seem antiquated, not to sayabsurd. This attitude apart, the Emperor possesses, as it is hoped hasbeen sufficiently shown, as modern and progressive a spirit as any ofhis contemporaries. His instant recognition of all useful modernappliances, particularly, of course, those of possible service in war, is a prominent feature of his mentality. He went, doubtless, too farin heralding Count Zeppelin, in 1909, as "the greatest man of thecentury, " but the very words he chose to use marked his appreciationof the new aeronautical science Count Zeppelin was introducing. Similarly, the moment the automobile had entered on the stage ofreliability it won a place in the imperial favour, and is now his mostconstant means of locomotion. He has never, it is true, emulated theenterprise of his son, the Crown Prince, whom Mr. Orville Wright hadas a companion for a quarter of an hour in the air at Potsdam threeyears ago, but his interest in the aeroplane is none the less keenbecause he is too conscious of his responsibilities to subject hislife to unnecessary risk. 

Before closing our sketch of the Emperor as a man by quotingappreciations written by two contemporary writers, one German and theother English, it may be added that there is a statesman still--it ispleasant to think--alive who could, an he only would, draw theEmperor's character perfectly, both as man and monarch. Indeed, as hasbeen seen, he has more than once sketched parts of it in Parliament, but only parts--the whole character of the Emperor, on all its sidesand in all its ramifications, has yet to be revealed. Here need onlybe quoted what Chancellor Bülow--and also, by the way, PrincessBülow--publicly said about the Emperor as man. The Prince's mostnoteworthy statement was made in the Reichstag in 1903, when, inanswer to Leader-of-the-Opposition Bebel, the Prince said, "One thingat least, the Emperor is no Philistine, " and proceeded to explain, rather negatively and disappointingly, that the Emperor possesses whatthe Greeks call megalopsychia--a great soul. One knows but too wellthe English Philistine, that stolid, solid, self-sufficient bulwark ofthe British Constitution. The German Philistine is his twin brother, the narrow-minded, conservative burgher. Other epithets the Princeapplied to the imperial character were "simple, " "natural, " "hearty, ""magnanimous, " "clear-headed, " and "straightforward"; while PrincessBülow, during a conversation her husband was having with the Frenchjournalist, M. Jules Huret, in 1907, interjected the remark that hewas "a person of good birth, _fils de bonne maison_, the descendant ofdistinguished ancestors, and a modern man of great intelligence. "

But let us see how the Emperor appears to his contemporaries. Dr. PaulLiman, who has made the most serious attempt to sketch the characterof the Emperor that has yet appeared in German, writes:--

 "We see in him a nature whose ground-tone is enthusiasm, phantasy, and a passionate impulse towards action. Filled with the highest sense of the imperial rights and duties assigned to him, convinced that these are the direct expression of a divine will, he has inwardly thrown off the bonds of modern constitutional ideas and in words recently spoken, where he claimed responsibility for fifty-eight million people, converted these ideas into a formula that, while unconstitutional, is yet moral and deeply earnest. These words were doubly valuable as giving insight into the soul of a man who can be mistaken in his conclusions and means, but not in his motives, since these are directed to the general weal. Here, too, we find the explanation of the fact that at one time he comes before us surrounded with the blue and hazy nimbus of the romantic period, and at another as the most modern prince of our time. Out of the rise in him of the consciousness of majesty there grows a greater sense of duty, and instead of keeping watch from his turret over his people he loses himself in detail. And precisely here must he fail, because modern life with its development is far too rich in complications and activities to admit of its submitting to patriarchal benevolence. And because an artistic strain and a strong fantasy simultaneously work in him, he moves joyfully beyond the limits of the actual to raise before our eyes the highly coloured dream of the picture of a time in which all men, all nations, will be friendly and reconciled--an artist's dream. Here is something characteristic, something unusual, to give particular charm to a personality which has no parallel in the history of the dynasty hitherto. There may be concealed in it the seed of illustrious deeds, but only too often disappointment and contempt lie scornfully in wait when the deed is accomplished. For the heaven we erect on earth always comes to naught, and the idealist is always vanquished in the strife with fact. "

So far, Dr. Liman. Mr. Sydney Brooks, in a sketch in _Maclure'sMagazine_ for July, 1910, writes:--

 "The drawback to any and to every _régime_ of paternal absolutism is that the human mind is limited. The Kaiser will not admit it, but his acts prove it. It is not given to one man to know more about everything than anybody else knows about anything; and the Kaiser, who is a good deal of a dilettante, and believes himself omniscient, at times speaks from a lamentable half-knowledge, and occasionally has to call in the imperial authority to back up his verdicts against the judgments of experts. 

 "Unquestionably his mind is of an unusual order. It is a facile, quickly moving instrument; it works in flashes; it assimilates seemingly without effort, and it is at its best under the highest pressure. The Kaiser is not to be laughed at for wanting to know all there is to be known, but he may justly be criticized for failing to distinguish between the attempt and its failure.... 

 "Is it all charlatanerie? Is it all of a part with his speech in Russian to the regiment of which the Czar made him honorary colonel, a studied trumpery effort, designed for a momentary effect? Is the Kaiser just glitter and tinsel, impulse and rhapsody, with nothing solid beneath? Is it his supreme object to make an impression at any cost, to force, like another Nero, the popular applause by arts more becoming to a _cabotin_ than a sovereign? Vanity, restlessness, a consuming desire for the palm without the dust--an intense and theatrical egotism--are these the qualities that give the clue to his character and actions?

 "I do not think so altogether. The Kaiser has scattered too much. In an age of specialists on many subjects he speaks like an amateur. He is always the hero, and often the victim, of his own imagination; like a star actor, he cannot bear to be outshone; he is morbidly, almost pruriently, conscious of the effect he is producing. And on all matters of intellect and taste his influence makes for blatant mediocrity. But he is not meretricious; at bottom he is not by any means as superficial and insincere as he often seems. He is one of those men in whom an instinct becomes an immutable truth, an idea a conviction, and a suspicion a certainty, by an almost instantaneous process; and, the process completed, action follows forthwith. The Kaiser is always resolved to do the right thing; the right thing, by some quaint but invariable coincidence, is whatever he is resolved to do. "

These appreciations from afar may be as sound as they are brilliant, but they rather refer to the non-essential parts of the character ofthe Emperor in the first flush of imperial glory than to the essentialcharacter as it has developed with the years. 

As a man--he will be dealt with as monarch presently--his essentialcharacter must be judged from his conduct, and conduct extending overa good many years. One might say, conduct and reputation, but thatreputation is so often the result of a confused mixture of superficialobservation, gossip, tittle-tattle, envy, hatred and uncharitableness, and, in the case of an Emperor, of merely picturesque and effectivewriting. 

There is another source which would materially help us in forming ajudgment, but it is wholly wanting in the case of the Emperor. Noprivate correspondence of his is, as yet, available to the world. 

Again, a man's character is determined by his motives, if it is notthe other way about; in any case, a man's motives are for the mostpart inscrutable and can only be deduced from conduct, while the worldusually makes the mistake of explaining conduct by attributing its ownmotives. Tried, then, by the standard of conduct, the only oneavailable, the Emperor, as a man, shows us a high type of humanity. Itmay not, probably does not, appeal to Englishmen wholly, but there arefeatures of it which must command, and do command, the respect ofpeople of all nationalities. And, first of all, he is a good man; goodas a Christian, good as a husband, good as a father, good as apatriot. With all the power and temptation to gratify hisinclinations, he has no personal vices of the baser sort. He ismoderate in the satisfaction of his appetites, whether for food orwine. He is no debauchee, no voluptuary, no gambler. He is faithful toold friends and comrades. He has high ideals, and is not ashamed ofthem. He is neither indolent nor fussy; neither a cynic, nor anintriguer, nor a fool; he is neither wrong-headed nor stubborn; he ishonest and sincere to a degree that does him honour as a man, if ithas sometimes proved perilous and blameworthy in him as a monarch. Heis optimistic, and on good grounds. He is no physical or intellectualgiant, but he is a man of more than average all-round intelligence andcapacity. If this appreciation is correct, or even approximatelycorrect, it is a testimonial, whatever may be its worth, to greatmerit. 

Yet the Emperor as man has his failings and drawbacks, though they aresuch as time is almost sure to diminish or eradicate. Notably in hisearlier years he lacked judgment, the power of balancingconsiderations and arriving at conclusions from them which men moregifted with poise would endorse as logical and inevitable. He doesnot, like spare Cassius, see quite through the deeds of men, as hisfriendship for Count Phili Eulenburg and the malodorous "Camarilla" goto show, and his choice of Imperial Chancellors, his grand viziers, has not in every instance been happy. He has less tact than character, as he showed once in Vienna, where he greatly pained the ForeignMinister, Count Goluchowski, one day at a club by calling to him, "Golu, Golu, come and sit beside your Kaiser. " He has the Germanmasculine enjoyment in a kind of humour which would have delighted Foxand the three-bottle men, but would sadly shock the susceptibilitiesof an Oxford æsthete. He has a share of personal vanity, but itsprings from the desire to look the Emperor he is, not because hesupposes for a moment that he is an Adonis. He is theatrical inexactly the same spirit--the desire imperially to impress his folk inthe sense of the German word _imponieren_, a word that needs notranslation. If he has lost much of Dr. Liman's "romantik, " he stillretains the "scatteredness" of Mr. Sidney Brooks, though the Emperorwould rather hear it called "many-sidedness. " _En résumé_ he has thedefects of his qualities, but to no man or woman's unmerited loss orinjury, and if we weigh the good qualities with the bad, we find afine balance remaining to his credit as a man. 

The fierce light which beats upon a throne, if it is apt to dazzle thebystander, helps those at a distance, especially in these days of thestill fiercer light of modern publicity, to judge fairly the throne'soccupant. The character of the Emperor as monarch ought, therefore, asfar as is possible in the absence of archives marked "secret andconfidential" and yet lying in the ministries of all countries, todisclose itself nowadays with reasonable clearness. Yet, even still, different and conflicting opinions regarding it are to be gathered inGermany and out of it. 

Indeed, his own people are among the severest critics. One of them, Professor Quidde, early in the reign, made an extraordinarilyingenious, but quite unjustifiable, comparison of him to Caligula, which, though only consisting of classical quotations and making nomention of the Emperor, was seen by everybody to refer to him and hascaused discussion ever since. While many foreign critics have done theEmperor justice, others in turn have made him out to be arrogant, snobbish, bombastic, superficial, incompetent, and insincere. Towriters of this class he is always the German War Lord, ready topounce, like a highwayman or pirate, on any unprotected person orproperty he may come across, regardless of treaty obligations, ofinternational disaster, or of the dictates of humanity. One day theyannounce he is planning the annexation of Holland in order to get afurther set of naval bases, the next that he means to take Belgium tomake a road for his armies into France, a third that he is about toset at naught the Monroe doctrine and with his Dreadnoughts seizeBrazil. All these things are conceivable and not impossible, but theyare in the very highest degree improbable, and, as yet at least, oughtnot to be considered seriously. To sensible and better-informed peopleeverywhere he is a Prussian king of the best type, a sincere friend ofpeace, with a mania for pushing the maxim "_Si vis pacem para bellum_"to extremes, politically the most influential man in Europe, and, withall his faults, one of the greatest Germans of his time. 

The character of the Emperor, as monarch, is reflected very largely inthe character of the Germany of to-day. 

Germany is optimistic, ardently desirous of peace, bent on worthilymaintaining the great place she has won, and deserved to win, amongthe nations, and so materially prosperous as to make many Germanstremble at the thought that the prosperity may be too great to last. This, however, is not to assert that in Germany everything is _couleurde rose_. There are not a few things in the Empire's social andpolitical conditions which are antiquated or promise no good. Noxiousas well as beneficial forces have been introduced into the social lifeof the country and are beginning to make themselves felt. Germanhome-life is ceasing to be the admirable and exemplary thing it wasbefore the present era of class rivalry, commercialism, the parvenuand the snob. The idealism which made the Empire a possibility ispassing away. There is need, and a general demand, for franchisereform in Prussia, and a change in the spirit of Prussian bureaucraticadministration would be acceptable, though it is, perhaps, hopeless toexpect it. The opposition in Germany between the monarchic and thedemocratic principle, if not more marked than it was twenty or thirtyyears ago, is manifesting itself over a wider and perhaps deeper area. The relations between capital and labour are far from satisfactoryadjustment. Social democracy is yearly gaining fresh adherents, and ifguilty of no political violence, is yet a constant source of danger todomestic peace. The German middle class, that bourgeoisie which is thebackbone and strength of the Empire, is losing its Spartan simplicityand its content with small and moderate pleasures; and the nationalvirtues of thrift and self-denial are yielding to the temptations ofwealth and luxury. Business credit is unduly stretched, speculation inland has attained disturbing proportions, and the banking world is intoo many instances allied with hazardous or doubtful enterprises. Nevertheless the country as a whole is sound, intellectually, morally, and financially. 

It would be difficult to mention any of the greater tasks of imperialadministration to which the Emperor does not continue to devotepersonal attention. He is the life and soul of the army and navy, though it should not be forgotten that as regards the latter he has inAdmiral Tirpitz an executive talent worthy of his own directive. Hisinterest in the mercantile marine remains what it was when in 1887, asPrince William, he drew up an expert opinion which decided theHamburg-Amerika Company to build their fast ocean-going steamers athome instead of abroad, and by the success of the experiment commencedthe modern development of Germany's shipbuilding industry. Indeed, hisattention to the Hamburg line, familiarly known as the "Hapag" line, from the initial letters of its legal title, "Hamburg-AmerikaPacketfahrt-Aktien Gesellschaft, " and to the Norddeutsche line fromBremen, has given rise to the unfounded belief that he is heavilyinterested in their financial success. Herr Albert Ballin, theDirector of the Hamburg line, though a Jew, is among his intimates andadvisers, and the Emperor is said to have caused umbrage more thanonce to Court officials and the aristocracy by giving directors ofboth lines precedence at his table. Without the Emperor's personalsupport it is probable that neither the firm of Krupp at Essen nor thesplendid shipbuilding yards at Hamburg, Bremen, Stettin and elsewherewould continue to progress as they are doing. He neglects noopportunity of stimulating Germany's internal and external trade. He is at all times ready to encourage the introduction of usefulachievements of modern science and invention. And lastly, bytactful treatment of other German rulers, and a wise policy ofnon-interference with their States, he is promoting a feeling offederal solidarity. 

The Emperor's conception of his relations to the people remains to-daywhat he was brought up in and what it was when he mounted the throne. In England, America, and France the people are the real rulers, andtheir monarch or president is their highest official servant andrepresentative. The idea is not perhaps constitutionally expressed, but it is universally and deeply felt in the countries named. InGermany the opposite theory obtains--for how long it must be left tothe future to say. In Germany the Emperor is the real ruler, thegenuine monarch, and the people are his subjects, the country hiscountry. Hence, while an English king in an official document orpublic statement would not think of putting himself first and thepeople or country second, the German Emperor's official statements andspeeches constantly repeat such expressions as "I and my people, " "Iand the army, " "my capital, " "me and the Fatherland, " and a scoremore; so that Anglo-Saxons and other foreigners acquire the impressionthat the word "my" is no figure of rhetoric or pride, but a simpleclaim of ownership or possession. And the official relation betweenmonarch and people is reflected in the people's ordinary life. To theforeigner it continually appears that the public are the servants ofthe official, not the contrary, whether officialism takes the shape ofa post-office clerk, a tramcar conductor, a shop salesman, apoliceman, or a waiter. All these functionaries are the possessors ofan authority which the citizen is expected to, and usually does, obey. The explanation of such a state of things is a little abstruse, but anattempt may be made at giving it. 

The period immediately preceding the reign of Frederick the Great wasa period of absolute monarchy in Germany, a system introduced fromFrance, where Louis XIV had proclaimed the doctrine _L'etat, c'estmoi_, according to which the lives and property of the subjectbelonged to the Prince, whose will was to be obeyed without questionor demur. There were now four hundred courts in Germany in imitationof the Court of Versailles, and the smaller the principality thegreater the absolutism. Absolutism, however, required an army tosupport it; hence the establishment of standing and mercenary armiesand the disuse of arms by the citizen. The result, to quote ProfessorErnst Richard's work on "German Civilization, " was that

 "the pride of the burgher and the peasant was broken. A submissive servility hopelessly pervaded the masses, and even the best had lost all social and national feeling, all sense of being part of a greater body.... The luxurious life and the arrogance of the ruling classes were accepted as a matter of course, one might say as a divine institution. Thus those traits of character, which had come to light under the cruel stress of the Thirty Years War, fostered by the rule of despotism and the worst vices, took deeper root. To these belong that greed for social position, for titles and the smiles of the great; servility towards those who hold a higher position as bearers of official titles and dignity, a fear of publicity, above all a rather remarkable inclination to a peevish, petty, and sceptical attitude as regards the knowledge and ability of others. The exaltation of the position of the prince extended to his Court and his officials, as well as to the nobility, which had long since become a Court nobility. "

But absolutism had to go with the changes in human thought under theinfluence of Rationalism, which brought with it the idea of the State, not the absolute prince, as ruler. This idea was embodied in the_Rechtstaat_, or State based on law, which was introduced by Frederickthe Great, the "first servant of the State. " The State, he said, exists for the sake of the citizens. "One must be insane, " he wrote, "to imagine that men should have said to one of their equals, 'We will raise you so that we may be your slaves, we will give you the power to guide our thoughts according to yours. ' They rather said: 'We need you in order to execute our laws, that you show us the way, and defend us. But we understand that you will respect our liberties. '"

The _Rechtstaat_ exists in Germany to the present day, the Emperor isat the head of it, and the people are content to live within itsconfines. It is not, as has been seen, coterminous with the wholeliberty of the subject, but is yet a vast bundle of rights andobligations which in public, and much of private, life leaves aslittle as possible to the unaided or undirected intelligence orgoodwill of the citizen. It is an exaggeration, but still expresses apopular feeling even in Germany itself--and certainly describes animpression made on the Anglo-Saxon--to say that outside this bundle oflaws and regulations, which, clearly and logically paragraphed, ordersto a nicety all the public, and many of the private, relations of thecitizens, everything is forbidden or discouraged by authority. Yet, ashas been said, the people are satisfied with it, and it must beadmitted that if it confines individual liberty within what to theAnglo-Saxon seem narrow limits, still, by directing the individual tocommon ends, it works great public advantage. It is in truth a veryintelligent and practical form of Socialism, infinitely lessoppressive to the people than would be the socialism of the professedSocialist. 

It left, however, the German caste system of Frederick's dayundisturbed; as Professor Richard says:

 "The nobility retained its privileged position. It was considered a law of nature that the noblemen should assist the monarch in the administration of the State and as leaders of the army; the peasant should cultivate the fields and provide food; the commoner should provide money through industry and commerce. "

To the Anglo-Saxon, of course, brought up with individualistic viewsof life and demanding complete personal freedom, the German_Rechtstaat_ would be galling, not to say intolerable. The Englishman, however, has his _Rechtstaat_ too, but the limits it places on hisliberty are not nearly so restrictive in regard to public meeting, public talking, public writing, in short, public action of all sorts, as in Germany. Besides, the spirit of laws in England, as naturallyfollows from the Englishman's political history, is a much moreliberal one than the German spirit, which is still to some extentunder the influence of the age of absolutism. 

The German conception of the _Rechtstaat_ entails, as one of itsconsequences, a sharp contrast between the rights and privileges ofthe Crown and the rights and privileges of the people; and therefore, while the Emperor is never without apprehension that the people maytry to increase their rights and privileges at the expense of those ofthe Crown, the people are not without apprehension that the Crown maytry to increase its rights and privileges at the expense of thepolitical liberties of the people. To this apprehension on the part ofthe people is to be attributed their widespread dissatisfaction withthe Emperor's so-called "personal regiment, " which, until recently, was the chief hindrance to his popularity. In truth the Emperor is ina difficult position. To be popular with the people he must be popularwith the Parliament, but if he were to seek popularity with theParliament he would lose popularity and prestige with the aristocracyand large landowners, who have still a good deal of the old-timecontempt for the mere "folk, " the burgher, and he would lose it withthe military officer class, which is aristocratic in spirit, and is, as the Emperor is constantly assuring it, the sole support of throneand Empire. In addition to this it has to be remembered that a largemajority of South Germany is Catholic, and, generally speaking, nogreat lover of Prussia, its people, and their airs of stiffsuperiority. 

The personal relations of the Emperor to his people, and in especialto the vast burghertum, are precisely those to be expected from histraditional and constitutional relations. He is not popular, but he iswidely and sincerely respected. His preference for the army, intelligible though it is, and the cleavage that separates Governmentand people, explain to some extent the want of popularity, usingthat word in its "popular" sense; while the consciousness of allthe nation owes to his "goodwill, " his initiative and energy, hisconscientiousness in all directions, is quite sufficient to accountfor the respect. It is, in truth, in part at least, the respect whichexcludes the popularity. No one is ever likely to be popular, anywhere, who is constantly endeavouring to teach people how to liveand what to think, and at the same time seems to have no socialweaknesses to reconcile him with those--no small number--who are fondof cakes and ale. Some of the Emperor's acts and speeches havepostponed, if not precluded, eventual popularity--his breach withBismarck, for example, the whole "personal regiment, " and speecheslike that at Potsdam in 1891, when he told his recruits that if he hadto order them to shoot down their brothers, or even their parents, they must obey without a murmur. Speeches of this last kind live longin public memory. In his dealings with his people the Emperor isneither arrogant--"high-nosed" is the elegant German expression:"arrogant" is no German word, Prince Bülow would doubtless say--towards his subjects, nor are they cringing towards him, though thisstatement does not exclude the excusable embarrassment an ordinarymortal may be expected to feel in the presence of a monarch. TheEmperor himself desires no "tail-wagging" from his subjects, andthough there is something of the autocrat in him, there is nothing ofthe despot. 

Certainly for the present, Germans, with rare exceptions, aresatisfied with him. They are prospering under him. The shoe pincheshere and there, and if it pinches too hard they will cry out andperhaps do more than cry out. They do not consider the Emperorperfect, but they forgive his errors, and particularly the errors ofhis impetuous youth, even though on three or four occasions theybrought the country into danger. Monarchy has been defined as a Statein which the attention of the nation is concentrated on one persondoing interesting things: a republic, as a State in which theattention is divided between many who are all doing uninterestingthings: Germans find their Emperor interesting, and that is a stage onthe road to popularity. 

The imperial ego, which is quite consistent with the German view ofmonarchical rule and conformity with the _Rechtstaat_, is speciallyadvertised by the pictures and statues of the Emperor which are to befound all over Germany, to the apparent exclusion of the pictures andstatues of national and local men of distinction. The Emperor'spicture almost monopolizes the walls of every public and municipaloffice, every railway-station refreshment-room, every shop, everyrestaurant throughout the Empire. Wherever it turns the eye isconfronted by the portrait or bust of the Emperor, and if it is nothis portrait or bust, it is the portrait or bust of one or other ofhis ancestors. An exception should be made in the case of Bismarck, the reproduction of whose rugged features, shaggy eyebrows, and bulkyframe are not infrequent; statues and portraits, too, of Moltke andRoon, though much more rarely met with than those of Bismarck, are tobe seen, while those of Goethe, Schiller, Kant, Lessing, Wagner, orother German "Immortal, " are still rarer. Only once, or perhaps twice, in all Germany is there to be found a public statue of Heine--forHeine was a Jew and said many unpleasant, because true, things abouthis country. The travelling foreigner in Germany after a while beginsto wonder if he is not in some far Eastern country whereancestor-worship obtains, and where one tremendous personalityovershadows, obscures, and obliterates all the rest. In truth, however, this is not the lesson of the imperial images for theforeigner. They teach him that he is in a country with a system ofgovernment and views of the State different from his own, that theEmpire is ruled in a military, not a civic spirit, and that thecounterfeit presentment of the Emperor, always in dazzling uniform, isthe sign of the national acceptance of system, views, and spirit. 

A similar lesson is taught by the Emperor's speeches. In England theKing rarely speaks in public, and then with well-calculated brevityand reserve. In five words he will open a museum and with a sentenceunveil a monument. The Emperor's speeches fill four stout volumes--andhe is only fifty-four. The speeches deal with every sort of topic, andhave been delivered in all parts of the Empire--now to Parliament, nowto his assembled generals, now at the celebration of some national orindividual jubilee, now at the dedication of a building or the openingof a bridge. The style is always clear and logical, in this respectcontrasting favourably with the German style of twenty years ago, whenthe language wriggled from clause to clause in vermiform articulationsuntil the thought found final expression in a mob of participles andinfinitives. Metaphors abound in the speeches, some of them slightlyfar-fetched, but others of uncommon beauty, appropriateness, and pith. There is no brilliant employment of words, but not seldom one comesacross such terse and happy phrases as the famous "We stand under thestar of commerce, " "Our future lies on the water, " "We demand a placein the sun. "

On the English reader the speeches will be apt to pall, unless he isthoroughly saturated with Prussian historic, military, and romanticlore and can place himself mentally in the position of the Emperor. The tone, never quite detached from consciousness of the imperial ego, hardly ever descends to the level of familiar conversation nor risesto heights of eloquence that carry away the hearer. With three or fourexceptions, there is no argumentation in the speeches, for they arenot meant to persuade or convince, but to enjoin and command. They donot contain any of the important and interesting facts and figures ofwhich, nevertheless, the Emperor's mind must be full, and they arewanting in wit and humour, though nature has endowed the Emperor withboth. 

On the other hand, it should be remembered that they are the speechesof an Emperor, not of a statesman. The speeches have no politicaltimeliness or object save that of rousing and directing imperialspirit among the people by appeals to their imagination andpatriotism. Had the Emperor been actuated by the spirit of a Ministeror statesman, he would have been far more alive to the fact than heappears to have been, that every word he uttered would instantly findan echo in the Parliament, Press, and Stock Exchange of all othercountries. 

The Emperor's fundamental mistakes, as disclosed by his speeches, appear to an Englishman to have been in assuming when they were madethat the Empire was in a less advanced stage of consolidation andsettlement than it in fact was, and in underrating the intelligence, knowledge, and patriotism of his people. From this point of view hisearly speeches in particular sound jejune or superfluous. What wouldthe Englishman say to a king who began his reign by a series ofhomilies on Alfred the Great or Elizabeth or Queen Victoria; by usingstrong language about the Labour party or the Fabian Society; byappeals to throne and altar; by describing to Parliament the chiefduties of the monarch; by recommending the London County Council tobuild plenty of churches; by calling journalists "hunger-candidates";by frequent references to the battles of Waterloo and Trafalgar? Yet, _mutatis mutandis_, this is not so very unlike what the young Emperordid, and not for a year or two, but for several years after hisaccession. To an Englishman such addresses would appear ratherill-timed academic declamation. 

Yet there was much, and perhaps is still much, to account for, if notquite justify, the Emperor's rhetoric. The peculiarity of Germany'smonarchic system placed, and places, the monarch in a patriarchalposition not very different from that of Moses towards theIsraelites--a leader, preacher, and prophet. Again, the Empire, whenthe Emperor came to the throne, was not a homogeneous nation inspiredby a centuries-old national spirit, but suffered, as it still in ameasure suffers, from the particularism of the various kingdoms andStates composing it: in other words, from too local a patriotism andstagnation of the imperial idea. Thirdly, the Empire had no navy, while an Empire to-day without a navy is at a tremendous and dangerousdisadvantage in world-politics, and the mere conception that a navywas indispensable had to be created in a country lying in the heart ofEurope and with only one short coast-line. 

The Englishman is as loyal to his King as the German is to hisEmperor, and England, as little as Germany, is disposed to change frommonarchy to republicanism. But the Englishman's political and socialgovernor, guide, and executive is not the King, but the Parliament;because while in the King he has a worthy representative of thenation's historical development and dignity, in the Parliament he seesa powerful and immediate reflection of himself, his own wishes, andhis own judgments. Moreover, with the spread of democratic ideas, theposition of a monarch anywhere in the civilized world to-day is notwhat it was fifty years ago. The general progress in education sincethen; the drawing together of the nations by common commercial andfinancial interests; the incessant activity of writers and publishers;the circulation and power of the Press--themselves almost threateningto become a despotism--such facts as these tend to change therelations between kings and peoples. Monarchs and men are changingplaces; the ruler becomes the subject, the subject ruler; it is thepeople who govern, and the monarch obeys the people's will. 

Such is not the view of the German Emperor nor of the German people. To both the monarch is no "shadow-king, " as both are fond of callingthe King of England, but an Emperor of flesh and blood, commissionedto take the leading part in decisions binding on the nation, responsible to no one but the Almighty, and the sole bestower of Statehonours. There are, it is true, three factors of imperial governmentconstitutionally--the Emperor, the Federal Council, and the ImperialParliament; but while the Council has only very indirect relationswith the people, the Parliament, a consultative body for legislation, is not the depositary of power or authority, or an assembly to whicheither the Emperor, or the Council, or the Imperial Chancellor isresponsible. It must be admitted that, while such is theconstitutional theory, the actual practice is to a considerable extentdifferent. The Emperor is no absolute monarch, even in the domain offoreign affairs, as he is often said to be, but is influenced andguided, certainly of late years, both by the Federal Council and bypublic opinion, the power of which latter has greatly augmented inrecent times. Whether the Reichstag really represents public opinionin the Empire is a moot-point in Germany itself. It can hardly bedenied that it does so, at least in financial matters, since withregard to them it has all the powers, or almost all, possessed by theEnglish House of Commons in this respect. Where its powers fail, it issaid, is in regard to administration; for though it deliberates on andpasses legislation, it is left by the Constitution to the Emperor andhis Ministers to issue instructions as to how legislation is to becarried into effect. The result is to throw excessive power overpublic comfort and convenience into the hands of the official class ofall degrees, which naturally employs it to maintain its own dignityand privileged position. 

Towards one class of the population, and that a highly important andexceptional one, the Emperor's attitude of unprejudiced goodwill hasnever varied. Israelites form only a small proportion--about 1 percent. --of the whole people, and are to be found in very large numbersonly in Berlin and Frankfurt; but to their financial and commercialability Germany owes a debt one may almost describe as incalculable. There is a strong national prejudice against them in all parts of theEmpire, as there probably is in all countries, and it must be admittedthat the manners and customs of the lower-class Jew, his unpleasantand insistent curiosity, his intrusiveness where he is not desired, his want of cleanliness, his sharpness at a bargain, his oily bearingto those he wishes to propitiate and his ruthless sweating of theworker in all fields when in his power, are all disagreeable personalqualities. There is also, as a concomitant of the nation's growth inwealth of every sort, and mostly perhaps to be found in the capital aclass of Jewish parvenu, remarkable for snobbishness, ostentation, andaffectation. 

But one must distinguish; and of a large percentage of the educatedclass of Jew in Germany it would be difficult to speak too highly. Germans may be the "salt of the earth, " as the Emperor once told themthey were, but Jewish talent can with quite as much, perhaps more, justice be called the salt of German prosperity. And not alone in theregion of finance and commerce. Some of the best intellect, most ofthe leading enterprise in Germany, in all important directions, isJewish. Many of her ablest newspaper proprietors and editors are Jews. Many of her finest actors and actresses are Jews and Jewesses. Many ofher cleverest lawyers, doctors, and artists are Jews. The career ofHerr Albert Ballin, the Jewish director of the Hamburg-Amerika line, the Emperor's friend, to whom Germany owes a great deal of hermercantile marine expansion, is a long romance illustrative of Jewishorganizing power and success. 

The Emperor's friendship for Herr Ballin is obviously not entirelydisinterested, but the interest at the root of it is an imperial one. In this spirit he cultivates to-day, as he has done since he took overthe Empire, the society of all his subjects, German or Jew, who eitherby their talents or through their wealth can contribute to the successof the mighty task which occupies his waking thoughts, and for all oneknows, his sleeping thoughts--his dreams--as well. Accordingly, thewealthy German is quite aware that if he is to be reckoned among theEmperor's friends he must be prepared to pay for the privilege, sincethe Emperor is neither slow nor shy about using his influence in orderto make the more fortunate members of the community put their handsdeeply into their pockets for national purposes. A little time ago heinvited a number of merchant princes and captains of industry, asAmerican papers invariably call wealthy Germans, to a _Bier-abend_ atthe palace. When the score or so of guests were seated, he announcedthat he was collecting subscriptions for some public object--thenational airship fund, perhaps--and sent a sheet of paper to HerrFriedlander Fuld, the "coal-king" of Germany, to head the list. HerrFuld wrote down £5, 000, and the paper was taken back to the Emperor. "Oh, this will never do, lieber Fuld, " he exclaimed, on seeing theamount. "At this rate people will be putting down their names for £50. You must at least double it. " And Herr Fuld had to do so. A few weeksafterwards there was another invitation to the palace, and the samesort of scene took place. A little later still Herr Fuld got a thirdinvitation, and as an imperial invitation is equivalent to a command, he had to go. When he arrived he noticed his fellow-industrialslooking uneasy, not to say sad. The Emperor noticed it too, for hisfirst words were: "Dear gentlemen, to-night the beer costs nothing. "

Throughout the reign Germany has made it her constant policy tocultivate friendly relations with the United States. Chancellor vonBülow, in 1899, apropos of Samoa, said in the Reichstag: "We canconfidently say that in no other country has America during the lasthundred years found better understanding and more just recognitionthan in Germany. " This is true of the educated classes, professional, professorial, and scientific; but the ordinary European German, whodoes not know and understand America, still displays no particularlove for the ordinary American. At the same time he probably prefershim to the people of any other nation. American outspokenness inpolitics, for example, must be refreshing to minds penned within thelimits of the _Rechtstaat_. He sees in them, too, millionaires, or atleast people who come from a country where money is so abundant that, as many country-people still think, you have only to stoop to pick itup. When it comes to business, however, he is a little afraid of theirsomewhat too sanguine enterprise, and is given to suspect that a"bluff" of some sort is behind the simplest business proposition. Muchof this, of course, is due to ignorance heightened by yellowjournalism, for as a rule only the vastly interesting, but mostlyuntrue, "stories" regarding Germany printed in the yellow press comeback to the Fatherland. 

The German, again, is made uneasy by what he thinks the hasty mannersof the Americans; he considers them uncivil. So, let it be admitted, they sometimes appear to be to people of other nationalities; but thenas a rule Americans who jar on European nerves will be found to hailfrom places where life, to use the American expression, is "woolly, "or too strenuous to allow of the delicacies of real refinement. Theordinary idea of the German in Germany, held by the stay-at-homeAmerican, is a vague species of dislike, founded on the convictionthat the American, not the German, is the salt of the earth; that theGerman regard for tradition makes them a slow and slowly moving race;and that the Emperor as War Lord--for he is almost solely known to himin that capacity--must be ever desirous of war, in particular wishesto seize a coaling-station or even a country, in South America, and, generally speaking, set at naught the Monroe doctrine. The Governmentson both sides, of course, know and understand each other better. InNovember, 1906, Prince Bülow publicly thanked America for her attitudeat Algeciras, implying that it was due to her representative'sconciliatory and reconciliatory conduct that the Conference did notend in a fiasco. "This, " said the Chancellor, "was the second greatservice to the world rendered by America; the other, " he added, "beingthe bringing about of peace between Russia and Japan. "

A great deal of the increased intercourse between the two countries isdue to the personal endeavours of the Emperor. What his motives aremay be conjectured with fair accuracy from a general knowledge of his"up-to-date" character, the commercial policy of his Empire, and theevents of recent years. He has a whole-hearted admiration for theAmerican character and genius, so akin in many ways to his owncharacter and genius; and if he refuses to recommend for Germanssimilar institutions to those in States, federated in a mannersomewhat analogous to that of the kingdoms and States composing hisown Empire, it is not from want of liberality of mind, but becausethey are wholly opposed to Prussian tradition, because his people donot demand them, and because he honestly believes that in respect oftopographical situation, climate, historical development, and racefeelings and sentiment, the safeguards and requirements of Germany arewidely different from those of America. 

As a young man he naturally had very little to do with America orAmericans, though among his schoolboy playmates was a young American, Poulteney Bigelow, who afterwards wrote an excellent appreciation ofthe fine traits in the Emperor's character. At the same time theEmperor himself has stated that the country always interested him, andrecent visitors bear out the statement fully. In 1889, a year afterhis accession, he expressed his admiration for America, when receivingthe American Ambassador, Mr. Phelps. "From my youth on, " the Emperorsaid, "I have had a great admiration for that powerful and progressive commonwealth which you are called on to represent, and the study of its history in peace and war has had for me at all times a special interest. Among the many distinguished characteristics of your people, which draw to them the attention of the whole world, are their enterprising spirit, their love of order, and their talent for invention. The predominant sentiment of both peoples is that of affinity and tested friendship, and the future can only strengthen the heartiness of their relations. "

More than twenty years have elapsed since the words were uttered, andthe prediction has been fulfilled. 

Scores of anecdotes, it need hardly be said, are current in connexionwith the Emperor and American friends. One of them is that of anAmerican, Mr. Frank Wyberg, the husband of a lady who, with herchildren, used often to visit Mr. And Mrs. Armour on their yacht_Uttowana_ at Kiel, there met the Emperor, and was invariably kindlygreeted by him. Mr. Wyberg was summoned with his friend, GeneralMiles, to an audience of the Emperor in Berlin. Before going to thepalace Mr. Wyberg went to a well-known picture-dealer in the city andbought a small but artistic painting costing about £1, 000. He had thepicture neatly done up, and carried it off under his arm to the hotelwhere he was to meet General Miles. As they were leaving for thepalace the General asked Mr. Wyberg what he was carrying. "Oh, only atrifle for the Kaiser!" was the reply. The General was horrified, andtried to dissuade his friend from bringing the picture, telling himthat the proper procedure was to ask through the Foreign Office or theAmerican Embassy for the Emperor's gracious acceptance of it. Otherwise the Emperor would be annoyed, he would think badly ofAmerican manners, and so on. Mr. Wyberg, however, was not to bedeterred, and insisted that it would be "all right. " While waiting inthe reception-room for the Emperor, Mr. Wyberg unwrapped the pictureand placed it leaning against the wall on a piano. By and by theEmperor came in, and almost the first thing he said, after shakinghands, was to ask what the presence of the picture meant. Mr. Wybergexplained that it was a mark of gratitude for the kindness the Emperorhad shown his wife and children at Kiel. The Emperor smiled, said itwas a very kind thought, and willingly accepted the gift. The storyhas a sequel. A day or two after a Court official called at the hotel, to get from General Miles Mr. Wyberg's initials, and after another fewdays had passed reappeared with a bulky parcel. On being opened theparcel was found to consist of a large silver loving-cup, with Mr. Wyberg's name chased upon it, and underneath the words, "From WilhelmII. "

Another anecdote refers to an American naval attaché, a favourite ofthe Emperor's. Dinner at the palace was over, and the attaché, wishingto keep a memento of the occasion, took his large menu card andconcealed it, as he thought, between his waistcoat and his shirt. Unfortunately, when taking leave of the Emperor, the card slipped downand part of it became visible. The Emperor's quick eye immediatelynoticed it. "Hallo! H----, " he exclaimed; "look out, your dickey'scoming down!" The story shows the Emperor's acquaintance with Englishslang as well as his geniality. 

The Emperor seems to take pleasure in displaying himself to Americansin as republican a light as possible, and when he desires the companyof an American friend, stands on no sort of ceremony. The American'stelephone bell may ring at any hour of the day or evening, and a voiceis heard--"Here royal palace. His Majesty wishes to ask if the HerrSo-and-So will come to the palace this evening for dinner. " On oneoccasion this happened to Professor Burgess. The telephone at theHotel Adlon in Berlin rang up from Potsdam about six in the afternoon, and there was so little time for the Professor to catch his train thathe was forced to finish his dressing _en route_. Or the invitation maybe for "a glass of beer" after dinner, about nine o'clock. 

If it is a dinner invitation, the guest, in evening clothes, with hiswhite tie doubtless a trifle more carefully adjusted than usual, drives or walks to the palace. He enters a gate on the south sidefacing the statue of Frederick the Great, and under the archway findsa doorway with a staircase leading immediately to the royal apartmentson the first floor. In an ante-room are other guests, a couple ofMinisters, the Rector Magnificus of the university, and perhaps a"Roosevelt" or "exchange" professor; and if the party is not one ofmen only, such as the Emperor is fond of arranging, and the Empress isexpected, the wives also of the invited guests. Without previousnotice the Emperor enters, an American lover of slang might almost say"blows in, " with quick steps and a bustling air that instantly fillsthe room with life and energy, and showing a cheery smile of welcomeon his face. The guests are standing round in a half or three-quartercircle, and the Emperor goes from one to the other, shaking hands anddelivering himself of a sentence or two, either in the form of aquestion or remark, and then passing on. When it is not a bachelors'party, the Empress comes in later with her ladies. A servant in theroyal livery of red and gold, on a signal from the Emperor, throwsopen a door leading to the dining-room, and the Emperor and Empressenter first. The guests take their places according to the cards onthe table. If it is a men's party of, say, four guests, the Emperorwill seat them on his right and left and immediately opposite, with anadjutant or two as makeweights and in case he should want to send forplans or books. On these occasions he is usually in the dark blueuniform of a Prussian infantry general, with an order or two blazingon his breast. He sits very upright, and starts and keeps going theconversation with such skill and verve that soon every one, even theshyest, is drawn into it. There is plenty of argument and divergenceof view. If the Emperor is convinced that he is right, he will, as hasmore than once occurred, jestingly offer to back his opinion with awager. "I'll bet you"--he will exclaim, with all the energy of anEnglish schoolboy. He enjoys a joke or witticism immensely, and leansback in his chair as he joins in the hearty peal about him. Whencigars or cigarettes are handed round, he will take an occasional puffat one of the three or four cigarettes he allows himself during theevening, or sip at a glass of orangeade placed before him and filledfrom time to time. When he feels disposed he rises, and having shakenhands with his guests, now standing about him, retires into hisworkroom. A few moments later the guests disperse. 

Conversation, both in England and Germany, sometimes turns on thequestion whether or not the Emperor will be known to futuregenerations as William "the Great. " It is agreed on all sides that hewill not take a place among the mediocrities or sink into oblivion. Wehave, though only negatively and indirectly, his own view of thematter, if, that is, it may be deduced from the fact that he has morethan once tried to attach this _epitheton ornans_ to the memory of hisgrandfather. At Hamburg in 1891 he desired a statue to the EmperorWilliam I to bear the inscription "William the Great. " The cool commonsense of the cautious Hamburgers refused to anticipate the decision ofposterity and placed on the pedestal the simple words "William theFirst. " In deference to the Emperor's well-known wishes, if not at hisrequest, the Hamburg-Amerika line of steamers christened one of theirocean greyhounds _Wilhelm der Grosse_. The mere fact that peoplediscuss the question in his lifetime is of happy augury for theEmperor. Perhaps some other epithet will be found for him. "PuffingBilly" is one of his titles among English officers, taken from thename given locally to Stephenson's first locomotive. But history hasmany ranks in her peerage and many epithets at her disposal--great, good, fair, lionhearted, silent--_that_ the Emperor will not have--anda host more. Maybe the greatest rulers were those whom history, asthough in despair of finding a single term with which to do themjustice, has refrained from decorating. Timur, Akbar, Attila, JuliusCæsar, Elizabeth, Victoria, Napoleon have no epithets, and need none. However, it is clear that a verdict on the Emperor's deserts ispremature. Suppose him at the bar of history. The case is stillproceeding, the evidence is not complete, counsel have not been heard, and--most obvious defect of any--the jury has not been impanelled. 

More than half a century has passed since the Emperor was born. Howtime flies!

 "Alas, alas, O Postumus, Postumus, The years glide by and are lost to us, lost to us. "

But not the memories they enshrine. It is, let us imagine, the nightof the Emperor's Jubilee, and he lies in the old Schloss, still awake, reflecting on the past. What a multitude of happenings, gay and grave, throng to his recollection, what a glorious and crowded canvas unrollsitself before his mental vision! The toy steamer on the Havel; thegames in the palace corridors, with the grim features of the GreatElector betrayed, one is tempted to think, into a half-smile as hewatches the innocent gaiety of the romping children from the oldwainscoted walls; the irksome but disciplinary hours in the Casselschoolroom; the youthful escapades with those carefree Borussiancomrades at the university on the broad bosom of Father Rhine; theexcursions and picnics among the Seven Hills; the visits to England, its crowded and bustling capital, its country seats with theirpleasant lawns and stately oaks; the war-ships in the Solent, withtheir black mass and frowning guns, as they towered, like Milton'sLeviathan, above his head. 

What a good time it was, and how rich in manifold and picturesqueimpressions!

The canvas continues to unroll and a literary period opens--that agebetween youth and manhood, of all ages most passionate and ideal, whenwe are enthralled and moved by what we read--by those studies which

 "_adolescentiam agunt, senectutem oblectant, secundas res ornant, adversis perfugium ac solatium præbent, delectant domi, non impediunt foris; pernoctant nobiscum, peregrinantur, rusticantur_. "

It was the Lohengrin period, when, filled with the ardour andimaginativeness of high-souled youth, the future Emperor was dimlythinking of all he would do in the days to come for the happiness andprosperity of his people, nay, of all mankind. 

Another tableau presents itself. Life has now become real and theEmperor's soldiering days have begun--never to conclude! His regimentis his world; parades and drills, the orderly-room and the barracksquare occupy his time; and would seem monotonous and hard but for thelittle Eden with its Eve close beside them. 

The Emperor turns uneasily, for his thoughts recur to the painfulcircumstances of his accession; but calmness soon succeeds as thecurtain rises on the splendid panorama of the reign. He sees himself, a young and hitherto unknown actor, leaving the wings and taking thevery centre of the stage, while the vast audience sits silent andattentive, as yet hardly grasping the significance of his words andgestures, emphatic though they are. And then he recalls the years of_Sturm und Drang_, the growth of Empire in spite of grudging rivalsand of fellow-countrymen as yet not wholly conscious of theirdestinies, which one can now see constituted a whole drama inthemselves, fraught with great consequences to the world. 

But we are keeping the Emperor awake when he should be left towell-deserved repose. He has doubtless half forgotten it all; theBismarck episode is one of those

 "... Old, unhappy, far-off things And battles long ago"

of which the poet sings. One unquiet political care excepted, all therest must be pleasant for him to remember--the rising with the dawn, the hurried little breakfast with the Empress, the pawing horses ofthe adjutants and escort in the courtyard of the palace; the constanttravelling in and far beyond the Empire; the incessant speech-making, with its appeals to the past and its promises, nobly realized, of"splendid days" in the future--its calls to the people to arms, to thesea, to the workshop, to school, to church, to anything praiseworthy, provided only it was action for the common good; the dockyards in Kieland Danzig, with their noise of "busy hammers closing rivets up"; theever-swelling trade statistics; and the proud feeling that at last hiscountry was coming into her own. 

Even the sensation the Emperor caused from time to time in othercountries must have had a certain charm for him--endless telegrams, endless scathing editorials, endless movement and excitement. There isno fun like work, they say. The Emperor worked hard and enjoyedworking. It was the "personal regiment, " maybe, and it could not lastfor ever; but while it did it was doubtless very gratifying, and, notwithstanding all his critics say, magnificently successful. 

Those strenuous times are long over, and if strenuous times have yetto come they will find the Emperor alert and knowing better how todeal with them. He has, one may be sure, no thoughts of well-earnedrest or dignified repose--he probably never will, with his strongconception of duty and his interest in the fortunes of his Empire. Still, he is a good deal changed. Time has taught him more than hisearly tutor, worthy Dr. Hinzpeter, ever taught him; and if his springwas boisterous, and his summer gusty and uncertain, a mellow autumngives promise of a hale and kindly winter. 

INDEX

Abdul Aziz, 259. 

Absolutism, 2, 295, 368 _seq_. 

Accession, date, I; period, 69 _seq_. 

Achilleion, 317. 

Aegir, Song to, 224. 

Agadir, 264 _seq_. 

Alexandra, Queen, 327. 

Algeciras Conference, 261 _seq_. ; Act of, 262. 

Alsace-Lorraine, 84 _seq_. 

America, art exhibition, 222; Germany and, 238; Frederick the Great and, 242; squadron at Kiel, 244; commercial relations with, 331, 380 _seq_. 

Anarchism, 42 _seq_. 

Anglo-French Agreement, 1904, 259 _seq_. 

Anglo-German Agreement, 1890, 140; 1904, 335; relations, 4-7, 243, 282, 335 _seq_. 

Anglo-Japanese Agreement, 201. 

Anti-Semites, 178. 

Arbitration, compulsory, 340. 

Aristocracy, German, 114. 

Armament, limitation of, 340. 

Army, accession speech to, 69; importance of, 71; true character of, 285; Emperor and, 294. 

Art, Emperor on, 202, 205 _seq_. ; speech to sculptors, 207; German ideals, 218. 

Attempt on, Emperor, 202; on William I, 42. 

Augusta, Empress, wife of William I, 43, 45. 

Auguste, Victoria, present Empress, 37 _seq_. 

"Babel und Bibel, " 246. 

Baghdad railway, 200. 

Balkans, 339. 

Ballin, 367. 

Battenberg affair, 55. 

Bebel, August, 58, 90, 359. _See_ Social Democracy

Bennigsen, von, 13. 

Berlin palace (Schloss), 114. 

Bethmann Hollweg, 322 _seq_. 

Biedermeier time, 167. 

Bismarck, 13; Empress Fred. And, 44; William I and, 43 _seq_. ; on Divine Right, 60 _seq_. ; on foreign policy, 76; resignation, 104, 133; Emperor and, 49, 131; "blood and iron" speech, 128; Emperor's account of quarrel with, 135; journey to Vienna, 141; death, 143. 

"Bloc" party, 281, 288, 322. 

Boer war, German policy and, 156, 303. 

Bonn, Emperor at, 29; address at, 203. 

Borussia, 30, 36, 203. 

Bosnia and Herzegovina, 329. 

Boulanger, 52, 76. 

Boxer troubles, 46, 194 _seq_. 

Brandon, 338. 

"Brilliant second" speech, 279. 

Brooks, Sydney, 361. 

Bülow, Prince von, 47; succeeds Hohenlohe, 187; fainting fit, 322; resignation, 322. 

Burgess, Prof. , 241. 

Butler, Dr. Nicholas Murray, 272. 

Byzantinism, 121 _seq_. 

Cadinen, 334. 

Camarilla, 277

Caprivi, von, 141; treaties, 141, 152 _seq_. ; chancellorship, 151. 

Caroline Islands, 151. 

Casablanca, 264. 

Centrum, 3, 280. 

Chamberlain, Mr. , 158, 258. 

Chamberlain, Stewart, 348. 

Chancellor, "responsibility, " 289 _seq_. 

China, relations with, 193; Boxer indemnity, 197. 

Chun, Prince, 197 _seq_. 

Churchill, Winston, 337. 

Colonial development, 148 _seq_. 

Commercial treaties, 152; American, 331. 

Conscription, 191. 

Constitution, German and British compared, 57. 

Corps, student, 30 _seq_. 

Crefeld, 278. 

Crown Prince, 14, 18; income, 112; marriage, 270; Indian tour, 328; at English coronation, 339; in aeroplane, 359. 

Court, comparison with English, 109; nobility, 113. 

Cowes, 75. 

_Daily Telegraph_, interview, 302 _seq_. ; text of, 304; Bülow and, 311 _seq_. ; Emperor's undertaking, 310. 

Delcassé, 261, 282. 

Delitzsch, Prof. , 246. 

Dewey, Admiral, 170. 

Dictator Paragraph, 86. 

Diedrich, Admiral, 170. 

Dingley tariff, 331. 

Disarmament, 317. 

Divine Right, 331 _seq_. 

Dreibund, _see_ Triple Alliance. 

Dreyfus case, 178. 

Dual Alliance. (Germany and Austria), 79; (Russia and France), 141. 

Duel, _see_ Mensur. 

Dynasty, _see_ Hohenzollern. 

Education, Emperor on, 98 _seq_. 

Edward VII, at Kiel, 253; visits Berlin, 323; funeral, 327. 

Elector, Great, 64, 72. 

Emperor, birth, 12; marriage, 37; brothers and sisters, 18; offspring, 40; first visit England, 20; at Bonn, 29; on Art, 207; and theatre, 355; on religion, 246; character, 363 _seq_. ; and people, 368, 372. 

Empress, present, marriage, 37; character, 39. 

Farmer, Emperor as, 334. 

Finance reform, 321. 

Fleet, English, at Kiel, 253; American, 244. _See_ Navy. 

Flora bust, 324 _seq_. 

Foreign policy, in Orient, 199 _seq_. ; Emperor's, 269. 

France, and Germany, 51; Franco-German Agreement, 1911, 266. 

Frankfort, treaty of, 153. 

Frederick the Great, death, 120; tomb, 121; and navy, 167; statue, 242; Emperor and, 251. 

Frederick III, 14; as Crown Prince, 45; last illness, 54. 

Frederick, Empress, 15 _seq_. ; Bismarck and, 44; death, 204. 

Future, "Our future lies on the water, " 203. 

General Elections, 280, 333. 

"Germans to the Front, " 245. 

Germany, "Greater, " 146; to-day, 366; foreign policy, 199, 269. 

George V, 174, 237, 339. 

George, Lloyd, speech, 336. 

Goluchowski, Count, 279. 

Goschen, Lord, 160. 

Government, dynastic not democratic, 56 _seq_. 

Great Elector, Emperor and, 72; German navy and, 166. 

Grey, Sir Edward, 338. 

Grieg, composer, 225; death, 287. 

Griscom, ambassador, 319. 

Guelphs, 333. 

Guildhall, speech at, 1891, 75; 1907, 283. 

Hamburg-Amerika line, 367. 

Hannover, 333. 

Harvard University, 272. 

Heine, 13, 374. 

Heligoland, 150. 

Henry, Prince, 18; sent Kiautschau, 165; visits America, 241. 

Highcliffe Castle, 285. 

Hill, Dr. D. J. , 318 _seq_. 

Hinzpeter, Dr. , 287. 

Hödel, attempt, 43. 

Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst, Prince, 47; character, 153; chancellor, 185; resigns, 187. 

Hohenzollern, 2, 11, 17, 23, 41, 56, 72; Divine Right and, 62 _seq_. , 332. 

Iltis, gunboat, 195. 

Italy, 261 _seq_. 

Jameson raid, Emperor's telegram on, 154; date of, 159. 

Jews, Emperor and, 378. 

Journalists, attack on, 329. 

Junker, 123. 

Ketteler, von, murder of, 195. 

Kiautschau, 145, 150. 

Kiel, canal, 144; first regatta, do. ; harbour, 168; American squadron at, 244; Edward VII at, 253. 

Koenigsberg, speech at, 332. 

Kruger, telegram, the, 154 _seq_. ; European tour, 155. 

_Kulturkampf_, Emperor and, 50. 

Labourdonnais, 167. 

Labour Party, 93. 

Leoncavallo, 253. 

Liberalism, Emperor and, 126. 

Liman, Dr. Paul, 62, 360. 

Limitation of armaments, 340. 

List, Prof. , 168. 

Lloyd George, speech, 336. 

Louise, Queen, 41. 

Luderitz, 149. 

Mackenzie, Sir Morell, 16, 54. 

Madrid Convention, 263. 

Magna Charta, Germany's, 1. 

Mahan, Captain, 164. 

Manila, 170. 

Marakesch, 264. 

Marble Palace, 118. 

"March Days, " 128 _seq_. 

Mensur, 29 _seq_. 

Menzel, painter, 179; death, 255. 

Moabit riots, 329. 

Mommsen, Emperor and, 251. 

Monroe doctrine, 240. 

Morocco, 255 _seq_. 

Navy, German, First Navy Law, 145; Prince William and, 163; early history of, 166; auctioned, 168; early proposals, 169 _seq_. ; legislative stages, 171; Grey's proposal, 317. 

New Palace, Potsdam, 116. 

Nobiling, attempt, 42, 90. "November Storm, " 289 _seq_. 

Open door, The, 257. 

"Our future lies on the water, " 203. 

Oxford university, 284. 

Palestine, 145; journey to, 176. 

Panther, 264. 

Parliament, introduction; parliamentary rule, 58; chancellor and, 291; Emperor and, 294; _See_ Reichstag. 

"Personal regiment, " 289, 296, 371. 

Peters, Carl, 149. 

"Place in the sun, " 204. 

Polypus, removed, 250. 

Potsdam, 199. 

Prussia, at Emperor's birth, 12; Diet, 293; electoral reform in, 316. 

Quinquennat, 152. 

Raid, Jameson, 159. 

Rationalism, 344, 369. 

Reaction, 123. 

_Realpolitik_, see _Weltpolitik_; in sport, 357. 

_Rechtstaat_, 369 _seq_. 

Reichstag, introduction, 280, 292 333, 377. 

Reinsurance treaty, 133. 

Religion, Emperor on, 246. 

Rhodes, Cecil, 284. 

Richard, Prof. , 370. 

"Roland von Berlin, " 253. 

Roosevelt, Alice, 241; president, 253; visits Berlin, 325 _seq_. ; professorships, 272. 

Russia and Germany, relations, 80. 

Russo-Japanese war, 252. 

Saladin, 177. 

Samoa, 151. 

Sans Souci, 119, 179. 

Sardanapalus, 235. 

Septennat, 53, 152. 

Seymour, Admiral, 195. 

Shimonoseki, treaty of, 193. 

"Shining armour, " 328. 

Social Democracy, introduction; Emperor and, 87; history of, 89; programme, 91; causes of, 94. Socialist laws, 103, 279 _seq_. 

Socialism, 92; _See_ Social Democracy. 

Sport, in Germany, 357. 

"Star of commerce, " phrase, 165. 

State, German interpretation of, 292. 

Stein, Dr. Adolf, 158. 

Stoessel, General, 195, 253. 

Stone, Melville, 242. 

Suffragettes, Emperor and, 332. 

Sultan, promise to, 145, 177. 

Swinemunde despatch, 244. 

Taku Forts, 195. 

Tangier, 256, 259; Emperor's speech at, 260, 268. 

Theatre, Emperor on, 230; Germans and the, 254. 

"Times, " the, 297, 299, 301, 324. 

Tirpitz, von, Admiral, 338. 

Tower, ambassador, 318. 

Trade Unionism, 92 _seq_. 

Transvaal, 156 _seq_. ; 303. 

Tree, Sir Beerbohm, 287. 

Treitschke, von, on Divine Right, 59; on Bismarck, 125. 

Trench, Captain, 338. 

Triple Alliance, Emperor on, 77; history of, 78; provisions, 79; renewals, 38, 339. 

"Urias Letter, " 142. 

Universities, England and Germany compared, 98. 

"Unser Fritz, " 14. 

Venezuela, 158, 239. 

Victoria Louise, Princess, 333. 

Victoria, Queen, 167; death, 201. 

"Von Gottes Gnaden, " 56 _seq_. ;. Doctrine to-day, 68. 

Waldersee, Countess, 45; Count, 46, 196. 

Weihaiwei, 194. 

_Weltpolitik_, 51, 144; Bülow on, 147; open door and, 201; foreign policy and, 201, 192, 201, 203. 

William I, career, 42; character, 43; death, 54; parliament and, 294. 

Williams, George Valentine, 232. 

Wyberg, Frank, 383. 

Zeppelin, Count, 358.